Chapter XLI: Appendix: NOTE A. p. 3 (13)

Will. Malms. iii. 279. “Fuit ... roboris ingentis in lacertis, ut
magno sæpe spectaculo fuerit quod nemo ejus arcum tenderet, quem ipse
admisso equo pedibus nervo extento sinuaret.”

Footnote 762

Roman de Rou, 10995;

“Ke li Reis Ewart ert finez,
E Heraut ert à Rei levez.”

Footnote 763

Ib. 10997;

“Quant li Dus ot bien escolté,
E tute sout la vérité
...
Semblant fist d’home corocié.
L’ovre del boiz a tut lessié,
Sovant a sun mantel lacié,
E sovent l’a destachié;
Ne il à home ne parla,
Ne home à il parler n’osa.”

All these graphic details are peculiar to Wace. Benoît (36672) is
much shorter.

Footnote 764

Roman de Rou, 11012; “Sor un pécol sun chief a mis.” I suppose this
means, as Mr. Taylor translates it, _against_ a pillar. Wace’s
description is so perfect, that it is impossible to do anything but
simply repeat it. Otherwise this would be a good opportunity to
call up the image of the ancient pillared hall, as at Oakham and
Winchester, and once at Westminster, the one great apartment of the
palace, as of any other house, and seemingly open to all comers.

Footnote 765

Wace (11017) here says simply, “Li seneschal,” but from v. 11051 we
see who this seneschal was.

Footnote 766

Roman de Rou, 11020; “Par la sale ala chantusant.” “Fredonnant,
chantant légèrement,” says Pluquet; “humming a tune” in Mr. Taylor’s
version.

Footnote 767

Roman de Rou, 11051. “Li filz Osber el cuer hardi.”

Footnote 768

See Appendix U.

Footnote 769

See above, p. 70.

Footnote 770

See vol. i. p. 224.

Footnote 771

I leave it to canon lawyers to determine whether Harold’s precontract
to the daughter of William would in any way invalidate his marriage
with the widow of Gruffydd. However this may be, William could not
seriously expect that Harold would, on any such grounds, put away his
wife, especially when his wife was the sister of the two Northern
Earls. The question of course remains whether Harold really was
married at the time.

Footnote 772

So Eadmer and those who copy from him. See Appendix U.

Footnote 773

Will. Malms, iii. 238. See Appendix U.

Footnote 774

Eadmer, 5. “Si de filiâ suâ, quam debui in uxorem, ut asserit,
ducere, agit, super regnum Angliæ mulierem extraneam, inconsultis
principibus, me nec debere nec sine grandi injuriâ posse adducere
noverit.”

Footnote 775

Will. Malms. iii. 238. “Præsumptuosum fuisse quod, _absque generali
senatûs et populi conventu et edicto_, alienam illi hæreditatem
juraverit; proinde stultum sacramentum frangendum.” This is less
forcibly put by Eadmer (5); “Regnum quod necdum fuerat meum quo jure
potui dare vel permittere.”

Footnote 776

Numbers xxx. 3–5.

Footnote 777

Will. Malms. iii. 238. “Quantò magis quod ille, sub Regis virgâ
constitutus, nesciente omni Angliâ, de toto regno, necessitate
temporis coactus, impegerit, videatur non esse ratum.”

Footnote 778

Ib. “Præterea iniquum postulat ut imperio decedat, quod tanto favore
civium regendum susceperit; hoc nec provincialibus gratum, _nec
militibus tutum_.” I do not fully understand this last clause. Would
Harold’s Thegns and Housecarls have been specially exposed to danger
in case of William’s peaceful accession? Or does the historian write
by the light of his own time and of Domesday, remembering how much
more heavily William’s confiscations fell on the “milites” than on
the “provinciales.”

Footnote 779

Ib. “Ita revertebantur inanes nuntii, vel veris vel verisimilibus
argumentis præstricti.”

Footnote 780

Will. Malms. iii. 238. “Alter [Willelmus] interea illum [Haroldum]
per nuntios leniter convenire, de rupto fœdere expostulare,
precibus minas insuere: sciret se ante annum emensum ferro debitum
vindicaturum, _illuc iturum quo Haroldus tutiores se pedes habere
putaret_.” Is this last not very intelligible clause a scoff at the
English tactics of fighting on foot?

Footnote 781

See vol. i. p. 524 et seqq.

Footnote 782

Æsch. Ag. 1653. οἶδ’ ἐγὼ φεύγοντας ἅνδρας ἐλπίδας σιτουμένους.

Footnote 783

See above, p. 90.

Footnote 784

See vol. ii. p. 241.

Footnote 785

Will. Pict. 113. “Caussam viduæ, inopis, pupilli, ipse humiliter
audiebat, misericorditer agebat, rectissimè definiebat. Ejus æquitate
reprimente iniquam cupiditatem, vicini minùs valentis aut limitem
agri movere, aut rem ullam usurpare, nec potens audebat quisquam nec
familiaris.” Cf. vol. ii. p. 172.

