Chapter XI: Appendix: A.—See page 201

(Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. 1732.)

“The following fabulous Traditions and Customs of the Indians of Martha’s Vineyard, were communicated to BENJAMIN BASSET, Esq. of Chilmark, by THOMAS COOPER, a half blooded Indian, of Gay head, aged about sixty years; and which, he says, he obtained of his grandmother, who, to use his own expression, was a stout girl, when the English came to the island.

The first Indian who came to the Vineyard, was brought thither with his dog on a cake of ice. When he came to Gay Head, he found a very large man, whose name was Moshup. He had a wife and five children, four sons and one daughter; and lived in the Den. He used to catch whales, and then pluck up trees, and make a fire, and roast them. The coals of the trees, and the bones of the whales, are now to be seen. After he was tired of staying here, he told his children to go and play ball on a beach that joined Noman’s Land to Gay Head. He then made a mark with his toe across the beach at each end, and so deep, that the water followed, and cut away the beach; so that his children were in fear of drowning. They took their sister up, and held her out of the water. He told them to act as if they were going to kill whales; and they were all turned into killers, (a fish so called.) The sister was dressed in large stripes. He gave them a strict charge always to be kind to her. His wife mourned the loss of her children so exceedingly, that he threw her away. She fell upon Seconet, near the rocks, where she lived some time, exacting contribution of all who passed by water. After a while she was changed into a stone. The entire shape remained for many years. But after the English came, some of them broke off the arms, head, &c. but the most of the body remains to this day. Moshup went away nobody knows whither. He had no conversation with the Indians, but was kind to them, by sending whales, &c. ashore to them to eat. But after they grew thick around him he left them.

Whenever the Indians worshipped, they always sang and danced, and then begged of the sun and moon, as they thought most likely to hear them, to send them the desired favour; most generally rain or fair weather, or freedom from their enemies or sickness.

Before the English came among the Indians, there were two disorders of which they most generally died, viz. the consumption and the yellow fever. The latter they could always _lay_ in the following manner. After it had raged and swept off a number, those who were well met to lay it. The rich, that is, such as had a canoe, skins, axes, &c. brought them. They took their seat in a circle; and all the poor sat around, without. The richest then proposed to begin to lay the sickness; and having in his hand something in shape resembling his canoe, skin, or whatever his riches were, he threw it up in the air; and whoever of the poor without could take it, the property it was intended to resemble became forever transferred to him or her. After the rich had thus given away all their moveable property to the poor, they looked out the handsomest and most sprightly young man in the assembly, and put him into an entire new wigwam, built of every thing new for that purpose. They then formed into two files at a small distance from each other. One standing in the space at each end, put fire to the bottom of the wigwam on all parts, and fell to singing and dancing. Presently the youth would leap out of the flames, and fall down to appearance dead. Him they committed to the care of five virgins, prepared for that purpose, to restore to life again. The term required for this would be uncertain, from six to forty-eight hours; during which time the dance must be kept up. When he was restored, he would tell, that he had been carried in a large thing high up in the air, where he came to a great company of white people, with whom he had interceded hard to have the distemper layed; and generally after much persuasion, would obtain a promise, or answer of peace which never failed of laying the distemper.”

“_Inscription copied from a grave stone at Gay Head._

1 2 3
YEUUH’WOHHOK’SIPSIN’

4 5
SIL’PAUL’NOHTOBEYONTOK’

6 7
AGED’ 49: YEARS’NUPPOOP’TAH’

AUGUST’24TH1787.

EXPLANATIONS.

1. Here.
2. The body.
3. Lies.
4. Silas Paul.
5. An ordained preacher.
6. Died.
7. Then, or in.”

B.—See page 41.

In connection with the remarks in the foregoing pages on the climate and soil of New England, the following extract from a piece by Rev. John Higginson of Salem, 1629, will be read with interest. It is taken from the Collections of the Mass. Hist. Society, 1792.

NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION.

Or, a short and true DESCRIPTION of the Commodities and Discommodities of that countrey. Written in the year 1629, by Mr. HIGGESON, a Reverend Divine, now there resident. Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by Mr. GRAVES, an Enginere, out of New-England. Reprinted from the third edition, London, 1530.

Letting passe our voyage by sea,[47] we will now begin our discourse on the shore of New-England. And because the life and wel-fare of every creature heere below, and the commodiousnesse of the countrey whereat such creatures live, doth by the most wise ordering of God’s providence, depend next unto himselfe, upon the temperature and disposition of the foure elements, earth, water, aire, and fire (for as of the mixture of all these, all sublunary things are composed; so by the more or lesse enjoyment of the wholesome temper and convenient use of these, consisteth the onely well-being both of man and beast in a more or lesse comfortable measure in all countreys under the heavens) therefore I will indeavour to shew you what New-England is by the consideration of each of these apart, and truly indeavour by God’s helpe to report nothing but the naked truth, and that both to tell you of the discommodities as well as of the commodities, though as the idle proverbe is, _travellers may lye by authoritie_, and so may take too much sinfull libertie that way. Yet I may say of my selfe as once Nehemiah did in another case: _Shall such a man as I lye?_ No verily: It becommeth not a preacher of truth to be a writer of falshod in any degree: And therefore I have beene carefull to report nothing of New-England but what I have partly seene with mine own eyes, and partly heard and enquired from the mouths of verie honest and religious persons, who, by living in the countrey a good space of time, have had experience and knowledge of the state thereof, and whose testimonies I doe beleeve as my selfe.

First therefore of the earth of New-England and all the appertenances thereof: It is a land of divers and sundry sorts all about Masathulets Bay, and at Charles river is as fat blacke earth as can be seene any where: and in other places you have a clay soyle, in other gravell, in other sandy, as it is all about our plantation at Salem, for so our towne is now named. Psal. 76:2.

