Chapter XX: Front Matter (20)

‘And to the end that the fear of punishment may not engage any,
conscious to themselves of what is past, to a perseverance in
guilt for the future; by opposing the quiet and happiness of
their country, in the restoration both of king, peers, and
people, to their just, ancient, and fundamental rights; we do
by these presents declare, that we do grant a free and general
pardon, which we are ready upon demand to pass under our great
seal of England, to all our subjects, of what degree or quality
soever, who, within forty days after the publishing hereof, shall
lay hold upon this our grace and favour; and shall by any public
act declare their doing so, and that they return to the loyalty
and obedience of good subjects; excepting only such persons as
shall hereafter be excepted by parliament. Those only excepted,
let all our subjects, how faulty soever, rely upon the word of a
king, solemnly given by this present declaration, that no crime
whatsoever, committed against us, or our royal father, before the
publication of this, shall ever rise in judgment, or be brought
in question against any of them, to the least endamagement of
them, either in their lives, liberties, or estates; or as far
forth as lies in our power, so much as to the prejudice of their
reputations, by any reproach, or term of distinction, from the
rest of our best subjects; we desiring, and ordaining, that
henceforward all notes of discord, separation, and difference of
parties, be utterly abolished among all our subjects, whom we
invite and conjure to a perfect union among themselves, under our
protection, for the resettlement of our just rights, and theirs,
in a free parliament, by which, upon the word of a king, we will
be advised.

‘And because the passion and uncharitableness of the times have
produced several opinions in religion; by which men are engaged
in parties and animosities against each other, which, when they
shall hereafter unite, in a freedom of conversation, will be
composed, or better understood; we do declare a liberty to tender
consciences, and that no man shall be disquieted, or called in
question, for differences of opinion in matter of religion, which
do not disturb the peace of the kingdom; and that we shall be
ready to consent to such an act of parliament, as, upon mature
deliberation, shall be offered to us for the full granting of
that indulgence.

‘And because, in the continual distractions of so many years,
and so many and great revolutions, many grants and purchases of
estates, have been made to, and by, many officers, soldiers, and
others, who are now possessed of the same, and who may be liable
to actions at law upon several titles, we are likewise willing
that all such differences, and all things relating to such
grants, sales, and purchases, shall be determined in parliament;
which can best provide for the just satisfaction of all men who
are concerned.

‘And we do further declare, that we will be ready to consent to
any act, or acts of parliament, to the purposes aforesaid, and
for the full satisfaction of all arrears due to the officers, and
soldiers of the army, under the command of general Monk; and that
they shall be received into our service, upon as good pay and
conditions as they now enjoy.

‘Given under our sign manual and privy signet at our court at
Breda, this 14th day of April, 1660, in the Twelfth year of our
reign.’

The original of this declaration was sent to the House of Lords, and a duplicate in a letter to the House of Commons; and repeated and sent in a letter to General Monk, the council of state, and the officers of the army. Hereupon it was resolved by the parliament, to prepare an answer; and both in the House of Lords, and in the House of Commons, it was voted to proclaim king Charles at Whitehall, and in London, as lawful sovereign of his kingdoms, which was done on the 8th of the month called May.

Now the king, who by the Spaniards was invited to return to Brussels, and by the French to come to Calais, chose, at the pressing invitation of the States-general of the United Provinces, to go by Holland: and so he went, with the yachts of the States, to Rotterdam, and from thence with coaches to the Hague; where having staid some days, he took shipping at Schevelinghen for England, and made his entry at London on the anniversary of his birth-day. Thus we see Charles the Second, (who not long after was crowned,) restored, not by the sword, but by the marvellous hand of the Lord.

About this time G. Fox the younger came to Harwich, where he was hauled out of a meeting, and imprisoned under a pretence of having caused a tumult. But to give to the reader a true sight of the matter, I must go back a little.

About four years before this time, some of the people called Quakers, being come into the said town, one of them spoke a few words by way of exhortation to the people that came from the steeple-house; and passing on, he and those with him went to an inn. The mayor hearing thereof, sent to them, commanding that they should depart the town, which they did after a short space; but about night they returned, and lodged at their inn, and the next day passed away peaceably. Not long after, the woman that kept the inn, was commanded to come before the magistrates; who threatened to take away her license, unless she promised to lodge no more such persons. But how eager soever they were for keeping out the Quakers, yet it proved ineffectual; for it seems some of those that had been spoken to in the streets, were so reached, that they came to be obedient to the inward teachings of the Lord they had been recommended to. And so a way was made for meetings there, whereby the number of those of that society began to increase. And because they could no longer comply with superstitious burials, they bought a piece of ground to bury their dead in, but met with great opposition at their burials; and once, when several came along to bury a corpse, it was by force taken from them, and set by the sea side, where having lain above ground part of two days and one night, it was privately covered by some with small stones.

