Chapter XXI: At Kasr-Es-Said
Muhamed es Sadek, Bey of Tunis, has two brothers, who, according to the local law of succession, are one after the other the rightful heirs to the throne. Ali the elder was born in 1817, and Muhamed Taib, the younger, four years later. They both live in stucco-fronted palaces at the Marsa, receive an ample income from the State Treasury as princes of the blood, are surrounded by a little band of courtiers and dependants, and appear on public occasions in all the glory of their diamond decorations. Ali is shrewd and rich, Taib is poor and credulous, and both of them inwardly hate the French with their whole heart. The heir- apparent is entitled to a _vizier_ of his own, and in the person of Sy Tahar Zouch he enjoyed the services of one of the cleverest and most capable men in the Regency. Both Ali and Taib had physicians- extraordinary attached to their persons, and I have already explained the influence which these functionaries are able to acquire. The stubbornness of Muhamed es Sadek concerning the Protectorate, had, at a comparatively early stage of the Tunisian question, induced M. Roustan to see what terms could be made elsewhere in case of necessity. Overtures were in the first instance made to Ali Bey through Sy Tahar Zouch, but neither one nor the other would entertain the proposals, and M. Roustan never forgot or forgave the rebuff. Sy Taib was a happy man amongst his greenhouses, his orange-trees, and his early lettuces, till M. Roustan held out to him the prospect of a crown. In his medical attendant M. Burguet, M. Roustan found a zealous ally, and Taib was soon persuaded that the throne overshadowed by the Protectorate was better than nothing at all. In a weak moment he consented to supplant his brother in the best interests of the mission of civilisation, and a French passport was given to him for the protection of his person, for which, M. Roustan says, he procured Burguet a present of 30,000 francs. Poor Taib’s dream of power was somewhat disturbed, when Madame Musalli and her brother appeared on the scene, bringing a framed portrait of M. Roustan as a guarantee of fair play, and asked for his signature to a bond for a large amount, to place his speedy elevation to the throne beyond the possibility of a doubt. On the 12th May, Taib Bey was ready to come to the Bardo under a French escort and accept everything that could be demanded of him within an hour of his proclamation. During the whole of that eventful afternoon, Taib Bey sat in a gilt coach before his palace door, waiting for the detachment of troops which was to conduct him to his new friends. Darkness came on and they never arrived. An hour after a short note informed Doctor Burguet that Taib Bey was no longer wanted. M. Roustan was entirely mistaken in his man; Taib amongst his hot-houses, orange groves, and vegetables was a very harmless individual, but Taib Bey, with the _idée fixe_ of ascending the Hassanite throne, and smarting under the blow of a wholly unexpected disappointment, became a formidable enemy. From that moment some of the bitterest opponents of the Minister Resident were to be found within his own camp, and the result has been disastrous to both parties. M. Roustan has lost his satrapy at Tunis, and poor Taib Bey, it is true, is at the Bardo—but half walled up in a prison.[41]
In the early morning of the 12th May, the troops of General Bréart, followed by those of General Maurand, were seen crossing the low hills which skirted the further extremity of the Manouba plain, and their approach could even be perceived from the “Abode of Felicity” itself. Before eight o’clock the interpreter Sumaripa was already at the palace. He brought a letter from M. Roustan saying that the President of the Republic had appointed General Bréart to negotiate a treaty with the Bey, and requesting that an audience be granted him forthwith. He also asked that the General be allowed to bring with him some of the French troops from Jedeida. The Bey ordered a reply to be prepared expressing his _gratification_ to see General Bréart, but declining energetically an interview with the troops. Before the letter was ready, the outposts of the French force reached the villas and gardens of Manouba, hardly more than a mile from the palace. Two hours later the main body of the troops with a battery of artillery arrived, and amidst a drenching downpour of rain occupied the Bey’s cavalry barracks and the old dwelling-house of Kheir-ed-Din, the latter by especial permission of the _Société Marseillaise_, under the care of whose agents it had been cleaned a few days previously.