The forme of the earth here in the superfices of it is neither too flat in the plainnesse, nor too high in hils, but partakes of both in a mediocritie, and fit for pasture, or for plow or meddow ground, as men please to employ it: though all the countrey bee as it were a thicke wood for the generall, yet in divers places there is much ground cleared by the Indians, and especially about the plantation: And I am told that about three miles from us a man may stand on a little hilly place and see divers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to be, and not a tree in the same. It is thought here is good clay to make bricke and tyles and earthen-pot as need to be. At this instant we are setting a brick-kill on worke to make brickes and tiles for the building of our houses. For stone, here is plentie of slates at the Isle of Slate in Masathulets bay, and lime-stone, free-stone, and smooth-stone, and iron-stone, and marble-stone also in such store, that we have great rocks of it, and a harbour hard by. Our plantation is from thence called Marble-harbour.

Of minerals there hath yet beene but little triall made, yet we are not without great hope of being furnished in that soyle.

The fertilitie of the soyle is to be admired at, as appeareth in the aboundance of grasse that groweth everie where, both verie thicke, verie long, and verie high in divers places: But it groweth verie wildly with a great stalke and a broad and ranker blade, because it never had been eaten with cattle, nor mowed with a sythe, and seldome trampled on by foot. It is scarce to bee beleeved how our kine and goates, horses and hogges, doe thrive and prosper here and like well of this countrey.

In our plantation we have already a quart of milke for a penny: but the aboundant encrease of corne proves this countrey to bee a wonderment. Thirtie, fortie, fiftie, sixtie are ordinarie here: Yea Joseph’s encrease in Ægypt is outstript here with us. Our planters hope to have more then a hundred fould this yere: And all this while I am within compasse; what will you say of two hundred fould and upwards? It is almost incredible what great gaine some of our English planters have had by our Indiane corne. Credible persons have assured me, and the partie himselfe avouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of 13 gallons of corne hee hath had encrease of it 52 hogsheads, every hogshead holding seven bushels of London measure, and every bushell was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much beaver as was worth 13 shillings; and so of this 13 gallons of corne, which was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made about 327 pounds of it the yeere following, as by reckoning will appeare: where you may see how God blessed husbandry in this land. There is not such greate and plentifull eares of corne I suppose any where else to bee found but in this countrey: Because also of varietie of colours, as red, blew, and yellow, &c. and of one corne there springeth four or five hundred. I have sent you many eares of divers colours that you might see the truth of it.

Little children here by setting of corne may earne much more then their owne maintenance.

They have tryed our English corne at New Plimmouth plantation, so that all our several graines will grow here verie well, and have a fitting soyle for their nature.

Our Governor hath store of greene pease growing in his garden, as good as ever I eat in England.

This country aboundeth naturally with store of roots of great varitie and good to eat. Our turnips, parsnips, and carrots are here both bigger and sweeter then is ordinary to be found in England. Here are store of pumpions, cowcombers, and other things of that nature which I know not. Also divers excellent pot-herbs grow abundantly among the grasse, as strawberrie leaves in all places of the countrey, and plentie of strawberries in their time, and pennyroyall, wintersaverie, sorrell, brookelime, liverwort, carvell, and watercresses, also leekes and onions are ordinarie, and divers physicall herbs. Here are also aboundance of other sweet herbs delightful to the smell, whose names we know not, &c. and plentie of single damaske roses verie sweete; and two kinds of herbes that bare two kinds of flowers very sweet, which they say, are as good to make cordage or cloath as any hempe or flaxe we have.

Excellent vines are here up and downe in the woods. Our Governour hath already planted a vineyard with great hope of encrease.

Also, mulberries, plums, raspberries, corrance, chesnuts, filberds, walnuts, smalnuts, hurtleberies, and hawes of whitethorne neere as good as our cherries in England, they grow in plentie here.

For wood there is no better in the world I thinke, here being foure sorts of oke differing both in the leafe, timber, and colour, all excellent good. There is also good ash, elme, willow, birch, beech, saxafras, juniper, cipres, cedar, spruce, pines, and firre that will yeeld abundance of turpentine, pitch, tarre, masts, and other materials for building both of ships and houses. Also here are store of sumacke trees, they are good for dying and tanning of leather, likewise such trees yeeld a precious gem called wine benjamin, that they say is excellent for perfumes. Also here be divers roots and berries wherewith the Indians dye excellent holding colours that no raine nor washing can alter. Also, wee have materials to make sope-ashes and salt-peter in aboundance.

For beasts there are some beares, and they say some _lyons_ also; for they have been seen at Cape Anne. Also here are several sorts of deere, some whereof bring three or four young ones at once, which is not ordinarie in England. Also wolves, foxes, beavers, otters, martins, great wild cats, and a great beast called a molke as bigge as an oxe. I have seen the skins of all these beasts since I came to this plantation excepting lyons. Also here are great store of squerrels, some greater, and some smaller and lesser: there are some of the lesser sort, they tell me, that by a certaine skill will fly from tree to tree, though they stand farre distant.

_Of the waters of_ New-England, _with the things belonging to the same_.

New-England hath water enough, both salt and fresh, the greatest sea in the world, the Atlanticke sea, runs all along the coast thereof. There are abundance of Ilands along the shore, some full of wood and masts to feed swine; and others cleere of wood, and fruitful to bear corne. Also wee have store of excellent harbours for ships, as at Cape Anne, and at Masathulets Bay, and at Salem, and at many other places: and they are the better because for strangers there is a verie difficult and dangerous passage into them, but unto such as are well acquainted with them, they are easie and safe enough. The aboundance of sea-fish are almost beyond beleeving, and sure I should scarce have beleeved it, except I had seene it with mine owne eyes. I saw great store of whales, and crampusse, and such aboundance of mackerils that it would astonish one to behold, likewise cod-fish in aboundance on the coast, and in their season are plentifully taken. There is a fish called a basse, a most sweet and wholesome fish as ever I did eate, it is altogether as good as our fresh sammon, and the season of their comming was begun when wee came first to New-England in June, and so continued about three months space. Of this fish our fishers take many hundreds together, which I have seen lying on the shore to my admiration; yea their nets ordinarily take more than they are able to hale to land, and for want of boats and men they are constrained to let a many goe after they have taken them, and yet sometimes they fill two boates at a time with them. And besides basse wee take plentie of scate and thornbacks, and abundance of lobsters and the least boy in the plantation may both catch and eat what he will of them. For my owne part I was soone cloyed with them, they were so great, and fat, and lussious. I have seene some myselfe that have weighed 16 pound, but others have had divers times so great lobsters as have weighed 25 pound, as they assure mee. Also heere is abundance of herring, turbut, sturgion, cuskes, hadocks, mullets, eeles, crabbes, muskles, and oysters. Besides there is probability that the countrey is of an excellent temper for the making of salt: For since our comming our fishermen have brought home very good salt which they found candied by the standing of the sea water and the heat of the sunne, upon a rocke by the sea shore: and in divers salt marishes that some have gone through, they have found some salt in some places crushing under their feete and cleaving to their shooes.