In the month called May, G. Fox the younger came to Harwich, to preach the Truth there. The mayor of the town, whose name was Miles Hubbard, having heard of this, stopt several that were going to the meeting. The rude multitude seeing it, grew insolent, and made a hideous noise before the house where the meeting was kept, and some were for pulling it down. G. Fox hearing the noise, whilst he was preaching, grew very zealous, and with a mighty power was made to say, ‘Wo, wo unto the rulers and teachers of this nation, who suffer such ungodliness as this, and do not seek to suppress it.’ Some that heard him thus speaking, went and told the magistrates of it, perhaps not in the self-same words as were uttered by him. The officers then coming, the mayor commanded the constables to take the said G. Fox into custody; who hearing this, said, ‘If I have done any thing worthy of death, or bonds, I shall not refuse either; but I desire thee to show me what law I have transgressed; which thou oughtest to do, before thou sendest me to prison, that I may know for what I am sent thither.’ But the mayor told him, he should know that afterward; and so he was carried to prison. Robert Grassingham, who was shipwright of the admiralty in that port, being at the meeting, out of which G. Fox was hauled, in love went freely along with him to prison. This seemed to please the mayor, who some days before had been heard to say concerning Grassingham, ‘If I could but get him out of the town, I should know what course to take with the other Quakers.’ Some time after G. Fox was imprisoned, a mittimus was sent to the jailer, in which the prisoner was charged with causing a tumult in that borough, and disturbing the peace thereof. This mittimus was signed by Miles Hubbard, mayor, Anthony Woolward, and Daniel Smith; and these magistrates sent notice of what they had done, to the parliament, under a specious pretence, that so they might not fall into disgrace. The parliament receiving this information, issued forth the following order:

‘_Monday, May 21, 1660._

‘The house being informed, that two Quakers, that is to say,
George Fox and Robert Grassingham, have lately made a disturbance
at Harwich, and that the said George Fox, who pretends to be a
preacher, did lately in his preaching there, speak words much
reflecting on the government and ministry, to the near causing of
a mutiny, and is now committed by the mayor and the magistrates
there.

‘Ordered that the said George Fox and Robert Grassingham be
forthwith brought up in custody; and that the sheriff of the
county of Essex do receive them, and give them his assistance for
the conveying them up accordingly, and delivering them into the
charge of the serjeant at arms attending this house.

‘Ordered, that the thanks of this house be given to the mayor and
magistrates of Harwich, for their care in this business.

WILLIAM JESSOP,
_Clerk of the Common House of Parliament_.’

By this it appeared that the magistrates of Harwich had special friends in the parliament. R. Grassingham being at liberty, was gone to London; and when this order came to Harwich, G. Fox was delivered to the sheriff of Essex and his men: these went with him to London, and upon the road they met Grassingham, who was coming from London to Harwich, in pursuance of an order which he had received from the commissioner of the admiralty and navy, for refitting one of the king’s frigates. But notwithstanding Grassingham showed his order to the sheriff, yet he brought him back to London with Fox, and delivered them into the custody of the serjeant at arms attending the house, who committed them to Lambeth house. They having been there about three weeks, wrote a letter to the House of Commons, wherein they gave some account of the manner of their imprisonment, and desired that they with their accusers might be brought face to face before the parliament, saying, that if any thing could be proved against them, worthy of punishment, they should not refuse it. But they thought it to be unjust and unreasonable, that a man should be hauled out of a peaceable meeting, and sent to prison, without being examined, only for declaring against the cursing and the wickedness of the rude people, and against such as suffered such ungodliness, and did not seek to suppress it.

This was the chief contents of their paper, which they enclosed in a letter to the speaker of the House of Commons in these words:

_For the Speaker of the House of Commons._

‘FRIEND,

‘We desire thee to communicate this enclosed to the House of
Commons, it being a few innocent, just, and reasonable words to
them though not in the eloquent language of man’s wisdom, yet it
is in the truth which is honourable.

We are friends to righteousness and truth,
and to all that are found therein.

ROBERT GRASSINGHAM,
GEORGE FOX.’

But the speaker did not deliver the paper, under pretence that it was not directed with the ordinary title, ‘To the Right Honourable the House of Commons.’ Therefore by the help of their friends they got it printed, that so each member of parliament might have a copy of it. Now after they had lain about fourteen weeks in Lambeth gate-house without being examined, one of the members of parliament moved this business in the house; whereupon the following order was made:

‘_Thursday, October 30th, 1660._

’Ordered that George Fox and Robert Grassingham, who by virtue
of a former order of this house, were taken into custody by the
serjeant at arms attending this house, for some disturbance at
Harwich, be forthwith released, and set at liberty, upon bail
first given to render themselves, when they shall be in that
behalf required.

WILLIAM JESSOP,
_Clerk of the House of Commons_.’

