Chapter XV: Letter IV: Roxbury, April 14, 1773 (4)

About the middle of January, and at night, the _liberty-pole_ was cut down by the soldiery, which enraged the inhabitants, and produced much disturbance and riot afterward between them and the troops. The soldiers posted up papers about the city against the sons of liberty which occasioned a considerable affray.—The opposition soon expressed their determination to preserve, by erecting a new _liberty-pole_, strongly secured with iron, to prevent its being demolished. The _May-poles_ in different parts of the continent had changed their names, or given place to _liberty-pole_, after the exhibition upon the liberty tree at Boston during the stamp act. The conduct of the soldiers was probably owing to the measures which had been taken the preceding month, in order to prevent the assembly’s granting money for the support of the troops. The assembly had in their former session, voted to supply his majesty’s troops quartered in the colony, which gave great umbrage. To quiet the people they made a unanimous declaration, that it should be the last supply they would ever grant, until their grievances were redressed, and it gave satisfaction. But the house in the present session, passed a vote for a further supply of £.2000 which greatly inflamed the minds of the inhabitants. Two papers were published upon the occasion: the one addressed _to the betrayed inhabitants of the city and colony of_ NEW-YORK, and signed A SON OF LIBERTY: the other signed LEGION, desiring the inhabitants to meet in the fields. The papers were voted _false_, _seditious_, and _infamous_ libels by the assembly, who desired the lieutenant governor to issue out proclamations, offering a reward for the discovery of the authors, £.100 for the first, and £.50 for the last A stripling who had been journeyman to the printer of the first, but discharged for bad behavior, allured by the proffered reward, lodged a complaint against his late master, who was terrified into a discovery of Mr. _M‘Dougall_ as the publisher. Mr. _M‘Dougall_ was by the chief justice’s warrant brought before him, and upon refusing to give bail was committed to jail. [Feb. 8.] In consequence of the second paper, about 1400 inhabitants met, and appointed Mr. _John Lamb_ to propound questions relative to the vote of the assembly. After explaining it, the question was put, “Do you approve of the vote?” _No_ was the answer. He proceeded, “Are you for giving money to the troops, on any consideration whatsoever?” It was again _No_. There were but about half a dozen for the affirmative upon either of the questions. He then asked, “Will you appoint a committee to communicate the whole of this transaction to your members?” _Yes_ was the word. They then appointed for the committee, Messrs. _Isaac Sears_, _Casper Wister_, _Alexander M‘Dougall_, _Jacobus Van Zandt_, _Samuel Broome_, jun. _Erasmus Williams_, and _James Van Vaurk_.—The meeting in the fields, and the transactions at it, were several weeks before the discovery and commitment of Mr. _M‘Dougall_. Mr. _Lamb_ was called before the house to answer for his conduct; but in the mean time the committee wrote to the speaker, acknowledging themselves, in every respect parties with him, and answerable for each step that had been taken, and ready to defend their conduct in a constitutional manner. When Mr. _Lamb_ appeared before the assembly, he told them that he had assembled with the rest of his fellow-citizens, and had proposed _questions_, which as a citizen, a freeman, and an _Englishman_, he had a right to do, and was surprised to hear it controverted. The house finding that they had to do with the men of sens and resolution, who were determined upon supporting the rights of their countrymen and fellow citizens, gave up the point and dismissed them. Their vote of £.2000 for the troops soon passed into a law: but the deficiency demanded by the lieutenant governor as arrears amounted to upward of £.1000 was left unpaid. Had there been a provision for the arrears; the compliance of the mutiny act would have been formal and complete. The matters were carried so far must be attributed to an extraordinary and sudden coalition in the assembly between politicians, who had long been at mortal variance.