Footnote 786

Ib. “Accipere solitus est avido auditu suavique gustu sacræ paginæ
sermones, iis, ut animæ epulum sumeret, delectari desiderans,
castigari, atque edoceri. Sumebat et honorabat condecenti reverentiâ
hostiam salutarem, Dominicum sanguinem.” I do not know that the word
“auditu” absolutely proves that William could not read, but it looks
like it. He was however fully aware of the advantages of learning,
even in laymen. See vol. ii. p. 274. This passage is also to be
noticed as one among several which show that communion in both kinds
was still allowed. The Archdeacon goes on to extol his sovereign’s
orthodoxy in the matter of Transubstantiation, and to tell how he
drove from his dominions the heresy which thought otherwise—“aliter
sentientem pravitatem”—that is doubtless the teaching of Berengar.
See vol. ii. pp. 116, 227.

Footnote 787

Ib. 114. “Ejus liberi pietatem Christianam infantes didicere
diligenti provisione ipsius.” This pious care answered better with
his daughters than with his sons.

Footnote 788

Ib. “Quoties ejus edicto et hortatu convenere Præsules,
Metropolitanus cum suffraganeis, de statu relligionis, clericorum,
monachorum, atque laicorum acturi. Synodis his arbitrum se deesse
nolebat.” The advantages of the prince’s presence are then dwelt upon.

Footnote 789

Ib. “Delato forte suas ad aures immani alicujus crimine, quod
Episcopus aut Archidiaconus _justo dementiùs_ vindicaverit, reum
majestatis æternæ teneri jussit incarceratum, quousque caussa domini
æquitate districta decerneretur, Episcopum aut Archidiaconum,
veluti adversarios divinæ partis, criminans in judicium devocandos,
feriendos gravi sententiâ.” The obscure words “justo dementiùs” mean,
I conceive, not that the ecclesiastical judges were too strict, but
that they let off offenders for money. On the doings of Archdeacons
see vol. ii. p. 230, and the passage of John of Salisbury there
referred to.

Footnote 790

Will. Pict. 115. “Lanfrancum ... intimâ familiaritate colebat;
ut patrem venerans, verens ut præceptorem, diligens ut germanum
aut prolem. Illi consulta animæ suæ, illi speculam quamdam, unde
ordinibus ecclesiasticis per omnem Normanniam prospiceretur,
commisit.”

Footnote 791

See vol. ii. p. 224.

Footnote 792

See the great anathema in Paul of Bernried’s Life of Gregory,
cap. lxxvi. (ap. Murat. iii. 336); “Henrico Regi, filio Henrici
Imperatoris, ... totius Regni Teutonicorum et Italiæ gubernacula
contradico.” Mark how, as constantly in Lambert, while Italy has a
name, Germany has none. See vol. i. pp. 172, 176.

Footnote 793

Compare Lord Macaulay’s remarks (ii. 624) on the different clauses
of the resolution by which the Crown was declared vacant after the
flight of James the Second.

Footnote 794

See above, p. 178, and vol. i. pp. 268, 519.

Footnote 795

See vol. i. p. 175. In the passage of Bruno there referred to, Philip
gets no higher title than “Latinæ Franciæ Rector.” Yet he is better
off that Charles the Bald, who, in the Annales Fuldenses under 875
(Pertz, i. 389), is only “Galliæ Tyrannus.”

Footnote 796

See vol. ii. p. 373.

Footnote 797

I hold, it may be remembered (see vol. i. p. 646), that the balance
of evidence is against Godwine’s churlish birth; but, if such a
rumour, true or false, were afloat, it would be enough. I do not
however find the point brought forward by any contemporary Norman
writer.

Footnote 798

See vol. i. p. 230.

Footnote 799

See vol. ii. pp. 277, 593.

Footnote 800

Henry of Huntingdon, as we have seen (see vol. i. p. 332), seriously
believed in William’s hereditary right. So elsewhere (761 E) he
speaks of his “jus cognationis.” The Ramsey Historian also (cap.
cxx.) says that William sought “regnum aviti propinquitate sanguinis
debitum.” But perhaps still more remarkable is the way in which
William of Poitiers (143), after describing William’s election and
coronation at Christmas, adds, “Et, si ratio sanguinis poscitur,
pernotum est quam proximâ consanguinitate Regem Edwardum attigerit
filius Ducis Rodberti, cujus amita, Richardi Secundi soror, filia
Primi, Emina, genitrix fuit Edwardi.”

Footnote 801

Compare the passage from Orderic (598 A) quoted in Appendix C.

Footnote 802

Liber de Hydâ, 291. “Dei etenim nutu multorum fit concursus
populorum, ultro se navibus ingerentium, qui audierant Angliam
argenti et auri omnibus opulentam, cibi et potûs omniumque frugum
uberrimam, omnibus præterea bonis esse refertam.” So Orderic (494 A)
speaks of William’s foreign followers as “Anglicæ prædæ inhiantes.”