The excitement in the city continued to increase, and nearly all the shops were closed. The interview on which the fate of Tunis depended was first fixed for noon and then postponed till four o’clock. Meanwhile the outposts were judiciously pushed up to within 200 yards of the garden behind Kasr-es-Said, and the cannons were so arranged as to be plainly visible from the upper windows. At three o’clock a long cipher telegram arrived from Constantinople. It commenced with these words:—“On no account sign any convention with France referring to a proposed protectorate. Say that you will submit the matter to us. The Porte is actively negotiating a satisfactory arrangement comprising the evacuation of your territory. Although it is unnecessary, we shall send a special commissioner to Tunis with two ships of war.” After reading it the Bey swore that no power on earth could induce him to disobey the injunction of the Sultan. A few minutes after this incident M. Roustan, now accompanied by Elias Musalli, reached the palace. At the door he was joined by General Bréart, who rode in the rain from the Manouba camp accompanied by about twenty officers of his staff and an escort of cavalry. The whole party (excepting of course the escort) immediately went upstairs into the very room in which I had seen the Bey a fortnight before. The General and his suite were fully armed, and the usual compliments were entirely dispensed with. Besides the Bey, the Prime Minister, M. Roustan, M. Conti, and General Musalli were alone present. The draft of the treaty was already prepared, and had been copied that morning in the French _Chancellerie_ at Tunis. General Bréart took the paper from his pocket and placed it before the Bey. The following is an exact translation:—
_Draft Treaty._
The Government of the French Republic and that of His Highness the Bey of Tunis, wishing to prevent for ever the renewal of the disturbances which have recently occurred on the frontiers of the two states _and on the coast_ of the Regency, and being desirous of drawing closer their ancient relations of friendship and good neighbourhood, have determined to conclude a Convention to this effect, in the interest of the two High Contracting Parties.
In consequence the President of the French Republic has named as his Plenipotentiary M. le General Bréart, who has agreed with His Highness the Bey upon the following stipulations:—
ARTICLE I.
The Treaties of peace, friendship, and commerce, and all other conventions actually existing between the French Republic and His Highness the Bey of Tunis, are expressly confirmed and renewed.
ARTICLE II.
With a view of facilitating the accomplishment by the French Republic of the measures which it will have to take in order to attain the end proposed by the High Contracting Parties, His Highness the Bey of Tunis consents that the French military authorities should occupy the points which they may deem necessary to ensure the re-establishment of order and the security of the frontiers and of the coast.
This occupation shall cease when the French and Tunisian military authorities shall have recognised by common consent that the local administration is capable of guaranteeing the maintenance of order.
ARTICLE III.
The Government of the French Republic undertakes to give constant support to His Highness the Bey of Tunis against any danger which may menace the person or dynasty of His Highness, or which may compromise the tranquillity of his states.
ARTICLE IV.
The Government of the French Republic guarantees the execution of the Treaties at present existing between the Government of the Regency and the different European Powers.
ARTICLE V.
The Government of the French Republic shall be represented near His Highness the Bey of Tunis by a Minister Resident, who will watch over the execution of the present instrument, and who will be the medium of communication between the French Government and the Tunisian authorities for all affairs common to the two countries.
ARTICLE VI.
The diplomatic and consular agents of France in foreign countries will be charged with the protection of Tunisian interests and of the nationals of the Regency. In return, His Highness the Bey undertakes to conclude no act having an international character without having communicated it to the Government of the French Republic, and without having previously come to an understanding with them.
ARTICLE VII.
The Government of the French Republic and the Government of His Highness the Bey of Tunis reserve to themselves the right to fix, by a common agreement, the bases of a financial organisation of the Regency, which shall be of a nature to assure the service of the public debt and to guarantee the rights of the creditors of Tunis.
ARTICLE VIII.
A war contribution will be imposed on the unsubdued tribes on the frontier and on the coast. A further convention will settle the amount of it and the method of collecting it, for which the Government of His Highness the Bey hold themselves responsible.
ARTICLE IX.
In order to protect the Algerian possessions of the French Republic against the smuggling of arms and munitions of war, the Government of His Highness the Bey of Tunis undertakes to prohibit any introduction of arms or of munitions of war by the Island of Djerba, the Port of Gabes, or the other ports of the south of Tunis.
