Chapter L: Tyerman (23)

After parting with Jonathan Edwards, Whitefield proceeded to New York. At Hertford and Weathersfield, on October 22, he "preached to many thousands, with much freedom and power." The day after, he had a congregation of four thousand at Middletown; and then rode to New Haven, where, says he, "I was most affectionately received by Mr. Pierpont, brother to Mr. Edwards of Northampton." Here he spent three days; and, of course, here he preached. At one of his services, the governor, the Council, and the members of the Lower House of Assembly formed part of his congregation. He also dined with "the Rev. Mr. Clap,[398] Rector of New Haven College, about one-third part as big as that of Cambridge, and containing about a hundred students." Here he took the opportunity of "speaking to the students, and shewing the dreadful ill consequences of an unconverted ministry;" and, at his lodgings, he collected £35 for his orphans in Georgia. Leaving New Haven, he preached at Milford, Stratford, Fairfield, Newark, and Stanford. On these occasions, many ministers were present, some of whom confessed they were not converted. Before entering the province of New York, Whitefield wrote:--

"I have now had an opportunity of seeing the greatest and
most populous part of New England. On many accounts, it
certainly exceeds all other provinces in America; and, for the
establishment of religion, perhaps all other parts of the world.
The towns all through Connecticut, and eastward toward York, in
the province of Massachusetts, near the river-side, are large
and well peopled. Every five miles, or perhaps less, you have
a meeting-house; and, I believe, there is no such thing as a
pluralist or non-resident minister in both provinces. God has
remarkably, at sundry times and in divers manners, poured out
His Spirit in several parts; and it often refreshed my soul to
hear of the faith of their good forefathers, who first settled
in these parts. Notwithstanding they had their foibles, surely
they were a set of righteous men. Many glorious men of God have
come out of their colleges. The civil government of New England
seems to be well regulated; and, I think, at the opening of
all their courts, either the judge or a minister begins with a
prayer. Family worship, I believe, is generally kept up; and the
negroes are better used than in any other province I have seen.
In short, I like New England exceeding well."

[398] The Rev. Thomas Clap, who died, at Scituate, in 1767, aged 63.
By some means, he became one of Whitefield's opponents, and will be
mentioned in subsequent pages.

Whitefield arrived at New York on Thursday, October 30, and was again the guest of Mr. Noble. Here he spent four days. He writes:--

"Friday, October 31. Preached in good Mr. Pemberton's
meeting-house. Two or three cried out. Mr. Noble could scarce
restrain himself; and, look where I would, many seemed deeply
wounded.

"Saturday, November 1. Preached twice, as yesterday, to very
crowded auditories, and neither time without success.

"Sunday, November 2. Preached in the morning with some freedom.
In the evening, the whole congregation was alarmed. Crying,
weeping, and wailing were to be heard in every corner, and many
were to be seen falling into the arms of their friends.

"Monday, November 3. Preached both morning and afternoon, and
perceived the congregations still increase. There was a great
and gracious melting among the people both times. Near £110
currency was collected for the orphans; and, in the evening, at
seven, we took boat, and reached Staten Island about ten."

For many months, Whitefield had been living and working in close connection with Presbyterian ministers. Most of them were ardent admirers of the young evangelist; but some were critical and distrustful. Hence the publication of a tract of thirty-two pages, with the following Presbyterian title: "The Querists; or, an extract of sundry passages taken out of Mr. Whitefield's printed Sermons, Journals, and Letters; together with some Scruples proposed in proper Queries raised on each remark. By some Church Members of the Presbyterian Persuasion."[399] The "Querists," in their preface, say, they "are at a loss what to make of some of Whitefield's expressions; if they have any meaning at all, we fear it is a bad one." The tract is calmly, but very keenly written; being, however, purely doctrinal, it is scarcely necessary to furnish an outline of its contents. Suffice it to say that Whitefield is treated fairly, though with great fidelity.

[399] This small pamphlet, first published in Philadelphia, was
reprinted in London, in 1741, with two letters appended, written
by the Rev. Charles Tennent and a minister in Boston; and also
Whitefield's "Answer to the Querists." (8vo. 52 pp.) Tennent's
letter is dated Philadelphia, October 16, 1740; and, after admitting
that Whitefield had used unguarded expressions, says: "I believe Mr.
Whitefield to be sound in the faith, and a most eminent servant of
Jesus Christ."

While at New York, Whitefield wrote an answer to the Querists, which was shortly published.[400] It is dated "November 1, 1740." A great part of this production is too minute to be interesting to the general reader. Whitefield, however, ingenuously confesses there are passages in his printed sermons that he regrets. He writes:--

"I think it no dishonour to retract some expressions that
dropped from my pen before God was pleased to give me a more
clear knowledge of the doctrines of grace. St. Augustine, I
think, did so before me. The Lord's dealing with me was somewhat
out of the common way. I received the Spirit of adoption before
I had conversed with one man, or read a single book, on the
doctrine of 'free justification by the imputed righteousness of
Jesus Christ.' No wonder, then, that I was not so clear in some
points at my first setting out in the ministry. Our Lord was
pleased to enlighten me by degrees; and I desire your prayers,
that His grace may shine more and more in my heart, till it
breaks forth into perfect day."

[400] The following is the title of an American edition: "A
Letter from the Rev. Mr. Whitefield to some Church Members of the
Presbyterian Persuasion; in answer to certain Scruples and Queries
relating to some passages in his printed Sermons and other Writings.
To which is added two Letters from Nathaniel Lovetruth to the Rev.
Mr. Whitefield, containing some exceptions to his aforesaid Letter.
Third edition. Philadelphia: printed, South Carolina, Charleston.
Reprinted by Peter Timothy, 1741." (16mo. 8 pp.) There is nothing in
_Lovetruth's_ letters that is worthy of being quoted.