And as for fresh water, the countrey is full of dainty springs, and some great rivers, and some lesser brookes; and at Masathulets Bay they digged wels and found water at three foot deepe in most places: And neere Salem thay have as fine cleare water as we can desire, and we may digge wels and find water where we list.

Thus wee see both land and sea abound with store of blessings for the comfortable sustenance of man’s life in New-England.

_Of the aire of_ New-England _with the temper and creatures in it_.

The temper of the aire of New-England is one speciall thing that commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthfull place to be found in the world that agreeth better with our English bodyes. Many that have been weake and sickly in old England, by comming hither have beene thoroughly healed and growne healthfull strong. For here is an extraordinarie cleere and dry aire that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of a cold, melancholy, flegmatick, rheumatick temper of body. None can more truly speake hereof by their owne experience then my selfe. My friends that knew me can well tell how verie sickly I have bin and continually in physick, being much troubled with a tormenting paine through an extraordinarie weaknesse of my stomacke, and aboundance of melancholicke humors; but since I came hither on this voyage, I thanke God, I have had perfect health, and freed from paine and vomiting, having a stomacke to digest the hardest and coursest fare, who before could not eat finest meat; and whereas my stomache could onely digest and did require such drinke as was both strong and stale, now I can and doe often times drink New-England water verie well; and I that have not gone without a cap for many yeeres together, neither durst leave off the same, have now cast away my cap, and doe weare none at all in the day time: And whereas beforetime I cloathed my selfe with double cloaths and thicke waistcoates to keep me warme, even in the summer time, I doe now goe as thin clad as any, onely wearing a light stuffe cassocke upon my shirt, and stuffe breeches of one thickness without linings. Besides I have one of my children that was formerly most lamentably handled with sore breaking out of both his hands and feet of the king’s-evill, but since he came hither hee is very well ever he was, and there is hope of perfect recoverie shortly even by the very wholesomnesse of the aire, altering, digesting and drying up the cold and crude humours of the body: And therefore I thinke it is a wise course for al cold complections to come to take physick in New-England: for a sup of New-England’s aire is better then a whole draught of Old England’s ale.

In the summer time, in the midst of July and August, it is a good deale hotter then in Old England: And in winter, January and February are much colder, as they say: But the spring and autumne are of a middle temper.

Fowles of the aire are plentifull here, and of all sorts as we have in England, as farre as I can learn, and a great many of strange fowles which we know not. Whilst I was writing these things, one of our men brought home an eagle which hee had killed in the wood: They say they are good meate. Also here are many kinds of excellent hawkes, both sea hawkes and land hawkes: And my self walking in the woods with another in company, sprung a patridge so bigge that through the heaviness of his body could fly but a little way: They that have killed them, say they are as bigge as our hens. Here are likewise aboundance of turkies often killed in the woods, farre greater then our English turkies, and exceeding fat, sweet, and fleshy, for here they have aboundance of feeding all the yeere long, as strawberries, in summer al places are full of them, and all manner of berries and fruits. In the winter time I have scene flockes of pidgeons, and have eaten of them: They doe fly from tree to tree as other birds doe, which our pidgeons will not doe in England: They are of all colours as ours are, but their wings and tayles are far longer, and therefore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible hawkes in this country. In winter time this country doth abound with wild geese, wild ducks, and other sea fowle, that a great part of winter the planters have eaten nothing but roast-meate of divers fowles which they have killed.

Thus you have heard of the earth, water and aire of New-England, now it may bee you expect something to bee said of the fire proportionable to the rest of the elements. Indeede I thinke New-England may boast of this element more then of all the rest: For though it bee here somewhat cold in the winter, yet here we have plenty of fire to warme us, and that a great deal cheaper then they sel billets and faggots in London: Nay, all Europe is not able to afford to make so great fires as New-England. A poore servant here that is to possesse but 50 acres of land, may afford to give more wood for timber and fire as good as the world yeelds, then many noble men in England can afford to do. Here is good living for those that love good fires. And although New-England have no tallow to make candles of, yet by the aboundance of the fish thereof, it can afford oil for lampes. Yea our pine-trees that are the most plentifull of all wood, doth allow us plenty of candles which are very usefull in a house: And they are such candles as the Indians commonly use, having no other, and they are nothing else but the wood of the pine tree cloven in two little slices, something thin, which are so full of the moysture of turpentine and pitch, that they burne as cleere as a torch. I have sent you some of them that you may see the experience of them.

Thus of New-England’s commodities: now I will tell you of some discommodities that are here to be found.

First, in the summer season for these three months, June, July, and August, we are troubled much with little flyes called musketoes, being the same they are troubled with in Lincolneshire and the Fens; and they are nothing but gnats, which except they bee smoked out of their houses are troublesome in the night season.

Secondly, in the winter season for two months space, the earth is commonly covered with snow, which is accompanied with sharp biting frosts, something more sharpe then is in Old England, and therefore are forced to make great fires.

Thirdly, the countrey being very full of woods, and wildernesses, doth also much abound with snakes and serpents of strange colours, and huge greatnesse: yea there are some serpents called rattle-snakes that have rattles in their tailes, that will not fly from a man as others will, but will flye upon him, and sting him so mortally, that hee will dye within a quarter of an houre after, except the partie stinged have about him some of the root of an herbe called snake-weed to bite on, and then hee shall receive no harme: but yet seldom falles it out that any hurt is done by these. About three years since, an Indian was stung to death by one of them, but wee heard of none since that time.