Shortly after this order was issued forth, the serjeant at arms sent his clerk to demand fees and chamber rent of the prisoners, asking fifty pounds for fees, and ten shillings a week for chamber rent. But since no evil was laid to their charge, they could not resolve to satisfy this unreasonable demand, yet offered to pay two shillings and six pence a week, though the chamber where they had lain, was the highest room in a lofty tower, and all the windows open, until they had gotten them glazed, without any charge to the serjeant. Matters standing thus, their cause was referred to the king’s privy council. But it lasted yet a good while before they were released; for several evasions were made use of to keep them in custody.

Whilst G. Fox was prisoner, he wrote a little book, which he called, ‘A Noble Salutation to king Charles Stuart,’ wherein he showed him how matters had gone in England, viz. That his father’s party scorned those that appeared in arms against them because of their meanness; for they were tradesmen, ploughmen, servants, and the like; which contemptible instruments God made use of to bring down the loftiness of the others. But those of the parliament party growing from time to time successful, and prevailing, got into the possessions of those they conquered, and fell into the same pride and oppression which they had cried out against in others; and many of them became greater oppressors, and persecutors than the former had been. Moreover, the author exhorted the king to observe the hand of the Lord in restoring of him. ‘Therefore,’ said he, ‘Let no man deceive thee, by persuading thee that these things are thus brought to pass, because the kingdom was thy own proper right, and because it was withheld from thee contrary to all right; or because that those called royalists are much more righteous than those who are now fallen under thee. For I plainly declare unto thee, that this kingdom, and all the kingdoms of the earth, are properly the Lord’s. And this know, that it was the just hand of God, in taking away the kingdom from thy father and thee: and giving it unto others; and that also it is the just hand of the Lord to take it again from them, and bring them under thee: though I shall not say, but that some of them went beyond their commission against thy father, when they were brought as a rod over you; and well will it be for thee, if thou becomest not guilty of the same transgressions.

The author further exhorts the king to consider, this his station was not without danger, because of the changeableness of the people, a great part of which were perfidious; since one while they had sworn for a king and parliament; and shortly after they swore against a king, single person, or house of Lords; and afterwards again they swore for a single person. Some time after they cried up a parliament again. And when O. Cromwell had turned out the parliament, and set up himself, then the priests prayed for him, and asserted his authority to be just; and when he died, they fawned upon his son Richard, and blasphemously termed his father the light of their eyes, and the breath of their nostrils; and they told him, that God had left him to carry on that glorious work which his father had begun. Nay, some priests compared Oliver to Moses, and Richard to Joshua, who should carry them into the promised land. Thus they continually would flatter those that were at the helm. For when George Booth made a rising, and they thought there would be a turn, then some of the priests cried out against the parliament, and cursed such as would not go out against them. But when Booth was taken, then many began to petition the parliament and to excuse themselves, that they had no hand in that rising.

Next the author set forth the wickedness of the people by excessive drinking and drunkenness, thereby as it were to show their loyalty to the king; and he relates also, how having preached at Harwich, against the grievous wickedness of the people, he was hauled to prison in the king’s name. Finally, he exhorts the king, to take heed of seeking revenge; and to show mercy.

This paper, which was not a small one, for it took up several sheets, was delivered in writing by Richard Hubberthorn, into the king’s hand at Whitehall, and was not long after by the author published in print.