[April.] The grand jury found a bill against captain _M‘Dougall_, but the trial was put off; and he was bailed out of jail.—When he house met again toward the close of the year, he was ordered to attend at their bar. The speaker asked him whether he was the author or publisher of the address, &c. He declined answering, and assigned his reasons. It was resolved, that in his reply he denied the authority of the house, and was therefore guilty of a high contempt. On his refusing to ask pardon of the house, he was ordered into custody, and the speaker issued his warrant to the jail-keeper of the city to receive and keep him prisoner until he should be discharged by due course of law. He remained in jail till the assembly was prorogued on the 25th of the following February 1771, when he was enlarged after a confinment of near three months. It was not till March the 27th that he was discharged from his recognizance, by the supreme court then sitting at _New-York_, (without having been brought to a trial) after having been under bonds for near twelve months, and suffered twenty and three weeks actual imprisonment. He was the first sufferer for liberty after the commencement of the united efforts of the American sons to frustrate the ministerial plans for encroaching upon, and eventually subverting their long claimed and enjoyed rights and privileges. This honor belongs to a gentleman born in Scotland, and who is indeed, what he signed himself, _A son of Liberty_. He bore his imprisonment with fortitude; but the disagreeableness of it was much lessened, and the disgrace of it wholly removed, as the citizens of the highest and best characters ladies and gentlemen resorted to the place of his confinement. His character as well as his case was good; so that the most virtuous espousers of the latter were neither afraid nor ashamed, by their repeated visits, to afford him their public countenance.

The _Massachusetts_ again demands your attention.

[May 31.] The new general court met at _Cambridge_; the house remonstrated against being held there, or at any other place than _Boston_; and by a majority of 69 out of 102, voted it to be a very great grievance, and resolved not to do business out of _Boston_; on which the lieutenant governor prorogued them.

[July 25.] They met again, but the assembly refused to do business; and in their message to Mr. _Hutchinson_, insited upon the right of people to appeal to heaven in disputes between them and persons in power, when there is an abuse of power; but they softened what they advanced, by saying “We would, however, by no means be understood to suggest, that this people have occasion at present to proceed to such extremity”; and yet they afterward added, “these and other grievances and cruelties, too many to be here enumerated, and too melancholy to be much longer borne by this people, we have seen brought upon us by the devices of the ministers of state.” They were prorogued afresh.

[Sept. 26.] They met a third time. The lieutenant governor told them that the garrison at the castle in the pay of the province was to be withdrawn by order of his majesty, and the fortress to be garrisoned by regular forces. His orders were to deliver the possession of the fort to such officer as general _Gage_ should direct to take the command of it. The information excited a suspicion in the assembly, who despaired of obtaing a removal to Boston by persisting in a refusal to do business; the leaders therefore procured this vote: [Sept. 29.] “Rosolved, that the next Wednesday [Oct. 3.] be observed by the two houses as a day of prayer, to seek the Lord for his direction and blessing,” which went up to the council, and was unanimously concurred. Men of profane cast are too prone to ridicule religion, because of its being made a stalking-horse to serve the purposes of politicians. Would they confine their wit and satire to the parties offending, the correction would be proper. But let not the well-intentioned and undesigning children of devotion, be charged with hypocritical canting, because they are imposed upon and duped by the subtelty of guides, who, like most thorough-paced politicians, can change themselves into angels of light, that they may perfect their devices.

[Oct 9.] The house resolved to proceed to business from absolute necessity, protesting against the restraint the general court was held under to do it out of _Boston_. A few days after, they sent to the lieutenant governor to know whether he held the command at the _Castle_. “If the custody and government of that fortress,” said they, “is now lodged with the military power, independent of the supreme civil magistrate within this jurisdiction, it is so essential an alteration of the constitution as must justly alarm a free people.” His answer was so worded, as to leave the assembly, in general, ground for concluding that the military in the castle were dependent upon himself the same as were the provincials. When he delivered it up, he repaired thither, sent for the keys, and upon colonel _Dalrymple’s_ coming into the state room with his officers, gave them to him, and lodged with him the custody and government of the fort; but retained some trifling appearances of superior command. He soon learnt, however, that he could not come at a flag when in want of it, or even oars for a boat, without applying to general _Gage_.