Whitefield then proceeds to notice all the passages in his sermons to which the "Querists" objected, and adds:--

"And now, to convince you that I am not ashamed to own
my faults, I can inform you of other passages as justly
exceptionable. In my sermon on justification, I seem to assert
_universal redemption_, which I now absolutely deny. In my
'Almost Christian,' I talk of works _procuring_ us so high a
crown. In my sermon on 'the Marks of the New Birth,' I say,
'We shall endure to the end, _if we continue so_.' These,
and perhaps some other passages, though capable of a candid
interpretation, I now dislike; and, in the next edition of my
sermons, I propose to alter them. In the meanwhile, I shall be
thankful to any that will point out my errors; and I promise, by
Divine assistance, they shall have no reason to say that I am
one who hates to be reformed."

In 1739, there was published "An Abstract of the Life and Death of Mr. Thomas Halyburton;" with a "Recommendatory Epistle" by Whitefield, and a "Preface" of six pages by Wesley. In the "Preface," Wesley introduced his doctrine of Christian perfection; and, because Whitefield's "Recommendatory Epistle" stood in close connection with Wesley's "Preface," the "Querists" suspected him of holding Wesley's doctrine. In reference to this, Whitefield writes:--

"As for your insinuating that I countenance Mr. Wesley in his
errors, I do no such thing. I prefaced Halyburton's memoirs
before I saw what Mr. Wesley had written; and, since I have seen
it, have more than once said, 'If I had known what Mr. Wesley
had written, I would not have prefaced Halyburton at all.' I
have torn off that part of his preface from several of those
books which I have given away lately, and, by sundry letters,
have acquainted him in what, I think, in this particular, he
errs."

Whitefield then proceeds to deny the accusation that he was an Antinomian, and refers to the objections of the "Querists" concerning his favourable opinion of certain Quakers to whom he had been introduced; after which he continues:--

"I am no friend to casting lots; but I believe, on extraordinary
occasions, when things can be determined no other way, God, if
appealed to, and waited on by prayer and fasting, will answer by
lot now, as well as formerly.

"Do not condemn me for preaching _extempore_, and for saying I
am helped _immediately_ in that exercise; when thousands can
prove, as well as myself, that it has been so. Neither should
you censure me as one that would lay aside reading. I am of
Bishop Sanderson's mind, 'Study without prayer, is atheism;
prayer without study, presumption.' Blame not me for the warmth
of some of my adherents, as you call them. One of your ministers
knows how sharply I rebuked one of them, for his warmth, at
Fagg's Manor. I am for loving as brethren, and wish all would
imitate the lowly Jesus; but I cannot discommend those, who,
in the spirit of meekness, exclaim against dry, sapless,
unconverted ministers. Such surely are the bane of the Christian
Church.

"Some of the latter part of your queries, for your own, and not
for my sake, I shall not mention. I hope I can say with more
sincerity than Hazael, 'Is your servant a dog, that he should do
what you suggest.' But I pray to God to forgive you. He knows
my heart. My one design is to bring poor souls to Jesus Christ.
I desire to avoid extremes, so as not to be a bigot on the one
hand, or confound order and decency on the other. And I could
heartily wish that the reverend Presbytery, when they advised
you to publish your queries, had also cautioned you against
dipping your pen in so much gall."

Whitefield's answer to the "Querists" might easily be criticised; but, except as it reveals his principles and character, we are inclined to let it pass.

When he left New York on November 3, he proceeded to Philadelphia, which he reached five days afterwards. On the way, he preached at Staten Island, Newark, Baskinridge, New Brunswick, and Trenton. At the first-mentioned place, his pulpit was a waggon; and, in his congregation, a young man, in the greatest distress, begged him to pray for his conversion; and a grey-headed one told him, that, by his ministry, he had been brought out of darkness into light. Here also he was met by Gilbert Tennent, and by Mr. Cross, the minister of Baskinridge. Tennent told him of his glorious success in West Jersey and in Maryland; and Cross rejoiced his soul by relating "the great and wonderful things" he had recently witnessed in his congregations at Baskinridge. At Newark, after he had preached, the house, in which he lodged, was filled with young men, all weeping for their sins. At Baskinridge, he had a crowd of three thousand people. He writes:--

"In every part of the congregation, some one or other began to
cry out, and almost all were melted into tears. A little boy,
about eight years of age, wept as though his heart would break.
Mr. Cross took him up into the waggon, which so affected me,
that I broke from my discourse, and told the people that, since
old professors were not concerned, God, out of an infant's
mouth, was perfecting praise; and the little boy should preach
to them. After sermon, Mr. ---- gave notice of an evening
lecture in his barn. Mr. Gilbert Tennent preached first; and
I then began to pray, and gave an exhortation. In about six
minutes, one cried out, 'He is come, He is come!' and could
scarce sustain the manifestation of Jesus to his soul. The eager
crying of others, for the like favour, obliged me to stop; and I
prayed over them, as I saw their agonies and distress increase.
Most of the people spent the remainder of the night in prayer
and praises."

At New Brunswick, Whitefield received encouraging letters from Savannah, and wrote: "I resolved to give up the Savannah living. A parish and the Orphan House, which I must travel to provide for, as well as to preach, are too much for me." Here, also, he and Gilbert and William Tennent had prayer together, and arranged that Gilbert should go and help to carry on the work of God at Boston. "We parted in tears," says Whitefield; "but with a full assurance that we should see and hear great things before we met again."