ARTICLE X.
The present treaty will be submitted for the ratification of the Government of the French Republic, and the instrument of ratification will be returned to His Highness the Bey with as little delay as possible.
The Bey for some minutes even declined to look at the paper, and repeated several times that he did not understand French. At last it was handed to M. Conti, who made a running translation into Arabic. The following dialogue then ensued through the interpreter:—
“_Bey._—Will you give me a written translation in Arabic?
“_General Bréart._—What you have heard is enough.
“_Bey._—At any rate you will grant me twenty-four hours for consideration?
“_General Bréart._—Certainly not. I expect an answer before eight o’clock to-night, and shall remain here till I get one.
“_Bey._—May I lay the treaty before my Council?
“_General Bréart._—Do as you like between this and eight o’clock.”
The General and his _suite_ left the room. M. Roustan turned to the Bey and said that all he had told him was now verified. He added, “Your Highness has nothing to do but to sign, and if you decline to do so it does not matter, for there is another who will.” Musalli took the minister aside and whispered to him that his further resistance would be punished as high treason. “When you were last in France,” he said, “you became a French citizen, you are therefore amenable to the French military code, and unless the Bey signs to-night you will be _tried by court-martial and shot_.” M. Roustan and his friend then joined General Bréart. All that had happened was already known to the frightened councillors. One after another they voted for accepting the treaty; the president of the municipality alone told the Bey that his death was of no consequence compared with such a disgrace, and implored him to hold out at all costs. The Prime Minister, under the influence of Musalli’s communication, sided with the timorous majority. Even now the Bey hesitated, and his decision wavered in the balance. The chief eunuch approached him with a message. The ladies of the harem had seen the cannon and the soldiers from behind the lattice work of their windows, and implored him “_to sign and save their lives_.” Five minutes later he sent to inform M. Roustan that he accepted the inevitable. For the first time in his life he affixed in trembling characters the words Muhamed es Sadek Bey to a document written in a European language. Turning to the General, he said, “_Now_ at any rate you need not go to Tunis?” “Highness,” answered General Bréart, “I only receive commands from my own superiors,” and turning on his heel, quitted the room. As soon as he was alone the Bey could no longer control his feelings, and gave way to the wildest despair. He resolved even then, to make one more appeal to the suzerain whose allegiance he had an hour before cast off for ever. He ordered M. Conti to prepare a telegram explaining what had occurred and send it to Constantinople _viâ_ Sicily by the Palermo mail on the next day. The message was accordingly despatched:—
_Bey of Tunis to Grand Vizier._
The French forces, of which I had announced the arrival at Jedeida, approached on Thursday evening the central seat of my authority, and their commander, accompanied by a detachment of cavalry, came to my residence, and proposed to me to sign a treaty of peace imposed by France. He gave me four hours to consider, and declared that he would not withdraw till he had received an answer. Seeing myself under the pressure of an army near the centre of my authority, I was obliged to sign the treaty without having examined or discussed it, in order to save my honour and avert bloodshed. I notified at the same time to the commander that I acted under pressure and compulsion.
On the following morning the Bey inaugurated the new régime by investing General Bréart with the grand cordon of the Nichán. The sullen dissatisfaction of the townspeople could not be mistaken, and while General Bréart was still at the Bardo, a deputation came there to ask for some authentic information as to what had really been done. Mustapha and General Musalli received it. “Is it true,” asked an old scent-seller at the head of it, “that Tunis has been sold to France?” “Nothing could be further from the fact,” answered Mustapha, “the Khamírs having beaten the French, the latter have taken refuge under the shadow of the palace walls, and we are giving them bread until they go back to their own country.” Two days later M. Roustan was named Minister Plenipotentiary of the First Class and Minister Resident at Tunis, and Signor Cairoli’s cabinet was a second time overturned at Rome as a censure on his conspicuous diplomatic defeat.
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The last Punic war, Vol. 1 (of 2)Chapter XXI: At Kasr-Es-Said
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