Fourthly and lastly, here wants as it were good company of honest christians to bring with them horses, kine, and sheepe, to make use of this fruitfull land: great pitty it is to see so much good ground for corne and for grasse as any is under the heavens, to ly altogether unoccupied, when so many honest men and their families in Old England through the populousnesse thereof, do make evry hard shift to live one by the other.

Now, thus you know what New-England is, as also with the commodities and discommodities thereof: Now I will shew you a little of the inhabitants thereof, and their government.

For their governors they have kings, which they call Saggamores, some greater, and some lesser, according to the number of their subjects.

The greatest Saggamores about us can not make above three hundred men,[48] and other lesse Saggamores have not above fifteen subjects, and others neere about us but two.

Their subjects above twelve years since[49] were swept away by a great and grievous plague that was amongst them, so that there are verie few left to inhabite the country.

The Indians are not able to make use of the one fourth part of the land, neither have they any settled places, as townes to dwell in, nor any ground as they challenge for their own possession, but change their habitation from place to place.

For their statures, they are a tall and strong limmed people, their colours are tawney, they goe naked, save onely they are in part covered with beasts skins on one of their shoulders, and weare something before; their haire is generally blacke, and cut before like our gentlewomen, and one locke longer than the rest, much like to our gentelmen, which fashion I thinke came from hence into England.

For their weapons, they have bowes and arrowes, some of them headed with bone, and some with brasse: I have sent you some of them for an example.

The men for the most part live idely, they do nothing but hunt and fish: Their wives set their corne and doe all their other worke. They have little houshold stuffe, as a kettle, and some other vessels like trayes, spoones, dishes, and baskets.

Their houses are verie little and homely, being made with small poles pricked into the ground, and so bended and fastened at the tops, and on the sides they are matted with boughs and covered on the roof with sedge and old mats, and for their beds that they take their rest on, they have a mat.

They doe generally professe to like well of our coming and planting here; partly because their is abundance of ground that they cannot possesse nor make use of, and partly because our being here will bee a meanes both of relief to them when they want, and also a defence from their enemies, wherewith (I say) before this plantation began, they were often indangered.

For their religion they do worship two Gods, a good God and an evil God: The good God they call Tantum, and their evil God whom they fear will doe them hurt, they call Squantum.

For their dealing with us, we neither fear them nor trust them, for fourtie of our musketeeres will drive five hundred of them out of the field. We use them kindly; they will come into our houses sometimes by half a dozen or half a score at a time when we are at victuals, but will ask or take nothing but what we give them.

We purpose to learn their language as soon as we can, which will be a means to do them good.

_Of the present condition of the Plantation, and what it is._

When we came first to Nehum-kek,[50] we found about half a score houses, and a faire house newly built for the Governor, we found also aboundance of corne planted by them, very good and well liking. And we brought with us about two hundred passengers and planters more, which by common consent of the old planters were all combined together into one body politicke, under the same Governour.

There are in all of us both old and new planters about three hundred, whereof two hundred of them are settled at Nehum-kek, now called Salem: And the rest have planted themselves at Masathulets Bay, beginning to build a towne there which wee do call Cherton, or Charles Town.

We that are settled at Salem make what haste we can to build houses, so that within a short time we shall have a faire towne.

We have great ordnance, wherewith we doubt not but we shall fortifie ourselves in a short time to keepe out a potent adversary. But that which is our greatest comfort, and meanes of defence above all other, is, that we have here the true religion and holy ordinances of Almighty God taught amongst us: Thankes be to God, wee have here plenty of preaching, and diligent catechizing, with strict and carefull exercise, and good and commendable orders to bring our people into a christian conversation with whom we have to doe withall. And thus wee doubt not but God will be with us, and _if God be with us, who can be against us?_

[Here ends Master Higgeson’s relation of New-England.]

_A letter sent from New England, by Master GRAVES, Engynere, now there resident._

Thus much I can affirme in generall, that I never came in a more goodly country in all my life, all things considered: If it hath not at any time been manured and husbanded, yet it is very beautifull in open lands, mixed with goodly woods, and again open plaines, in some places five hundred acres, some places more, some lesse, not much troublesome for to cleer for the plough to goe in, no place barren, but on the tops of the hils; the grasse and weeds grow up to a man’s face, in the lowlands and by fresh rivers, aboundance of grasse and large meddowes without any tree or shrubbe to hinder the sith. I never saw, except in Hungaria, unto which I alwayes paralell this countrie, in all our most respects, for every thing that is heare eyther sowne or planted prospereth far better then in Old-England: The increase of corne is here farre beyond expectation, as I have seene here by experience in barly, the which because it is so much above your conception I will not mention. And cattle doe prosper very well, and those that are bredd here farr greater than those with you in England. Vines doe grow here plentifully laden with the biggest grapes that ever I saw, some I have seen foure inches about, so that I am bold to say of this countrie, as it is commonly said in Germany of Hungaria, that for cattel, corne, and wine it excelleth. We have many more hopefull commodities here in this country, the which time will teach to make good use of: In the mean time wee abound with such things which next under God doe make us subsist: as fish, foule, deere, and sundrie sorts of fruits, as musk-millions, water-millions, Indian pompions, Indian pease, beanes, and many other odde fruits that I cannot name; all which are made good and pleasant through this maine blessing of God, the healthfulnesse of the countrie which far exceedeth all parts that ever I have beene in: It is observed that few or none doe here fal sicke, unless of the scurvy, that they bring from aboard the ship with them, whereof I have cured some of my companie onely by labour.

C.—See page 204.

See Morell’s poem on New England, Mass. Hist. Coll., 1792.

D.—See page 222.

The following letter to King Charles II. accompanied the presentation of the New Testament in the Indian tongue. The letter was written and sent by the Commissioners of the United Colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven.

“To the High and Mighty Prince, Charles the second, by the
grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland,
Defender of the faith, &c.

“The Commissioners of the United Colonies in New England, wish
increase of all happiness.