Before proceeding farther, extracts from Whitefield's letters must be introduced. They were all written within two days after his arrival at Philadelphia.

The following was addressed to the Honourable Jonathan Belcher, Governor of New England, and refers to Gilbert Tennent's mission, just mentioned:--

"I snatch a few moments to send your excellency my
acknowledgments for all the honours received at Boston; they
are much upon my heart. Great things hath the glorious Emmanuel
done for me and His people on the way here. The word has been
attended with much power. Surely our Lord intends to set America
in a flame. This week, Mr. Gilbert Tennent purposes to set out
for Boston, in order to blow up the fire lately kindled there.
I recommend him to your excellency as a solid, judicious, and
zealous minister of the Lord Jesus Christ. He will be ready to
preach daily. I suppose his brethren" (the Presbyterians) "will
readily open their doors. May the Lord, at the same time, open
the people's hearts, that they may diligently attend to the
things that shall be spoken!

"Dear sir, the welfare of your own soul lies upon me night
and day. I remember your tears; I remember your excellency's
words, 'Mr. Whitefield, pray that I may hunger and thirst after
righteousness.' O how did these words rejoice me! May God give
you to see and follow the simplicity of the blessed Jesus!
Whilst you are in the world, may you not be of it! May you be
dead to magnificence, and alive to nothing but what leads you
directly to your God! Honoured sir, I make no apology for this
freedom. Your excellency bid me not spare rulers; no, not the
chief of them. Indeed, I long after your salvation. O that I
could do anything to promote it!"

To another friend, Whitefield wrote:--

"I arrived at this place" (Philadelphia) "last Saturday
evening, having preached at Staten Island, Newark, Baskinridge,
New Brunswick, and Trenton, in my way hither from New York.
A wonderful presence of God was observable at New York,
Baskinridge, and Newark. I preached here twice yesterday, and
also to-day, in a large house built by the people since I was
here last. The Lord highly favours me. I am more sick, of
myself, and more in love with Christ daily. He is a dear, dear
Master. O that all would love Him with all their hearts!"

Writing to Howell Harris, Whitefield exultingly remarks:--

"My soul is knit to you. We both speak and think the same
things. Jesus manifests His glory daily in these parts. His
word is like fire. Last week I saw many struck down. Our Lord
is working upon little children. America, ere long, will be
famous for Christians. Surely the candlestick will shortly be
removed from England. Little did I think, when Mr. E---- J----
wrote, that I should preach in all the chief places of America;
but that is now done. Glory be to rich, free, sovereign grace!
Perhaps, about spring, I may embark for my native country. O
Wales, thou art dear to my soul! Expect another journal shortly;
but wait till we come to glory, fully to see and hear what God
has done for your affectionate brother,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It was a mournful thing that almost the only one to whom Whitefield wrote complaining letters was his old friend Wesley. The following, though published elsewhere, is too interesting to be omitted. It was written on Sunday, the day after Whitefield's arrival at Philadelphia.

"_November 9, 1740._

"DEAR AND HONOURED SIR,--I received yours, dated March 11, this
afternoon. O that we were of one mind! for I am yet persuaded
you greatly err. You have set a mark you will never arrive
at, till you come to glory. I think few enjoy such continued
manifestations of God's presence as I do, and have done for
some years; but I dare not pretend to say I shall be absolutely
perfect.[401] Oh, dear sir, many of God's children are grieved
at your principles. O that God may give you a sight of His free,
sovereign, electing love!

[401] Whitefield evidently misunderstood Wesley's doctrine of
Christian perfection. Wesley never contended for _absolute_
perfection.

"But no more of this. Why will you compel me to write thus? Why
will you dispute? I am willing to go with you to prison and to
death; but I am not willing to oppose you. My heart is now much
affected. Indeed, I love and honour you. Dear, dear sir, study
the covenant of grace, that you may be consistent with yourself.
I fancy I shall embark for England about spring; but am not
yet determined. God shews me His goodness plenteously every
day. I dwell in Christ, and Christ dwells in me. Glory be to
sovereign grace! I seem to have a new body, and the Lord Jesus
greatly enriches my soul. Oh! I am a poor sinner; but our Lord
frequently manifests Himself in such a manner, that it throws me
into an agony which my body is almost too weak to bear. Honoured
sir, adieu! Oh, build up, but do not lead into error, the souls
once committed to the charge of your affectionate, unworthy
brother and servant in the loving Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

We return to Whitefield's Journals. The young evangelist spent a successful and happy week among his friends in Philadelphia. He writes:--

"Sunday, November 9. Preached in the morning, to several
thousands, in a house built since my last departure from
Philadelphia. It is a hundred feet long, and seventy feet broad.
It was never preached in before. The roof is not yet up; but the
people raised a convenient pulpit, and boarded the bottom."[402]

[402] This is the house mentioned by Franklin. (See p. 377.) In the
1756 edition of his Journals, Whitefield says, "The house is now,
by consent, become an academy as well as preaching place; and, when
I was last at Philadelphia, I heard several youths speak in it so
oratorically as would have delighted even a Cicero or a Demosthenes"
(p. 428).

During the ensuing week, he preached in this roofless building twice every day, except one morning, when there was so much snow within the walls, that he was obliged to avail himself of a Presbyterian meeting-house. On Sunday, November 16, after his morning and evening sermons, he collected £150 sterling for his orphans; and, in the afternoon, baptized, in the unconsecrated edifice, five adult women. During his sojourn, he met Mr. Brockden, Recorder of Deeds, an infidel, upwards of sixty years old, who had been converted by his preaching, and who told him that now, "such were his communications from God, he thought he could die a martyr for the truth." Another of Whitefield's converts was a Captain H----l, formerly, says Whitefield, "almost a scandal and reproach to human nature. He used to swear to ease his stomach, and used to go on board the transport ships, and offer a guinea for every new oath" that the sailors had invented. "Now," writes Whitefield, "he is zealous for the truth, and shews forth his faith by his works."