Now one of the most eminent royalists drew up divers queries to the Quakers, desiring them to answer them, and to direct their answer with this superscription, ‘_Tradite hanc amico Regis_,’ that is, ‘Deliver this to the king’s friend.’ For it was clearly seen, that several of their predictions came to be fulfilled, of which those of Edward Burrough were not the least. And therefore some, (as it seems,) thought that by the Quakers they might get some knowledge whether any stability of the king’s government was to be expected. By the queries it appeared, that the author of them was a man of understanding, and of some moderation also; and though I do not know who he was, yet I am not without thoughts that Edward, earl of Clarendon, and high chancellor, may have been the penman thereof. The tendency of these queries chiefly was to know from the Quakers, what their judgment was concerning the king’s right to the crown; and whether they ever did foresee his return; and also whether they could judge that his reign and government should be blessed or not. Moreover, whether he might justly forgive, or avenge himself: and whether he might allow liberty of conscience to all sorts of people, &c. Edward Burrough answered these queries, and published his answer in print. It was directed to the king and the royalists. In it he showed, that in some of their writings it had been signified, that they had some expectations of the king’s restoration. That the king’s coming to the throne was reasonable and equitable, because through the purpose of the Lord. That his reign and government might be blessed, or not blessed, according to his carriage. And that he might justly forgive his, and his father’s enemies; for though he and his father might have been injured, yet for as much as they had applied to the sword to determine their controversy with the nation, the sword went against them; and by that whereby they thought to stand, they did fall; and who then should they blame for that which befel them, seeing the sword, which they themselves did choose, destroyed them. However, the author signified, that this was not meant of the king’s death; that being quite another case. And if such, who had destroyed kingly government in name and title, and pretended to govern better, and did not make reformation, but became oppressors, having broke their promises, came to be punished on that account with death or otherwise, such could not be said to suffer for a good conscience, nor for righteousness sake; but it was because they were oppressors; and suffering for that cause could not be called persecution. ‘But none of us, (thus ran Edward Burrough’s words,) can suffer for that cause, as not being guilty thereof. If we suffer in your government, it is for the name of Christ; because nothing can be charged against us in this capacity as we now stand, and in this state into which we are now gathered and changed, not in any matter of action or rebellion against the king nor his father; nor in any thing but concerning the law and worship of our God, and the matters of his kingdom, and our pure consciences. And if any that are now amongst us were any way engaged in the parliament service in the wars, it was not in rebellion against the king or his father, as that we sought their destruction as men; but upon sober and reasonable principles, and not for corrupt ends, nor to get honour and riches to ourselves, as some others might do, who went into the war for self ends, and continued in action, after the cause which was once engaged for was utterly lost. And that principle, which some time led some into action to oppose oppression, and seek after reformation, that principle is still justified, though we are now better informed than once we were. For though we do now more than ever oppose oppression, and seek after reformation, yet we do it not in that way of outward warring and fighting with carnal weapons and swords; and you and the king ought to put a difference between such as some time acted in the wars against you, in and upon sober and reasonable principles, and that did not make themselves rich and high in the world through your sufferings, and between such as have acted against you for self ends, and have insulted over you, and have made themselves great and rich in this world through your afflictions and sufferings.’ To the query, whether the great afflictions sustained by the king divers years, from subjects of his own nation, and the guilt thereof, did lie upon all the subjects in general; or whether upon any, or some particular sorts of people, who were such more than others; E. Burrough made this answer, ‘So far as his sufferings were unjust, the guilt thereof doth not lie upon all the subjects in general, but upon some more than others; and such are easy to be distinguished from others, if it be considered who they are that raised the war in this nation against the king, and who first preached and prayed up the war, and prosecuted it against the king’s father, and who cast out the bishops and prelates from their places, and took their revenues and benefices, and are become men as corrupted, as covetous and self-seeking, as proud and ambitious, as unjust persecutors, as ever the men were which they cast out: and who is it that hath gotten great estates in the nation, and worldly honour, and raised themselves from nothing by the wars, and by your sufferings; and who got the estates and titles of their enemies, and pretended to free them from all oppressions, but have not done it; but have continued the old oppressions, and have been striving among themselves who should rule, and who should be great? And as for us, who are called Quakers, we are clear from the guilt of all the king’s sufferings. We have not cast out others, and taken their places of great benefices, neither have we made war with carnal weapons against any, ever since we were a people. Neither have we broken oaths and engagements, nor promised freedom and deliverance, and for self ends and earthly riches betrayed, as others have done, what we have pretended to. And in many particulars it doth appear that we are clear from his sufferings, for we have been a suffering people as well as they, by the same spirit which caused them to suffer, which hath been much more cruel, wicked, and unjust towards us, than it hath been towards them, though our persecution hath been in another manner. But what they have done against us we can freely forgive them, and would have you to follow the same example. And if you could accuse them in many things, so could we: but this is not a time to accuse one another, but to forgive one another, and so to overcome your enemies. When they had gotten the victory, they did not reform, but became oppressors, as well as others, and became cruel towards others, that would not say and do as they: and for this cause the Lord hath brought them down, and may justly suffer others to deal with them as they have dealt with others. Yet notwithstanding I must still say, and it is my judgment, that there was very great oppression and vexation under the government of the late king, and bishops under his power, which the Lord was offended with, and many good people oppressed by; for which cause the Lord might and did justly raise up some to oppose, and strive against oppressions and injustice, and to press after reformation in all things. And that principle of sincerity, which in some things carried them on in opposing oppressions and pressing after reformation, I can never deny, but acknowledge it; though many soon lost it, and became self-seekers, forgetting the cause pretended to,’ &c.

* * * * *

This is but a small part of the queries, and the answers thereunto, which E. Burrough concluded with a bold exhortation to the king, to fear and reverence the Lord.