[Nov. 6.] The representatives resolved, that the merchants having receded from their non-importation agreement, &c. they would discourage prodigality, extravagance, and the use of foreign superfluities; and promote industry, frugality, and their own manufactures in the several towns they represented.

[7.] They appointed a committee of correspondence to communicate intelligence to the agents and others in Great-Britain, and to the speakers of their several assemblies through the continent, or such committees as they have appointed or may appoint.

Before the lieutenant governor prorogued them, he observed to them, that since they had discovered a resolution to remove unnecessary obstacles, they had done more business, notwithstanding all the inconveniencies from the place of holding the court, which they had insisted upon, than he remembered to have been done in the like space of time since he had shared in public affairs.

[April 3, 1771.] The following spring-session produced nothing very material, but afforded him the pleasing opportunity of acquainting the general court, in form, of his being appointed captain-general and commander in chief over the province. The council presented a congratulatory address, and expressed their satisfaction at his appointment. Upon the question in the house of assembly, whether to appoint a committee to prepare an address, their was a negative. The house, however, afterward requested the removal of the general court to _Boston_ which was not granted.

[May 29.] They met, as the year before, at _Cambridge_. In three weeks the assembly protested against his excellency’s convening them there, and afterward appointed a committee of correspondence.

[July 4.] The governor informed the house, that by his majesty’s instruction, he was forbidden giving his consent to such an act as subjects the officers of the crown to be taxed, by the assessors in the towns where they reside, for the profits which they receive from their commissions, although their offices have no relation to the province, so that the tax-bill must be qualified.

[5.] The house, by message, expressed their surprise and alarm at the reason assigned for his not assenting to the tax-bill, and said, “We know of no commissioners of his majesty’s customs, nor of any revenue his majesty has a right to establish in _North-America_. We know and feel a tribute levied and extorted from those, who, if they have property, have a right to the absolute disposal of it.”

Had it been known, how insignificant the taxes were which the officers of the crown were required to pay, it is hard to conceive how wisdom could have dictated such instruction, and have ventured to give a fresh disgust to those, who were already too much irritated. However, the governor’s instructions did not oblige him to confine the general court to _Cambridge_, and he might have removed them to _Boston_; but by showing a firmness in opposing their desires, while they protested against the restrant they were under, he meant to recommend himself to the ministry. By the same intention he was induced, in a great measure, to refuse his consent to the grants made to Mr. _Bollan_ and Mr. _De Berdt’s_ executors by this assembly, as he had done in respect to those made by the preceding. These refusals served to keep up the animosity.

The disposition to import goods into the Massachusetts, in defiance of the laws of revenue and trade, and to support such practices by open violences upon the officers, whose duty it was to carry the laws into execution, broke out upon many occasions; and, as usual, the magistrates declined giving their assistance and support, being in principle opposed to such laws, as fundamentally defective in point of rectitude. The like disposition to import goods prevailed in the other colonies; but there was no call to go into the like open violences.

[Dec. 3.] Mr. Otis, jun. was carried off in a post-chaise, bound hand and foot, his reasoning powers being wholly deranged. This calamity, which somewhat lessens the weight of opposition to ministerial measures, is to be imputed, not to any effects of the affray with Mr. _Robinson_, but rather to the high tone given to his animal frame by the strength of his passions, and a failure in the point of temperance. The sons of liberty would have sustained an excessive loss, had this event taken place in the early stage of the opposition; but the times had brought so many able persons of similar sentiments into the general court, who had been training for four years, and were conversant with the political management of public business, that the plans of the Massachusetts anti-governmental party suffered no derangement.

An opportunity now offers of mentioning, that Sir Alexander Gilmour, baronet, and George Dempster, esq. were the gentlemen who so nobly distinguished themselves by voting for the repeal of the stamp act, while all the other Scotch members present voted against it.

After what has been written and transmitted, you will judge yourself under an obligation to return me speedy information of all that is doing in Great-Britain relative to the American colonies.