There cannot be a doubt that Whitefield's preaching in Philadelphia was not only immensely popular, but also greatly blessed. He tells us, that, almost every day many were convinced of sin; and that several Societies had been formed, "not only of men and women, but of little boys and little girls."

On Monday, November 17, he bid adieu to his Philadelphian friends, and started for Savannah. On the way, he preached, as usual, to assembled thousands, at Gloucester, Greenwich, Piles Grove, Cohansie, Salem, Newcastle, Whiteclay Creek, Fagg's Manor, Nottingham, Bohemia, St. George's, Reedy Island, and Charleston. He arrived at Savannah on Saturday, December 13. He had been absent from his parishioners eighteen weeks, had travelled about a thousand miles, preached nearly two hundred times, and collected, in goods and money, upwards of £700 sterling for his Orphanage.

The following extracts from his letters will, it is hoped, interest the reader.

One of the places at which he preached, on his way to Georgia, was the Moravian settlement, called Salem; and here he seems to have met Peter Bohler. Hence the following to James Hutton, the distinguished Moravian in London:--

"BOHEMIA, MARYLAND, _November 24, 1740_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--I rejoice to hear that you are
married.[403] I salute your wife and my sister in Christ. May
you love one another as Christ and His Church!

[403] In this same year 1740, Hutton went to Germany, where
the Brethren considered it necessary that he should marry, in
order that there might be a sister in London to attend to the
work of God among the females. Hutton bowed to this decision:
proposed to Louise Brandt, a native of French Switzerland; and
was married by Count Zinzendorf, at Marienborn, on July 3, 1740.
("Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 56.)

"I have lately conversed closely with Peter Bohler. Alas! we
differ widely in many respects; therefore, to avoid disputations
and jealousies on both sides, it is best to carry on the work
of God apart. The divisions among the Brethren[404] sometimes
grieve, but do not surprise me. How can it be otherwise, when
teachers do not think and speak the same things? O how do I
long for heaven! Surely, there will be no divisions, no strife
_there_, except who shall sing with most affection to the Lamb
that sitteth upon the throne. Dear James, there I hope to meet
thee; for the dear Jesus, I believe, has locked thee fast in His
almighty arms. Lean thou on His sacred bosom night and day. Keep
close to Him, and be, what I long to be, a little child. My dear
brother, I should be glad to wash any of the Brethren's feet.
Indeed, I am now willing to be the servant of all. The more the
Lord honours me, the more I feel my unworthiness. Help me, dear
James, to praise my Saviour. A glorious church is rising in
America. The Lord mightily reveals His arm. It would please you
to see His stately steps in the great congregation. I only want
fellow-labourers.

[404] The allusion here is doubtless to the contentions at that
time existing among the Moravians in London.

"I desire you to print nothing against your conscience; only do
not immediately censure everything that may not seem clear to
you. Our Lord may guide me into things which as yet you may not
see into. The day of judgment will discover all. Adieu!

"Ever, ever yours in our blessed Emmanuel,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield made himself one with all who loved his Master--Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Moravians, Baptists, Independents, and even Quakers. "Give none offence," wrote the great Apostle, "neither to the Jews, nor to the Gentiles, nor to the Church of God. Even as I please all men in all things, not seeking my own profit, but the profit of many, that they may be saved" (1 Cor. x. 32, 33).

The last paragraph in Whitefield's letter refers to the fact that Hutton had been Whitefield's publisher. Whitefield now, however, had become such a decided Calvinist, that Hutton's conscience began to trouble him for printing and circulating doctrines which he disbelieved; and when Whitefield returned to England, a few months afterwards, one of the distresses awaiting him was Hutton's absolute refusal to publish any of his writings. He was losing the services of James Hutton on the ground of a difference in religious opinion; but, at the same time, he was securing the services of Benjamin Franklin, the printer and publisher at Philadelphia, to whom religious opinions were of no great consequence. The following was addressed to Franklin two days after the letter sent to Hutton:--

"REEDY ISLAND, _November 26, 1740_.

"DEAR MR. FRANKLIN,--I thank you for your letter. You may print
my life,[405] as you desire. God willing, I shall correct my
two volumes of Sermons,[406] and send them the very first
opportunity. Pray write to me by every ship that goes shortly to
Charleston.

[405] Doubtless the "Short Account of God's Dealings with the
Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, from his Infancy to the Time of his
Entering into Holy Orders," first published by James Hutton, in
1740.

[406] "Sermons on Various Subjects, in two volumes, by George
Whitefield. Printed for James Hutton, London, 1739."

"I shall embark for England, God willing, about February. I
desire I may hear from you there also, as often as possible. I
have prefaced '_Jenks_' and 'Presumptuous Sinners Detected.' Mr.
Bradford has the latter, because he said he was to print it. You
may have it of him. The 'Ornaments of the Daughter of Sion'[407]
you may have hereafter.

[407] All these were tracts by other writers.

"Dear sir, adieu! I do not despair of your seeing the
reasonableness of Christianity. Apply to God; be willing to do
the Divine will, and you shall know it. Oh! the love of God to
your unworthy friend,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield's tour through the British provinces of America had been a triumphal progress; but, after all, his happiness was not unmixed. He had come under the animadversion of certain ministers and members of the Presbyterian Church. He was full of anxiety concerning the "_stillness_" and contentions of the London Moravians. And, of course, the doctrinal differences between him and his old friend Wesley occasioned great disquietude. The following is another of the letters that passed between them:--

"BOHEMIA, MARYLAND, _November 24, 1740_.