* * * * *

Now we return again to G. Fox the elder, whom we left about Bristol; from whence he passed to Gloucester, Worcester, Drayton, (the place of his nativity,) and Yorkshire. In that country at that time a Yearly meeting was kept at Balby, in an orchard, where some thousands of people were met together. At York, about thirty miles off, notice being given of this meeting, a troop of horse came from thence; and when G. Fox stood preaching in the meeting on a stool, two trumpeters came riding up, sounding their trumpets pretty near him; and then the captain bid him come down, for he was come, he said, to disperse the meeting. G. Fox then speaking, told him, he knew they were peaceable people; but if he did question that they met in an hostile manner, he might make search among them; and if he found either sword or pistol about any there, such may suffer. But the captain told G. Fox, he must see them dispersed, for he came all night on purpose to disperse them. G. Fox asked him, what honour it would be to him to ride with swords and pistols amongst so many unarmed men and women? But if he would be still and quiet, the meeting probably might not continue above two or three hours; and when it was done, as they came peaceably, so they should part: for he might perceive, the meeting was so large, that all the country thereabouts could not entertain them, but that they intended to depart towards their homes at night. But the captain said, he could not stay so long. G. Fox desired then, that if he himself could not stay to see the meeting ended, he would let a dozen of his soldiers stay. To this the captain said, he would permit them an hour’s time; so he left six soldiers to stay there, and then went away with his troop: he being gone, the soldiers that were left, told those that were met together, they might stay till night, if they would. This they were not for, but parted about three hours after, without any disturbance. But if the soldiers had been of such a temper as their captain, perhaps the meeting would not have ended thus quietly: for he was a desperate man, having once told G. Fox in Scotland, that he would obey his superiors’ command; and if it were to crucify Christ, he would do it; or execute the great Turk’s commands against the Christians, if he were under him.

Now G. Fox went to Skipton, where there was a general meeting concerning the affairs of the church. For many of his friends suffered much, and their goods being taken from them, and some brought to poverty, there was a necessity to provide for them. This meeting had stood several years; for when the justices and captains came to break them up, and saw the books and accounts of collections for relief of the poor, and how care was taken that one county should help another, and provide for the poor, they commended such practice, and passed away in love. Sometimes there would come two hundred poor people, belonging to other societies, and wait there till the meeting was done: and then the Friends would send to the baker’s for bread, and give every one of these poor people a loaf, how many soever there were: for they were taught to do good unto all, though especially to the household of faith.

From hence G. Fox went to Lancaster, and so to Swarthmore, where he was apprehended at the house of Margaret Fell, who was now a widow, judge Thomas Fell, her husband, having been deceased about two years before. Now some imagined they had done a remarkable act; for one said, he did not think a thousand men could have taken G. Fox. They led him away to Ulverstone, where he was kept all night at the constable’s house, and a guard of fifteen or sixteen men were set to watch him; some of which sat in the chimney, for fear he should go up the funnel. Next morning he was carried to Lancaster, but exceedingly abused by the way; and being come to town, was brought to the house of a justice, whose name was Henry Porter, and who had granted the warrant against him. He asked Porter, for what, and by whose order, he had sent forth his warrant; and he complained to him of the abuse of the constables and other officers: for they had set him upon a horse behind the saddle, so that he had nothing to hold by; and maliciously beating the horse, made him kick and gallop, and throw off his rider. But Porter would not take any notice of that, and told G. Fox, he had an order; but would not let him see it, for he would not reveal the king’s secrets. After many words were exchanged, he was carried to Lancaster prison. Being there a close prisoner in the common jail, he desired two of his friends, one of which was Thomas Green, the other Thomas Commings, a minister of the gospel, (with whom I was very familiarly acquainted,) to go to the jailer, and desire of him a copy of his mittimus. They went, but the jailer told them he could not give a copy of it; yet he gave it them to read; and to the best of their remembrance, the matters therein charged against him were, that G. Fox was a person generally suspected to be a common disturber of the peace of the nation, an enemy to the king, and a chief upholder of the Quakers’ sect: and that he, together with others of his fanatic opinion, had of late endeavoured to raise insurrections in these parts of the country, and to embroil the whole kingdom in blood. Wherefore the jailer was commanded to keep him in safe custody, till he should be released by order from the king and parliament. No wonder that the jailer would not give a copy of his mittimus, for it contained almost as many untruths as words. G. Fox then wrote an apology, wherein he answered at large to all those false accusations. And Margaret Fell, considering what injury was offered to her, by hauling G. Fox out of her house, wrote the following information, and sent it abroad.

‘_To all magistrates, concerning the wrong taking up,
and imprisoning of George Fox at Lancaster._

‘I do inform the governors of this nation, that Henry Porter,
mayor of Lancaster, sent a warrant with four constables to my
house, for which he had no authority nor order. They searched
my house, and apprehended George Fox in it, who was not guilty
of the breach of any law, or of any offence against any in the
nation. After they had taken him, and brought him before the said
Henry Porter, there was bail offered, what he would demand for
his appearance, to answer what could be laid to his charge: but
he, (contrary to law, if he had taken him lawfully,) denied to
accept of any bail; and clapped him up in close prison. After he
was in prison, a copy of his mittimus was demanded, which ought
not to be denied to any prisoner, that so he may see what is laid
to his charge: but it was denied him; a copy he could not have;
only they were suffered to read it over. And every thing that was
there charged against him, was utterly false; he was not guilty
of any one charge in it, as will be proved, and manifested to the
nation. So, let the governors consider of it. I am concerned in
this thing, inasmuch as he was apprehended in my house; and if he
be guilty, I am so too. So I desire to have this searched out.

MARGARET FELL.’