“Most dread Sovereign,

“If our weak apprehensions have not misled us, this work will
be no unacceptable present to your Majesty, as having a greater
interest therein, than we believe is generally understood,
which upon this occasion we conceive it our duty to declare.

“The people of these four colonies (confederate for mutual
defence, in the times of the late distractions of our dear
native country) your Majesty’s natural born subjects, by the
favour and grace of your royal father and grandfather of
famous memory, put themselves upon this great and hazardous
undertaking, of planting themselves at their own charge in
these remote ends of the earth; that without offence or
provocation to our dear brethren and countrymen, we might enjoy
that liberty to worship God, which our own conscience informed
us was not only our right but duty; as also that we, if it so
pleased God, might be instrumental to spread the light of the
gospel, the knowledge of the son of God, our saviour, to the
poor, barbarous heathen; which by his late Majesty, in some of
our patents, is declared to be the principal aim.

“These honest and pious intentions have through the grace of
God and our kings, been seconded with proportionable success.
For, omitting the immunities indulged by your Highness’s royal
predecessors, we have been greatly encouraged by your Majesty’s
gracious expressions of favour and approbation, signified unto
the address made by the principal of our colonies; to which
the rest do most cordially subscribe; though wanting the like
seasonable opportunity, they have been till now deprived of the
means to congratulate your Majesty’s happy restitution, after
your long sufferings; which we implore may yet be graciously
accepted, that we may be equal partakers of your royal favour
and moderation; which hath been so illustrious, that to
admiration, the animosities of different persuasions of men
have been so soon composed, and so much cause of hope, that,
unless the sins of the nation prevent, a blessed calm will
succeed the late horrid confusions of church and state. And
shall not we, dread sovereign, your subjects of these colonies,
of the same faith and belief in all points of doctrine with
our countrymen and other reformed churches, though perhaps not
alike persuaded in some matters of order, which in outward
respects hath been unhappy for us,—promise and assure ourselves
of all just favour and indulgence from a prince so graciously
and happily endowed?

“The other part of our errand hither hath been attended with
endeavours and blessing; many of the wild Indians being taught,
and understanding, the doctrine of the christian religion,
and with much affection attending such preachers as are sent
to teach them. Many of their children are instructed to write
and read; and some of them have proceeded further to attain
the knowledge of the Latin and the Greek tongues, and are
brought up with our English youth in university learning.
There are divers of them that can and do read some parts of
the scripture, and some catechisms which formerly have been
translated into their own language: which hath occasioned the
undertaking of a great work, viz. the printing the whole bible:
which, being translated by a painful labourer among them, who
was desirous to see the work accomplished in his days, hath
already proceeded to the finishing of the new testament; which
we here humbly present to your Majesty, as the first fruit and
accomplishment of the pious design of your royal ancestors. The
old testament is now under the press, wanting and craving your
royal favour and assistance for the perfecting thereof.

“We may not conceal, though this work hath been begun and
prosecuted by such instruments as God has raised up here; yet
the chief charge and cost, which hath supported and carried it
thus far, hath been from the charity and piety of divers of
our well affected countrymen in England; who, being sensible
of our inability in that respect, and studious to promote so
good a work, contributed large sums of money, which were to
be improved according to the direction and order of the then
prevailing powers; which hath been faithfully and religiously
attended, both there and here, according to the pious
intentions of the benefactors. And we most humbly beseech your
Majesty, that a matter of so much devotion and piety, tending
so much to the honour of God, may suffer no disappointment
through any legal defect, without the fault of the donors,
or poor Indians, who only receive the benefit; but that your
Majesty be graciously pleased to establish and confirm the
same; being contrived and done, as we conceive, in that first
year of your Majesty’s reign, of this book was begun and now
finished the first year of your establishment: which doth not
only presage the happy success of your Highness’s government,
but will be a perpetual monument, that by your Majesty’s
favour, the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ was made known to
the Indians; an honour whereof, we are assured, your Majesty
will not a little esteem.

“Sir, the shine of your royal favour upon these undertakings
will make these tender plants to flourish, notwithstanding any
malevolent aspect from those that bear evil will to this Sion;
and render your Majesty more illustrious and glorious to after
generations.

“The God of heaven long preserve and bless your Majesty with
many happy days, to his glory, the good and comfort of his
church and people. Amen.”

E.—See page 182.

The Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians has been mentioned several times in this work.

About the year 1648, during the Protectorate of Cromwell, when the Presbyterians and Independents had influence in England, a Society was formed through the influence, it is believed, of Gov. Winslow, and called the Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians and others in North America.

It is somewhere stated respecting Cromwell that he had conceived a very extensive scheme for the universal propagation of the Gospel, borrowing the zeal and ingenuity of the Jesuits, and intending to meet and counteract their efforts everywhere. This scheme perished with him in his early death. Even the Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians, &c., did not long survive the restoration of royalty in 1660. But during its existence under the Commonwealth it rendered aid to Mayhew, Eliot, and others, the funds being applied here through the Commissioners of the four Colonies.

The Society being dissolved at the Restoration of monarchy under Charles II., an urgent application was soon made for another Society having the same name and objects. The honorable and distinguished Robert Boyle was President of the new Society. He had great wealth, and used it with profuse liberality. The celebrated Bishop Burnet was his almoner in many private as well as public charities. He distributed a thousand pounds a year for several years before his death among the French refugees in England. He also gave yearly, for a long time, the sum of three hundred pounds for the propagation of the Gospel in North America. Mr. Eliot’s letters to his noble benefactor, which may be found in the Collections of the Mass. Hist. Society, will be read with interest.

The Indian School, at Cambridge, was supported by the funds of this Society, and a building erected for it by the same. In 1665 there were eight Indian youths in that school. Eliot’s Indian Bible was printed at the expense of this Society, and cost £500, or not far from two thousand dollars.

For a few years, the General Court of Massachusetts granted five hundred dollars towards the object of this Society. At the suggestion of the Society the Governor issued a request for contributions in its behalf to the towns of the Commonwealth. About $1560 were collected.