"DEAR AND HONOURED SIR,--O that there may be harmony, and very
intimate union between us! Yet it cannot be, since you hold
_universal redemption_. But no more of this. Perhaps, in the
spring, we may see each other face to face. This evening, I
propose to embark for Georgia. Wonderful things our Lord brings
to pass, in these parts, every day. Here is a close opposition
from some of the Presbyterian clergy. The seed of the serpent
is the same in all, of whatever communion. I expect much more
opposition every hour. The devil rages in London. He begins
now to triumph indeed. The children of God are disunited among
themselves. The King of the Church shall yet over-rule all
things for good. My dear brother, for Christ's sake, avoid all
disputation. Do not oblige me to preach against you; I had
rather die. Be gentle towards the" (Moravians?) "They will get
great advantage over you if they discover any irregular warmth
in your temper. I cannot for my soul unite with them.

"Honoured sir, adieu.
"Yours eternally in Christ Jesus,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Wesley shrunk from disputation as much as Whitefield did. It is true, he had published his sermon entitled "Free Grace;" but it contained no mention of the name of his friend Whitefield. Wesley was ready to wage war with error, but not with his brother "George." The last letter which Whitefield had received from Wesley was the following:--

"LONDON, _August 9, 1740_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--I thank you for yours, May the 24th.[408] The
case is quite plain. There are bigots both for predestination
and against it. God is sending a message to those on either
side. But neither will receive it, unless from one of his own
opinion. Therefore, for a time, you are suffered to be of one
opinion, and I of another. But when His time is come, God will
do what man cannot--namely, make us both of one mind. Then
persecution will flame out, and it will be seen whether we count
our lives dear unto ourselves, so that we may finish our course
with joy.

"I am, my dearest brother, ever yours,
"JOHN WESLEY."

[408] See p. 389.

Whitefield's reply to this was dated "Bethesda in Georgia, December 24, 1740;" but more of this anon.

On his arrival in Georgia, Whitefield found his family removed, from his "hired house" in Savannah, to his newly erected Orphanage at Bethesda. He writes:--

"At my return, I found my orphan household removed from Savannah
to Bethesda, and great improvements made during the time of
my absence. The great house will be finished, God willing, in
about two months. It would have been finished by this time, if
the Spaniards had not taken a schooner laden with bricks and
other provisions to a considerable value; but God, about the
same time, stirred up the heart of a planter in South Carolina,
lately converted at the Orphan House, to send my family some
rice and bread. At other times, when they have wanted food, the
Indians have brought plenty of venison. My family now consists
of above eighty persons. Next year my expenses will be much
contracted; but at present I am in debt about £500 sterling.
However, I know in whom I have believed--One who is able to pay
it. My public accounts will be published as soon as I arrive in
London, with a prospect of the Orphan House and other little
houses and gardens annexed unto it."

Whitefield's "public accounts" were printed with the following title: "An Account of the Money received and disbursed for the Orphan House in Georgia. By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College, Oxford. London, 1741." (8vo. 45 pp.) The following is taken from his own published narrative:--

"When I left England, I proposed to take in only twenty
children; but, when I arrived in Georgia, I found, besides the
orphans, so many objects of charity among the poor people's
children, that I resolved in this, as well as in all other
respects, to imitate Professor Francke, and make a provision for
_their_ maintenance also.

"Two of the boys were put out apprentices just before I left
Savannah, one to a bricklayer, another to a carpenter; a third
is to be bound to the surgeon belonging to the Orphan House; one
weaves in a loom at home; two I put to a tailor, whom I brought
over; and the rest are now fitting themselves to be useful to
the commonwealth. Whoever among them appear to be sanctified,
and have a good natural capacity, I intend, under God, for the
ministry.

"None of the girls are put out as yet, but are taught such
things as may make them serviceable whenever they go abroad.
Two or three of them spin very well. Some of them knit, wash,
and clean the house, and get up the linen, and are taught
housewifery. All capable are taught to sew; and the little
girls, as well as the boys, are employed in picking cotton. I
think I have no less than three hundred and eighty-two yards of
cloth already in the house, and as much yarn spun as will make
the same quantity.

"I have now forty-nine children under my care; twenty-three
English, ten Scots, four Dutch, five French, and seven
Americans. Twenty-two of these are fatherless and motherless,
sixteen boys and six girls. Of the others, some are fatherless,
and some without mothers; all objects of charity, except three,
whose friends recompense the Orphan House for their maintenance.
One of the orphans is an infant. I pay four shillings a week
for nursing it. Since December last, we have had eighteen more
children who have been maintained occasionally, to assist their
parents, and been dismissed when they were wanted at home.

"Though the children are taught to labour for the meat that
perisheth, yet they are continually reminded, to seek _first_
the kingdom of God and His righteousness, and then to depend
upon God's blessing on their honest endeavours for having
food and raiment added unto them. I intend, when the house is
finished, to have this precept of our Lord written over the
entrance at the great door.

"As my design in founding the Orphan House was to build up souls
for God, I endeavour to preach most of all to the children's
hearts. But that they may be able to give a reason of the hope
that is in them, I constantly instruct them out of the Church of
England's Articles, which I turn into catechetical questions. I
am often pleased to hear how judiciously some will answer the
questions put to them. The power of God has been frequently
visible among them. Many of the girls seem to be tender-hearted.
Several of the boys have been under strong convictions.