After this, Margaret determined to go to London, to speak with the king about this matter: which Porter having heard of, said he would go too; and so he did. But because he had been a zealous man for the parliament against the king, several of the courtiers put him in mind of his plundering of their houses. And this so troubled him, that he quickly left the court, and returned home, and then spoke to the jailer about contriving a way to release G. Fox. But in his mittimus he had overshot himself, by ordering G. Fox to be kept prisoner, till he should be delivered by the king or parliament. G. Fox also sent him a letter, and put him in mind, how fierce he had been against the king, and his party, though now he would be thought zealous for the king. And among other passages he called to his remembrance, how, when he held Lancaster Castle for the parliament against the king, he was so rough and fierce against those that favoured the king, that he said, he would leave them neither dog nor cat, if they did not bring him in provision to his castle.

One Anne Curtis coming to see G. Fox, and understanding how he stood committed, resolved also to go to the king about it; for her father, who had been sheriff of Bristol, was hanged near his own door, for endeavouring to bring in the king: upon which consideration, she was in hopes to be admitted to the king’s presence to speak with him. Coming to London, she and Margaret Fell went together to the king, who, when he understood whose daughter Anne was, received her kindly. She having acquainted the king with the case of G. Fox, desired, that he would be pleased to send for him up, and hear the cause himself. This the king promised her he would do, and commanded his secretary to send down an order for the bringing up G. Fox. But it was long before this order was executed, for many evasions were sought, as well by carping at a word, as by other craft; whereby the sending up of G. Fox was retarded above two months. He thus continuing prisoner, wrote several papers, and among the rest also this.

_To the King._

‘KING CHARLES,

‘Thou camest not into this nation by sword, nor by victory of
war; but by the power of the Lord; now if thou dost not live
in it, thou wilt not prosper. And if the Lord hath showed
thee mercy, and forgiven thee, and thou dost not show mercy
and forgive, the Lord God will not hear thy prayers, nor them
that pray for thee: and if thou do not stop persecution, and
persecutors, and take away all laws that do hold up persecution
about religion; but if thou do persist in them, and uphold
persecution, that will make thee as blind as them that have gone
before thee: for persecution hath always blinded those that have
gone into it; and such God by his power overthrows, and doth his
valiant acts upon; and bringeth salvation to his oppressed ones:
and if thou dost bear the sword in vain, and let drunkenness,
oaths, plays, may-games, with fiddlers, drums, trumpets, to play
at them, with such like abominations and vanities be encouraged,
or go unpunished; as setting up of maypoles, with the image of
the crown atop of them, &c. the nations will quickly turn like
Sodom and Gomorrah, and be as bad as the old world, who grieved
the Lord till he overthrew them: and so he will you, if these
things be not suddenly prevented. Hardly was there so much
wickedness at liberty before now, as there is at this day; as
though there was no terror, nor sword of magistracy; which doth
not grace a government, nor is a praise to them that do well. Our
prayers are for them that are in authority, that under them we
may live a godly life, in which we have peace; and that we may
not be brought into ungodliness by them. So hear, and consider,
and do good in thy time, whilst thou hast power; and be merciful,
and forgive, that is the way to overcome, and obtain the kingdom
of Christ.

G. F.’

The sheriff of Lancaster still refused to remove G. Fox, unless he would become bound, and pay for the sealing of the writing, and the charge of carrying him up. But this he would not. Then they consulting how to convey him, it was at first proposed to send a party of horse with him. But he told them, if he were such a man as they had represented him to be, they had need to send a troop or two of horse to guard him. But considering that this would be a great charge to them, they concluded to send him up guarded only by the jailer, and some bailiffs. On further consideration, they found that this also would be very chargeable, and thereupon told him, if he would put in bail, that he would be in London such a day of the term, he should have leave to go up with some of his own friends. G. Fox told them, he would neither put in any bail, nor give any money: but if they would let him go up with one or two of his friends, he would go up, and be in London such a day, if the Lord did permit. So at last, when they saw they could not make him bow, the sheriff consented that he should go up with some of his friends, without any other engagement than his word, to appear before the judges at London such a day of the term, if the Lord did permit. Whereupon they let him go out of prison, and after some stay, he went with Richard Hubberthorn and Robert Withers, to London, whither he came on a day that some of the judges of king Charles the First, were hanged and quartered at Charing Cross: for now what E. Burrough and others had plainly foretold, was fulfilling on them.