This Society continues to this time. In 1800, its funds amounted to $20.000. At present they are not far from twice that sum. It is in the hands of members of the Unitarian denomination.[51]

F.

Letters of Mr. Eliot to Hon. Robert Boyle may be found in Mass. Hist. Coll. 1792. Also two interesting letters from the same in Francis’ Life of Eliot, pp. 250 and 267.

G.

See, for an account of the Missionary Labors of the Mayhews, Wilson’s Memoirs of Eliot, pp. 273-9.

H.

See Wilson’s Memoirs of E., p. 290.

I.

Mr. Eliot’s Observations on forming the Indian Alphabet, do. do., p. 284.

K.

For an account of Rev. William Leverich, and some other laborers among the Indians, see Wilson’s Memoirs, pp. 257-60, p. 278-99.

L.—See page 133.

The following petitions of Mr. Eliot have been copied for this work from the Mass. State Papers. The first is a temperance document which has not lost any pertinency or force by age.

_Petition of John Eliot to the —— General Court concerning the
Indians_,

SHEWETH,

That whereas the Indians have frequent recourse to English
townes and especially to Boston where they too often see evil
examples of excessive drinking with English who are too often
disgraced with that beastly sin of drunkenness. And themselves
many of them greatly delighting in strong liquors, not
considering the strength and evil of them, and also too well
knowing the liberty of the law which prohibiteth above half a
pint of wine to a man that therefore they may without offence
to the law have their half pint, and when they have had it in
one place they goe to another and have the like till they be
drunken. And sometime find too much entertainment that way by
such who keepe no ordinary only desire theire trade though it
be with the hurt and perdition of their soules. Therefore my
humble request unto this honored Court is this, that there may
be but one ordinary in all Boston who may have liberty to sell
wine or any strong drink unto the Indians. And that whoever
shall further them in their vicious drinking for theire own
base ends who keep no ordinary may not be suffered in such a
sinne without due punishment. And that at what ordinary soever
in any other towne as well as Boston any Indian shall be found
drunk, having had any considerable quantity of drink there,
they should come under severe censure. These things I am bold
to present unto you for the preventing of those scandalous
evils which greatly blemish and interrupt their entertainment
of the Gospel through the policy of Satan who counter worketh
Christ with not a little uncomfortable success. And thus with
my hearty desire of the gracious and blessed presence of God
among you in all your weighty affairs, I humbly take leave and
rest your servant to command in our Savour Christ,

JOHN ELIOT.

this 23d of the 8th 1648.

M.—See page 134.

The next petition is exceedingly interesting.

_To the Honorable the Governor and Council sitting at Boston
the 13th of the 6th, 1675. The humble petition of John Eliot_,

SHEWETH,

That the terrour of selling away such Indians in the Ilands
for perpetual Slaves who shall yield up themselves to your
mercy is likely to be an effectual prolongation of the warre
and such an exasperation of them as may produce we know not
what evil consequences upon all the land. Christ hath said,
“Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy.” This
[treatment] of them is worse than death. To put to death men
that have deserved to die is an ordinance of God and a blessing
is promised to it. It may be done in faith. The design of
Christ in these last days is not to extirpate nations but to
gospelize them. He will spread the Gospel sound the world
about, rev. 11. 15. The kingdoms of the world have become the
kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ. His sovereign hand
and grace hath brought the Gospel into these dark places of
the earth. When we came we declared to the world, and it is
recorded, yea we are instructed by our letters patent from the
King’s majesty that the endeavour of the Indians conversion not
their extirpation was one great end of our enterprize in coming
to these ends of the earth. The Lord hath so succeeded his work
as that (by his grace) they have the Holy Scriptures and sundry
of themselves able to teach their countrymen the good knowledge
of God. The light of the Gospel is risen among those who sat in
darkness and in the region of the shadow of death. And however
some of them have refused to receive the Gospel, and are now
incensed in their spirits unto a warre against the English, yet
by that good promise, Ps. 1:1-6, I doubt not but the meaning of
Christ is to open the door for the free passage of the Gospel
among them, and that the Lord will publish that word, v. 6. Yet
have I set my king on my holy hill of Syon, though some rage at
it. My humble request is if you would follow Christ his design
in this matter to promote the free passage of religion among
them and not destroy them. To send them away from the light
of the Gospel which Christ hath graciously given them unto a
place, a state, a way of spiritual darkness to the eternal
ruin of their souls is as I apprehend to act contrary to the
mind of Christ. God’s command is that we should inlarge the
kingdom of Jesus Christ. Esay, 54:2. Enlarge the place of thy
tent. It seemeth to me that to sell them away for slaves is
to hinder the inlargement of his kingdom. How can a Christian
[soule yield to act]—(these words are indistinct) in casting
away their soules for which Christ hath with an eminent hand
provided an offer of the Gospel. To sell soules for money
seemeth to me a dangerous merchandize. If they deserve to
dy, it is far better to be put to death under godly [rulers]
who will take care if meanes may be used that they may die
penitently. To fall away from all meanes of grace when Christ
hath provided meanes of grace for them, is for us to be active
in the destroying their soules when we are highly obliged to
seek their conversion and salvation and have opportunity in our
hands so to doe. Deut. 23:15, 16.[52] A fugitive servant from
his Pagan master might not be delivered to his master, but be
kept in Israel for the good of his soul. How much less lawful
is it to sell away souls from under the light of the Gospel
into a condition where their souls will be utterly lost, so
far as appertains unto man. All men (of reading) condemned the
Spaniard for cruelty upon this point for destroying men and
depopulating the land. The country is large enough, here is
land enough for them and us to, Prov. 14:28. In the multitude
of people is the King’s honor. It will be much to the glory
of Christ to have many brought in to worship his great name.
I beseech the honored Council to pardon my boldnesse, and let
the case of conscience be discussed orderly before the thing
be acted. Cover my weaknesse and weigh the reason and religion
that laboreth in this great case of conscience.

N.—See page 135.

The following petition of Mr. Eliot illustrates the kind interest which he took in the common and private affairs of the Indians. I have copied it from Mass. State Papers, (Indian Papers) 30. p. 15. 1639-1705.