"We are now all removed to Bethesda. We live in the out-houses
at present; but, in less than two months, the great house
will be finished so as to receive the whole family. It is now
weather-boarded and shingled; and a piazza of ten feet wide is
built all around it, which will be wonderfully convenient in the
heat of summer. One part of the house would have been entirely
finished, had not the Spaniards lately taken from us a schooner
laden with ten thousand bricks, and a great deal of provision,
with one of our family. But, notwithstanding this and many other
hindrances, the work has been carried on with great success and
speed. There are no less than four framed houses, and a large
stable and cart-house, besides the great house. In that, there
will be sixteen commodious rooms, besides a large cellar of
sixty feet long and forty wide. Near twenty acres of land are
cleared round about it, and a large road made from Savannah to
the Orphan House, twelve miles in length--a thing not before
done since the province has been settled.

"None but those on the spot can tell the expense, as well as
inconveniency, that attends building in Georgia. Most of our
bricks cost forty shillings sterling per thousand, when landed
at the plantation. Common labourers, besides their provisions,
have twenty-five shillings sterling a month. We have often been
in difficulties; but the Lord has relieved us out of them. When
the schooner was lost, a person, lately converted, sent us
eleven barrels of rice, and five barrels of beef. And, in my
absence, when my family had little or no provisions, the Indians
brought in plenty of deer, till they were supplied with food
some other way. The contributions in Charleston, New England,
New York, and Pennsylvania have been extraordinary.

The Infirmary, which has likewise been supported by this
institution, has been of great service. The surgeon informs me,
that, if every one had been obliged to pay for their nursing
and medicine, it would have cost them £200 sterling. I have now
three or four sick. I keep a woman to attend them constantly.

"God has blessed our family with health. Only two have died
since my arrival; and those were two who came with me from
England,--the tailor, and one of the women.

"I have left behind me, as my assistants (who have no other
gratuity than food and raiment), two schoolmasters, and
their wives, who are schoolmistresses; one young man, as
superintendent and chief manager of the outward things; the
surgeon, and his wife; a shoemaker, and a spinster; besides
labourers and monthly-hired servants: I think, in all, I have
upwards of eighty. The Lord, I am persuaded, is able and willing
to provide for them.

"I think we have near two hundred hogs, and a hundred head of
cattle. I give a man £40 sterling per annum, to take care of
them. As yet, we have had no advantage from our stock, it being
a very dry season last summer; so that our cattle of all kinds
have scarce food to eat. But, in a year or two, we hope to have
a considerable quantity of fresh provisions for our family.

"As for manuring more land than the hired servants and great
boys can manage, I think it is impracticable without a few
negroes. It will in no wise answer the expense.

"I am now several hundreds of pounds in debt, on the
Orphan-house account. Some particular friends have been pleased
to assist me; and I doubt not but our Lord will enable me to
pay them, and also will raise up fresh subscriptions for the
maintenance of my large family.

"Great calumnies have been spread abroad concerning our
management of the children. People shoot out their bitter arrows
in America, as well as in England. One poor man was filled with
such resentment at the reports he had heard of our cruelty to
the children, that he came one day, out of South Carolina, to
take away two of his boys, which, out of compassion, I had taken
into the Orphan House; but when he came, and saw the manner
in which they were educated, he was so far from taking his
children away, that he desired to come and live at the Orphan
House himself. I speak not this by way of boasting, or to wipe
off reproach; for I know, let me do what I will, I shall never
please natural men.

"God only knows the concern that lies upon me on account of
this family, not only in respect to their bodily, but their
spiritual provision. I hope all who wish well to Zion will help
me with their prayers, as well as with their alms, that the
establishment may be rightly styled _Pietas Georgiensis_, and
that, like the _Pietas Hallensis_, it may become the joy of the
whole earth. Even so, Lord Jesus, Amen, and Amen.

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD.
"_Bethesda, December 23, 1740._"

On a small scale, comparatively, Whitefield was endeavouring to imitate one of the most surprising institutions in Europe, the orphanage of Professor Francke, at Halle, in Germany. The "plan of elevation" of his "great house," as he calls it, is before us. The building, with a high roof, and belfry at the top, and also a colonnade all round about, consisted, first, of the large cellar already mentioned, and also "Mr. Whitefield's kitchen." On the ground floor, the entrance hall was a chapel; on the left was the library, and behind it the "orphan's dining-room;" on the right, "Mr. Whitefield's two parlours," with the staircase between them. On the second and third floors were "Mr. Whitefield's study" and "Mr. Whitefield's chamber;" the "manager's room;" two "bed-chambers" for the boys; the same for the girls; and five other chambers for general use. Behind the house was "Salt Water Creek," and at the front were the "peach orchard" and the gardens. Extending right and left, was the Orphan House estate, measuring five hundred acres, a large portion of it covered with oaks, pines, and hickory trees; a considerable portion consisting of swamps and marshes; and the remainder marked "good rice land." Considering the scarcity of labour, and the unfitness of Europeans for outdoor work in such a climate, it is hardly surprising that Whitefield began to see it would be "impracticable" to cultivate his land without the services of "_a few negroes_."

Whitefield's "great house" was, in reality, an orphanage, an infirmary, and a poor house all in one. Up to the present, it had cost him £3,358 7s. 5-1/4d. Towards this amount, he had received, in England and America, £2,530 2s. 9d.;[409] to which must be added a large number of valuable gifts in kind, embracing horses, hogs, sheep, geese, turkeys, and a cow; furniture, books, linen, crockery, glass, bricks, nails, pewter spoons, and a cannon; rice, butter, cheese, hams, sugar-loaves, coffee, tea, chocolate, pickles, candles, beef, treacle, pease, and flour; and "a large folio Turkey-leather Bible."