The next morning G. Fox, and those with him, went to judge Thomas Mallet’s chamber, who then was putting on his red gown, to sit upon some more of the king’s judges, and therefore he told him he might come another time. G. Fox did so, being accompanied by ---- Marsh, esq. one of the king’s bed-chamber. When he came to the judge’s chamber, he found there also the lord chief justice Foster, and delivered to them the charge that was against him: but when they read those words, that he and his friends were embroiling the nation in blood, &c. they struck their hands on the table: whereupon G. Fox told them, that he was the man whom that charge was against; but that he was as innocent of any such thing as a newborn child; that he brought it up himself, and that some of his friends came up with him, without any guard. As yet the judges had not minded G. Fox’s hat, but now seeing his hat on, they said why did he stand with his hat on? He told them, he did not stand in any contempt to them. Then they commanded one to take it off; and having called for the marshal of the King’s Bench, they said to him, ‘you must take this man and secure him, but you must let him have a chamber, and not put him amongst the prisoners.’ But the marshal said his house was so full, that he could not tell where to provide a room for him, but amongst the prisoners. Judge Foster then said to G. Fox, ‘Will you appear to-morrow about ten of the clock at the King’s Bench Bar, in Westminster Hall?’ ‘Yes,’ said he, ‘if the Lord give me strength.’ Hereupon the said judge said to the other judge, ‘If he say yes, and promises it, ye may take his word.’

So he was dismissed for that time, and the next day appeared at the King’s Bench Bar at the hour appointed, being accompanied by Richard Hubberthorn, Robert Withers, and esquire Marsh, before-named. And being brought into the middle of the court, he looked about and turning to the people, said, ‘Peace be among you.’ Then the charge against him was read, and coming to that part which said, that he and his friends were embroiling the nation in blood, and raising a new war, and that he was an enemy to the king, &c. those of the bench lifted up their hands. He then stretching out his arms, said, ‘I am the man whom that charge is against; but I am as innocent as a child concerning the charge, and have never learned any war postures. Do you think, that if I and my friends had been such men as the charge declares, that I would have brought it up myself against myself? Or that I should have been suffered to come up with only one or two of my friends with me? For had I been such a man as this charge sets forth, I had need to have been guarded up with a troop or two of horse: but the sheriff and magistrates of Lancashire had thought fit to let me and my friends come up by ourselves, almost two hundred miles, without any guard at all, which we may be sure they would not have done, if they had looked upon me to be such a man.’ Then the judge asked him, whether it should be filed, or what he would do with it? And he answered, ‘Ye are judges, and able, I hope, to judge in this matter: therefore do with it what ye will.’ The judges said, they did not accuse him, for they had nothing against him. Whereupon esquire Marsh stood up and told the judges, it was the king’s pleasure, that G. Fox should be set at liberty, seeing no accuser came against him. Then they asked him, whether he would put it to the king and council? He answered, ‘Yes, with a good will.’ Thereupon they sent the sheriff’s return, which he made to the writ of habeas corpus, to the king, and the return was thus:

‘By virtue of his Majesty’s writ to me directed, and hereunto
annexed, I certify, that before the receipt of the said writ,
George Fox, in the said writ mentioned, was committed to his
Majesty’s jail, at the castle of Lancaster, in my custody, by a
warrant from Henry Porter, esq. one of his Majesty’s justices
of the peace within the county palatine aforesaid, bearing date
the 5th of June now last past; for that he, the said George Fox,
was generally suspected to be a common disturber of the peace
of this nation, an enemy to our sovereign lord the king, and a
chief upholder of the Quakers’ sect; and that he, together with
others of his fanatic opinion, have of late endeavoured to make
insurrections, in these parts of the country, and to embroil
the whole kingdom in blood. And this is the cause of his taking
and detaining. Nevertheless, the body of the said George Fox I
have ready before Thomas Mallet, knight, one of his Majesty’s
justices, assigned to hold pleas before his said Majesty, at his
chamber in Serjeants-Inn, in Fleet Street, to do and receive
those things which his Majesty’s said justice shall determine
concerning him in this behalf, as by the aforesaid writ is
required.

GEORGE CHETHAM, _Esq. Sheriff_.’

The king upon perusal of this, and consideration of the whole matter, being satisfied of G. Fox’s innocency, commanded his secretary to send the following order to judge Mallet for his release:

‘It is his Majesty’s pleasure that you give order for the
releasing, and setting at full liberty, the person of George Fox,
late a prisoner in Lancaster jail, and commanded hither by an
habeas corpus. And this signification of his Majesty’s pleasure
shall be your sufficient warrant. Dated at Whitehall, the 24th of
October, 1660.

EDWARD NICHOLAS.’

For Sir Thomas Mallet, knight, one of
the justices of the King’s Bench.

When this order was delivered to judge Mallet, he forthwith sent his warrant to the marshal of the King’s Bench, for G. Fox’s release: which warrant was thus:

‘By virtue of a warrant which this morning I have received from
the right honourable sir Edward Nicholas, knight, one of his
Majesty’s principal secretaries, for the releasing and setting
at liberty of George Fox, late a prisoner in Lancaster jail,
and from thence brought hither, by habeas corpus, and yesterday
committed unto your custody; I do hereby require you accordingly
to release, and set the said prisoner, George Fox, at liberty:
for which this shall be your warrant and discharge. Given under
my hand the 25th day of October, in the year of our Lord God,
1660.

THOMAS MALLET.’

To Sir John Lenthal, knight, marshal
of the King’s Bench, or his deputy.