PETITION THAT TWO INDIANS MAY HAVE THEIR DUE.

_The humble petition of John Eliot to this Honorable Court._

First in the behalfe of Totherswompe unto whom one of Uncas his
men doth owe 18 fathom of wampompeague for 6 beare skins and
he cannot obtain justice with ease and therefore doth humbly
intreat this honored Court to procure justice for him in this
particular. Phoxon well knoweth his demand is just and true, as
Thomas and Stanton can testify.

The other is in behalf of Anonganisch, who lost 17 fathom
which Uncas and his men tooke unjustly from him 3 years since
when they fell upon the Indians by Mr. Winthrop’s plantation,
and he saith that when his case was at this Court formerly
heard The Governour promised him that he should have justice,
and that doth embolden him to sue again in the case. The
bringing them to doe justice doth so far cause them to honour
and acknowledge God and therefore I humbly entreat your favour
in furtherance of the same, and so commending all your weighty
occasions to the blessing of the Lord.

Your worships servant in Jesus Christ,

JOHN ELIOT.[53]

O.—See page 48.

THE CHURCH IN ROXBURY.

(See Am. Quarterly Register, Vol. 8th.)

THOMAS WELDE, the first Minister of Roxbury, was a minister in
Essex, England. Refusing to conform to the requirements of the
Established Church, he sought the quiet enjoyment of the rights
of conscience in this country. He arrived in Boston, June 5,
1632, and entered upon the pastoral office in Roxbury, at which
time the Church was embodied. In 1641, he was sent as an agent,
with REV. HUGH PETERS, to England for the Province and never
returned.

JOHN ELIOT became teacher of the Church in Roxbury, Nov. 5,
1632. The next year he became colleague with Mr. Welde.

SAMUEL DANFORTH was colleague with Mr. Eliot after Mr. Welde
went to England. He continued in office 24 years.

NEHEMIAH WALTER, born in Ireland, came to Boston at the age of
16. Graduated at Harvard College, and was the third colleague
of Mr. Eliot. He had so good knowledge of the French Language
that he preached to a society of French Protestants while
their Pastor was absent. Whitefield called him “the good old
Puritan.” A well known publication of his is called, “The
Wonderfulness of Christ.”

THOMAS WALTER, his son, became colleague with his father, but
died 7 years after.

OLIVER PEABODY, son of the Missionary at Natick of the same
name, succeeded Mr. Walter, but continued only 18 months, and
died when on the eve of being married, aged 27.

AMOS ADAMS, was Pastor at Roxbury 22 years and died of the
epidemic which prevailed in the camp at Roxbury and Cambridge.
The title of one of his published Sermons was, The only Hope
and Refuge of Sinners.

ELIPHALET PORTER succeeded him and continued in office 51 years.

GEORGE PUTNAM, the present Pastor, was ordained colleague with
him, July 7, 1830.

A Church was organized in Roxbury, Sept. 18, 1834, composed of Members of Evangelical sentiments, and of the Orthodox Congregational denomination. It took the name of “ELIOT CHURCH.”

Rev. John S. C. Abbott was ordained Pastor, Nov. 25, 1835.

Rev. Augustus C. Thompson was ordained Pastor, July 27, 1842.

P.—See page 51.

ROXBURY “ELIOT SCHOOL FUND.”

“Eliot School Fund had its origin in the donation of Rev. John
Eliot, of Roxbury, well known as the Apostle to the Indians,
who, in the year 1689, conveyed an estate of about seventy-five
acres of land to certain persons and their heirs, as Trustees
for ‘the maintenance, support and encouragement of a school and
school master at that part of Roxbury, commonly called Jamaica
or the Pond Plain, for the teaching and instructing of the
children of that end of the town (together with such Indians
and negroes as shall or may come to the said school) and to no
other use, intent, or purpose whatever. This is the language of
the deed.’ (The fund was afterwards increased by donations.)

“The Eliot school fund consists (1840) of 89,699.94. The School
also possesses some real estate, which yields an annual income
of 8381.”

Report of the Committee on the School Fund, Roxbury. Auditor’s
Reports, 1831-1846.

The following are the principal of Mr. Eliot’s publications. It is remarkable that no entire Sermon of his has been preserved.

Answer to Norcott’s book against Infant Baptism.

The Harmony of the Gospels in the Holy History of Jesus Christ.

The Christian Commonwealth.

The Divine management of Gospel Churches by the Ordinance of Councils, constituted in order according to the Scriptures, which may be a means of uniting those two holy and eminent parties, the Presbyterians and the Congregational.

Indian Bible, Catechism, and Psalms of David in metre.

Baxter’s “Call to the unconverted,” translated into the Indian Tongue.

The Practice of Piety, translated into the Indian Tongue. This book was written by Lewis Bayly, for some time Chaplain to James the First. In 1792, it had reached the _seventy-first_ edition. The author was promoted to the see of Bangor, 1616. See Lib. Am. Biog. V. 245. Francis’ Life of Eliot. BIOG. BRITAN. Art. BAYLY.

Thomas Shepard’s Sincere Convert, translated into the Indian tongue.

Thomas Shepard’s Sound Believer, translated into the Indian tongue.

Indian Primer.

This little book has been of great help to linguists by the division of syllables in it for children, thereby giving learners of a larger growth some insight into the formation of Indian words.

NOTE.

The following appropriate conclusion to this volume came to hand just as the last pages were going to press.

THE CHOCTAWS TO THEIR WHITE BRETHREN OF IRELAND.—A meeting for
the relief of the starving poor of Ireland was held at the
Choctaw agency, on the 23d ult. Maj. William Armstrong was
called to the chair, and J. B. Luce was appointed secretary. A
circular of the “Memphis committee” was read by Maj. Armstrong,
after which the meeting contributed $170. All subscribed,
agents, missionaries, traders and Indians, a considerable
portion of which fund was made up by the latter. The “poor
Indian” sending his mite to the poor Irish!

[_Arkansas Intelligencer, April 3_.]

FOOTNOTES

[1] See Laws of Mass. I., page 77, Sect. 8, 9.