[409] See p. 349.

How did the young preacher regulate his large family? Fortunately, this is a question which can be answered. From a pamphlet, entitled "The Manner of the Children's spending their Time at the Orphan House in Georgia," it appears, that the children had to rise every morning at five o'clock, and that their first employment was to spend a quarter of an hour in private prayer. At six, all the family assembled in the chapel where a psalm was sung, and the second lesson for the morning expounded by Whitefield; or, if he were absent, in lieu of the exposition, the manager read Burkitt's or Matthew Henry's notes. At seven, Ken's morning hymn was sung, and extempore prayer offered. Between seven and eight, the children had their breakfast; and, at intervals, sang hymns. From eight to ten, they were employed at carding, spinning, picking cotton or wool, sewing, and knitting. Some had to clean the house, others to fetch water, and others to cut wool. Certain of the boys were "placed under tailors, shoemakers, carpenters," etc. At ten, all went to school, some to reading, and some to writing. At noon, all of them dined in the same room together; "and between that and two o'clock, every one was employed in something useful, but _no time_ was allowed for _idleness or play_, which are _Satan's darling hours to tempt children to all manner of wickedness_, as lying, cursing, swearing, and uncleanness; so that," continues the writer, "though we are about seventy in family, we hear no more noise than if it was a private house." From two to four, the children were again at school; and from four to six, at work. At six, they had supper, and singing. At seven, all the family assembled in the chapel, where a service was held similar to that at six in the morning. At eight, Whitefield catechised the children. At nine, they had some slight refreshment, and prepared for bed, each child, in private, again praying for a quarter of an hour. On Sundays, there were four public services, and "all the family dined on cold meat." There was "but one purse in the house, none having any other wages than food and raiment convenient for them."

The Orphan House now really became Whitefield's parish. To watch over it, and to provide for its necessities, furnished him with as much work as he felt at liberty to undertake. He writes:--

"1740. Monday, December 29. Enjoyed a very comfortable
Christmas at Bethesda. One woman, I trust, received Christ in a
glorious manner; and several others were brought under strong
convictions. Having appointed Mr. Barber,[410] who came with
me from Rhode Island, to take care of the spiritual, and Mr.
Habersham to superintend the outward affairs of the Orphan
House, and settled all things to my satisfaction; and being
called by Providence, on various accounts, to return to England,
I, last night, took a sorrowful and affectionate leave of my
family, and this day went to Savannah to take leave there. In
the evening, I preached at Savannah, and took my final leave of
the people, it being inconsistent with my other affairs to act
as their pastor any longer. Another minister is not yet come,
but is expected daily. I gave the trustees notice, in January
last, of my design to give up the parsonage. Blessed be God! I
am now more free to go whithersoever the Lord shall be pleased
to call me. I yet hope well of Georgia, though, at present, it
is in a very declining and piteous state. It will flourish,
I believe, when settled upon a religious foundation. Glory
be to God! I leave behind me some who love the Lord Jesus in
sincerity."[411]

[410] The following account of Mr. Barber is extracted from a pious,
but unfriendly, writer, and must be taken _cum grano salis_:--When
Whitefield came to America, Barber "esteemed him a wonderfully holy
man," and believed he would "be an eminent promoter of a glorious
revival of vital religion through the whole land." Barber, at
once, set to work, "and spent about a week in going from house to
house through all the parish of Oyster-Ponds, solemnly warning the
people, and exhorting them to repent, for the kingdom of heaven
was at hand. And this he did as one _extraordinarily instructed_
and _commissioned_ for that purpose." He then went through all the
parishes of Southold, where Mr. Davenport was pastor; and, "as he
counted his mission somewhat like that of our Lord's disciples,
who were sent before Him into every city, whither He Himself would
come, he _took no money with him_, neither _change of apparel_,
nor _shoes_, but was shod with _boots_; and, as he passed along,
he publicly declared that he "_had laid aside all study_ and
_forethought_ of what he should deliver in his _public speeches_ to
the people, and depended wholly on the _immediate direction of the
Holy Ghost_." He next proceeded to _Oldmans_, where "he abode some
months, and led an inactive and idle life, till he was grown very
_fat_ and _ragged_, alleging, in his justification, that he had
received _no direction from the Spirit to remove thence_, and must
remain there so long as _the cloud abode upon the tabernacle_." At
length, "he went to Rhode Island to see Mr. Whitefield, and joined
himself to him." ("Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in
New England." By Charles Chauncy, D.D., 1743, pp. 183-189.)

[411] Immediately after Whitefield's death, in 1770, a "Short
Sketch" of his character was published by an old friend, still
resident in Savannah, to the following effect: "Until within a few
years past, Mr. Whitefield has been constantly loaded with debt
on account of his Orphan House, although he was at the same time
traduced as a cheat, who, under the specious pretence of promoting a
charitable institution, was amassing great wealth to himself. When
he was the stated minister of this parish, the then inhabitants
of Savannah, and Highgate, and Hampstead, together with the
Saltzburghers of Ebenezer, and the people of Darien and Frederica,
all partook of his bounty to a very large amount, while he almost
denied himself the necessaries of life. He constantly performed
Divine service publicly very early every morning, and at the close
of the day every evening, when he always expounded part of the first
or second lesson. Every Sunday, he administered the holy communion,
and had public service four times during the day. His congregations
were very numerous; for, though there were many Dissenters in the
parish, there were few absenters. He also made it his daily practice
to visit in rotation from house to house, without any regard to
religious denominations or party distinctions." (_Gospel Magazine_,
1771, pp. 77-80.) There is nothing new in this, and yet it is
valuable as the testimony of a gentleman who was one of Whitefield's
parishioners at Savannah, and who says he was well acquainted with
Whitefield's proceedings.