G. Fox having been prisoner now above twenty weeks, was thus very honourably set at liberty by the king’s command. After it was known that he was discharged, several that were envious and wicked, were troubled, and terror seized on justice Porter; for he was afraid G. Fox would take the advantage of the law against him, for his wrong imprisonment, and thereby undo him: and indeed G. Fox was put on by some in authority, to have made him and the rest examples. But he said, he should leave them to the Lord; if the Lord did forgive them, he should not trouble himself with them.

* * * * *

About this time, Richard Hubberthorn got an opportunity to speak with the king, and to have a long discourse with him, which soon after he published in print. Being admitted into the king’s presence, he gave him a relation of the state of his friends, and said,

‘Since the Lord hath called us, and gathered us to be a people,
to walk in his fear, and in his truth, we have always suffered
and been persecuted by the powers that have ruled, and been made
a prey of, for departing from iniquity; and when the breach of
no just law could be charged against us, then they made laws
on purpose to ensnare us; and so our sufferings were unjustly
continued.’

King. It is true, those who have ruled over you have been cruel,
and have professed much which they have not done.

R. H. And likewise the same sufferings do now abound in more
cruelty against us in many parts of this nation: as for instance,
one at Thetford in Norfolk, where Henry Fell, (ministering unto
the people,) was taken out of the meeting and whipt, and sent out
of the town, from parish to parish, towards Lancashire; and the
chief ground of his accusation in his pass, (which was shown to
the king,) was, because he denied to take the oath of allegiance
and supremacy; and so because that for conscience sake we cannot
swear, but have learned obedience to the doctrine of Christ,
which saith, “Swear not all;” hereby an occasion is taken against
us to persecute us; and it is well known that we have not sworn
for any, nor against any, but have kept to the truth, and our yea
hath been yea, and our nay, nay, in all things, which is more
than the oath of those that are out of the truth.

King. But why can you not swear? for an oath is a common thing
amongst men to any engagement.

R. H. Yes, it is manifest, and we have seen it by experience; and
it is so common amongst men to swear, and engage either for, or
against things, that there is no regard taken to them, nor fear
of an oath; that therefore which we speak of in the truth of our
hearts, is more than what they swear.

King. But can you not promise before the Lord, which is the
substance of the oath?

R. H. Yes, what we do affirm, we can promise before the Lord,
and take him to our witness in it; but our so promising hath not
been accepted, but the ceremony of an oath they have stood for,
without which all other things were accounted of no effect.

King. But how may we know from your words that you will perform?

R. H. By proving of us; for they that swear are not known to be
faithful, but by proving of them; and so we, by those that have
tried us, are found to be truer in our promises, than others by
their oaths; and to those that do yet prove us, we shall appear
the same.

King. Pray, what is your principle?

R. H. Our principle is this, “That Jesus Christ is the true
light, which enlighteneth every one that cometh into the world,
that all men through him might believe;” and that they were to
obey and follow this light as they have received it, whereby they
may be led unto God, and unto righteousness, and the knowledge of
the truth, that they might be saved.

King. This do all Christians confess to be truth; and he is not a
Christian that will deny it.

R. H. But many have denied it, both in words and writings, and
opposed us in it; and above an hundred books are put forth in
opposition unto this principle.

Then some of the Lords standing by the king, said, that none
would deny that every one is enlightened.

And one of the lords asked, how long we had been called Quakers,
or did we own that name?

R. H. That name was given to us in scorn and derision, about
twelve years since; but there were some that lived in this truth
before we had that name given unto us.

King. How long is it since you owned this judgment and way?

R. H. It is near twelve years since I owned this truth, according
to the manifestation of it.

King. Do you own the sacrament?

R. H. As for the word sacrament, I do not read of it in the
Scripture; but as for the body and blood of Christ I own, and
that there is no remission without blood.

King. Well, that is it; but do you not believe that every one is
commanded to receive it?

R. H. This we do believe, that according as it is written in the
Scripture, that Christ at his last supper took bread and brake
it, and gave to his disciples, and also took the cup and blessed
it, and said unto them, “And as often as ye do this, (that is, as
often as they brake bread,) you show forth the Lord’s death till
he come;” and this we believe they did; “and they did eat their
bread in singleness of heart from house to house;” and Christ did
come again to them according to his promise; after which they
said, “We being many are one bread, for we are all partakers of
this one bread.”

King’s friend. Then one of the king’s friends said, It is true;
for as many grains make one bread, so they being many members,
were one body.

Another of them said, if they be the bread, then they must be
broken.

R. H. There is a difference between that bread which he brake at
his last supper, wherein they were to show forth, as in a sign,
his death until he came; and this whereof they spake, they being
many, are one bread; for herein they were come more into the
substance, and to speak more mystically, as they knew it in the
spirit.

King’s friends. Then they said, it is true, and he had spoken
nothing but truth.

King. How know you that you are inspired by the Lord?