“_Whereas one end in planting these parts was to propagate the true religion unto the Indians_, and that divers of them are become subject unto the English, and have engaged themselves to be ready and willing to understand the law of God: It is therefore ordered that such necessary and wholesome laws which are in force, and may be made from time to time, to reduce them to civility of life, shall be once a year, if the times be safe, made known to them by such fit persons as the general court shall appoint.”

[2]

“Venient annis
Secula seris, quibus Oceanus
Vincula rerum, laxet, et ingens
Pateat tellus, Typhis que novos
Deteget orbes; nec sit terris
Ultima Thule.”

_Medea, Act. 3, v. 375._

[3] “America known to the Ancients.” Boston, 1773.

[4] Mather.

[5] Governor Bradford’s History of Plymouth.

[6] Mass. Hist. Soc., Coll. 1794., p. 206.

[7] Key, p. 213.

[8] See Appendix, B.

[9] See Appendix, C.

[10] Roger Williams’ Key, p. 26.

[11] Mag. B. III. Life of Eliot. Art. 1.

[12] Sparks’ Lib. Am. Biog. V. 9. Francis’ Life of Eliot.

[13] Mag. Book III., 499.

[14] Vol. III., p. 15.

[15] Book III. Art. IV.

[16] Jefferson’s “Notes on Virginia.”

[17] Newton. Dr. Homer, in his History of Newton says, “This son of the apostle Eliot was the first minister of Newton. His abilities and occupation in the ministry are said to be pre-eminent. Under the direction of his father, he obtained considerable proficiency in the Indian language, and was an assistant to him in the missionary employment, until he settled at Newton. Even after his ordination there, he imitated the manner of his father, devoting himself to the instruction of the Indians, as well as his own flock. Accordingly he preached statedly once in a fortnight to them at Pequimet, (Stoughton,) and sometimes at Natick.”

[18] Now owned and occupied by Warren Dutton and Horace Gray, Esqrs.

[19] “The first place he began to preach at was Nonantum, near Watertown, upon the south side of Charles River, about four or five miles from his own house; where lived at that time, Wabon, one of their principal men, and some Indians with him.” Gookin, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll, for 1792. Vol I.

“The place where Eliot first began to preach to the Indians, was at Nonantum, a hill at the northeast corner of Newton, nearly where Messrs. Haven’s and Wiggin’s houses now stand.” Moore’s Life of Eliot.

[20] Mag. Book III., Part IV. See Appendix, C.

[21] He who thinks that a belief in witchcraft, &c., was a peculiarity of New England, should look into Strype’s Ecclesiastical Memorials.

[22] He was not a Sachem, as frequently stated. See Mass. Hist., Col. IV., 19.

[23] The Day Breaking &c., p. 15.

[24] Shepard’s Clear Sunshine, p. 39. Hist. Coll. Vol. IV. 3d series. Shattuck’s Hist. Concord.

[25] Shepard’s Clear Sunshine, &c., p. 41.

[26] See page 19.

[27] See Bancroft’s History of the United States, Vol. I.

[28] See Sir Walter Scott’s “Demonology and Witchcraft,” Letter II.

[29] “Cleare Sunshine of the Gospel,” p. 46.

[30] Shepard’s “Cleare Sunshine.”

[31] See the Memorial of Mr. Eliot to the General Court, on this subject, Appendix L.

[32] Fast enough, if well enough.

[33] See Appendix, E.

[34] I. 172. Note. 1715.

[35] Mag. II, 511. _Philemon Holland._ See Rees’ Encyc., Aiken’s Biog. Mem. of Medicine. He was the _translator general_ of his age, a man of incredible industry. In Fuller’s Worthies of England we learn that Holland, having written several translations with one pen, made the following stanza:

“With one solo pen I writ this book,
Made of a gray goose quill;
A pen it was when I it took,
And a pen I leave it still.”

A familiar story is told of Gibbon, in writing the “Decline and Fall,” and that he presented the pen to the Duchess of Devonshire, who honored it with a silver case. These stories are probably fabulous. The contrivances which these men must have used to make one pen, or even one quill, do so much work, would deserve the appellation above quoted from Douglass, “otiosorum hominum negotia,” or, the notions of men who had plenty of leisure.

[36] II. 94.

[37] Magnalia I, 516.—See Appendix, G.

[38] Cotton Mather’s mother was the daughter of Mr. Cotton.

[39] See Appendix, M.

[40] Mass. Hist. Coll. 1802.

[41] This testimony from Richard Baxter, in favor of the Mathers, is valuable to those who have seen them decried by some modern writers.

[42] See Early Jesuit Missions, &c., by Wm Ingraham Kip.

[43] C. Mather.

[44] Mather’s allusion is probably this: In Gen. 23:2, where it is said that Abraham came to weep for Sarah, a letter, smaller than the rest, in the Hebrew word _to weep for her_ is believed by the Jewish critics to intimate that his grief was somewhat composed; (—“_luctum Abrahæ fuisse moderatum_.”—Poole’s Synopsis.)—ED.

[45] Magnalia I. 495.

[46] Essays, VIII.

[47] For the Journal of Mr. Higginson’s Voyage, see Hutchinson’s Collection of Papers, page 32.

[48] That is fighting men.

[49] 1617.

[50] Or Naumkeag. Salem.

[51] See Smith & Choules’ Hist. Miss. 1832, Vol. II.

[52] “Thou shall not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped,” &c.

[53] Those who are interested in the subjects referred to in other petitions of Mr. Eliot may find those petitions as follows:

Petition that the Indians may have more land, Mass. State Papers, 30, page 31.

Petition in relation to exchange of land with the Indians, do. do. page 81.

Statement of John Eliot respecting lands, do. do. pp. 99, 100.

Complains of wrong done to the Nipmucks by the Narragansetts, do. do. page 138.

Gookin’s and Eliot’s petition for lands for the Christian Indians, do. do. p. 286.

There are also some original MSS. of Mr. Eliot’s in the Hutchinson papers in the Library of the Mass. Historical Society, but they are somewhat illegible and of no special pertinency to the present work.