No doubt, Georgia was in a "piteous state." The Spaniards of Florida were harassing the province; and Oglethorpe was doing his utmost to resist and punish them. To some extent, he had succeeded, but certain malcontents, in Savannah, were as busy as the Spaniards in endeavouring to ruin the colony. These men, under the leadership of a Doctor Tailfer, formed themselves into a club, which met at the house of one Jenkins, where they concocted the vilest machinations against Oglethorpe. Their object was to reduce the colony into such weakness and insignificance as to compel the trustees to gratify their desires for slaves and spirituous liquors, so that they might indulge to the extent of their wishes in idleness and dissipation. Tailfer and Williamson--the successful rival of John Wesley--hoped, by their agitation, to obtain a monopoly of the trade in negroes; and, because they were disappointed in their expectation, resorted to the most malicious and revengeful acts. To disturb the quiet of Savannah, they instituted races _within_ the town, from the gate of the Public Garden to the middle of Johnson's Square. They hired the most miserable hacks, and, by drink, obtained riders to contribute to their mischievous diversion;--the members of Tailfer's club being the principal betting men. Besides this, they published scurrilous pamphlets, one of which was sarcastically dedicated "To his Excellency James Oglethorpe." The writer, in his address to Oglethorpe, sneeringly remarks:--

"You have protected us from ourselves, by keeping all earthly
comforts from us. You have afforded us the opportunity of
arriving at the integrity of primitive times, by entailing a
more than primitive poverty upon us. The valuable virtue of
humanity is secured to us by your care to prevent our procuring,
or so much as seeing, any negroes (the only creatures proper
to improve the soil), lest our simplicity might mistake the
poor Africans for greater slaves than ourselves. And, that we
might fully receive the benefit of those wholesome austerities,
you have denied us the use of spirituous liquors, which might
at least divert our minds from the contemplation of our happy
circumstances."

From an early period, Tailfer had been turbulent, and his daily employment had been to misrepresent the public measures, disperse scandal, and incite discontent. At length, a short time before Whitefield left, Tailfer's club was dissolved; and the doctor and his crew migrated to Charleston.[412] "The fear of the Spaniards," says Stephens, "was what drove them away."

[412] "Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, pp. 265-276."

This account conveys an unfavourable idea of the state of Whitefield's parish--a parish, however, to which he had devoted but little service. Three years had elapsed since Whitefield had first embarked for Savannah. Ever since, he had been the nominal incumbent; and yet, during this whole period, he had spent only twenty-nine weeks and two days in the province of Georgia; Savannah, Frederica, Bethesda, and other places all included. Perhaps, if the parson had been more with his people, the demagogues, Tailfer, Williamson, and their gang, might have been less mischievous than they were. At all events, the tie between Whitefield and Savannah had been so slender, that there could be no great wrench when the young incumbent relinquished his living.

Whitefield left Savannah on New Year's Day, 1741; and arrived at Charleston on Sunday, January 4. Here he spent nearly the next fortnight. He preached twice every day, besides expounding in the evenings; and, as usual when at Charleston, he got into trouble. A Mr. Hugh Bryan[413] had written a letter, "in which it was hinted that the clergy break their canons." At the writer's request, Whitefield revised the letter for the press. The letter was published. Immediately Mr. Bryan was arrested; and, on being questioned, confessed that Whitefield corrected the letter, and made alterations in it. Upon this, on Saturday, January 11, a constable came to Whitefield with a warrant addressed "To all and singular the Constables of Charleston," to the following effect:--

"Whereas I have received information upon oath, that George
Whitefield, clerk, hath made and composed a false, malicious,
scandalous, and infamous libel against the clergy of this
province, in contempt of His Majesty and his laws, and against
the King's peace;

"These are, therefore, in His Majesty's name, to charge and
command you and each of you forthwith to apprehend the said
George Whitefield, and to bring him before me to answer the
premisses. Hereof fail not, at your peril. And for your so
doing, this shall be your and each of your sufficient warrant.

"Given under my hand and seal this 10th day of January, in the
fourteenth year of his Majesty's reign, Anno Domini, 1741.

"B---- W----."

[413] Not long after this, Hugh Bryan imagined himself to be a
prophet, and sent twenty closely written sheets, filled with his
predictions, to the Speaker of the South Carolina House of Assembly.
It was, also, rumoured that he was encamped in the wilderness, and
was gathering together all sorts of people--especially negroes;
and that he had procured firearms, for some secret and dangerous
purpose. Warrants were issued for his apprehension; but, before
they could be served, he discovered his delusion, confessed his
errors, and begged for pardon. The man was not traitorous, but mad.
In order to ascertain whether the "invisible spirit," with whom he
imagined he had held converse, was an angel or the devil, he nearly
drowned himself. A long account of the whole affair was ordered
to be printed by the House of Assembly, on March 3, 1742; and was
published in the Boston _Postboy_, of May 3, 1742.

On receiving such a formidably-worded document, Whitefield appeared before the magisterial magnates, confessed that he had corrected Mr. Bryan's letter for the press, and gave security to appear, by his attorney, at the next general quarter sessions, "under the penalty of £100 proclamation money."

This was on Saturday; and, as shewing that much of Whitefield's pulpit eloquence was impromptu, it may be added, that, next morning, he preached "upon Herod's sending the wise men to find out Christ, under a pretence that he intended to come and _worship_ Him, when in reality he intended to _kill_ Him." From this, Whitefield "endeavoured to shew how dreadful it was to persecute under a pretence of _religion_."