Footnote 803

Will. Pict. 124. “Non eo animi viget [Heraldus] robore, quo vel
minimum quid meorum polliceri audeat. At arbitrio meo pariter quæ mea
sunt, quæque dicuntur illius, promittentur atque dabuntur.” To any
man but William one might have quoted the fable about the bear and
his skin.

Footnote 804

See vol. i. pp. 330, 633.

Footnote 805

Ib. p. 525, and above, p. 266.

Footnote 806

This comes among the three causes for William’s invasion given by
Henry of Huntingdon (761 D); “Primò, quia Alfredum cognatum suum
Godwinus _et filii sui_ dehonestaverant et peremerant: Secundò,
quia Robertum Episcopum et Odonem Consulem [see vol. ii. p. 564] et
omnes Francos Godwinus et filii sui arte suâ ab Angliâ exsulaverant:
Tertiò, quod Haraldus, in perjurium prolapsus, regnum, quod jure
cognationis [see above, p. 278] suum esse debuerat, sine aliquo jure
invaserat.”

Footnote 807

See vol. ii. p. 70.

Footnote 808

William of Poitiers (124) is emphatic on this head; William “non
tantùm ditionem suam et gloriam augere, quantùm ritus Christianos
partibus in illis corrigere intendit.”

Footnote 809

See vol. ii. p. 458.

Footnote 810

See Appendix W.

Footnote 811

See above, p. 151.

Footnote 812

See vol. ii. p. 291.

Footnote 813

See above, p. 258, and vol. ii. p. 198.

Footnote 814

See vol. ii. p. 211.

Footnote 815

See vol. ii. p. 589.

Footnote 816

See vol. ii. p. 210.

Footnote 817

See above, p. 116.

Footnote 818

See above, p. 118.

Footnote 819

See vol. ii. p. 199.

Footnote 820

See above, p. 159.

Footnote 821

See above, pp. 183, 201; vol. ii. 232.

Footnote 822

See vol. ii. pp. 185, 186.

Footnote 823

See above, pp. 129, 153.

Footnote 824

See above, p. 155.

Footnote 825

See above, p. 158.

Footnote 826

I get the details of this meeting and of the larger meeting at
Lillebonne from the Roman de Rou (11118 et seqq.), the only account
which carefully distinguishes the two. See Appendix W.

Footnote 827

Roman de Rou, 11156;

“S’il s’en voleient bien pener
Od la gent k’il poeit mander,
E Dex le volsist graanter,
Bien porreit sun dreit recovrer.”

Footnote 828

Ib. 11165. “Maiz sez homes è sez clers creie.” It is curious to find
the wealth of the Church pointed to so early as among possible ways
and means.

Footnote 829

Ib. 11171;

“Ceste parole lor mostrez,
Bien deivent al cunseil venir,
Ki el travail deibvent partir.”

This good constitutional doctrine almost forestalls the teaching of
our great constitutional poet of the thirteenth century;

“Igitur communitas regni consulatur,
Et quid universitas sentiat sciatur.”

Political Songs (Camden Soc.), p. 110. But, instead of “communitas
regni,” Normandy had only “grant barnage.”

Footnote 830

See vol. ii. p. 332.

Footnote 831

See vol. i. p. 197.

Footnote 832

See Ord. Vit. 493 A, B.

Footnote 833

Orderic twice stops to discuss the Roman origin of Lillebonne (554 C
and 864 B, C). It was founded by Caius Julius Cæsar on the site of a
Gaulish town called Caletum, which he had destroyed. It was called
Julia after his daughter. In Orderic’s own time it was barbarously
called “Illebona.” William of Malmesbury (iii. 238), from whom we
learn that Lillebonne was the place of meeting, calls it “Lillebona.”

Footnote 834

These points in the history of Lillebonne are said to have been made
out by the researches of M. Deville. But I am sorry to say that I
know those researches only through M. Joanne’s excellent Guide to
Normandy, p. 243. Lillebonne however is a place which speaks for
itself.

Footnote 835

See the view in Cotman’s Architectural Antiquities of Normandy, p. 75.

Footnote 836

William kept his court (“curia”) at Lillebonne in 1063. See Orderic,
482 A. A synod was also held there in 1080. See vol. ii. p. 241.

Footnote 837

Compare the Diets of Poland, at once the most aristocratic and the
most democratic of all assemblies. Compare also the whole history of
the States of Britanny, so well traced out by the Count of Carné, in
his _États de Bretagne_. The second order, the _Noblesse_, was always
more independent than either the Clergy or the Burghers, and its
internal constitution was that of a Landesgemeinde.

Footnote 838

This is implied in the words of William of Poitiers (124), “Quis enim
juxta præstitutum naves perfici, aut perfectis remiges inveniri,
annuo spatio posse speraret?”

Footnote 839

Roman de Rou, 11182;

“Ne pot mie sanz lor aïe
Aveir grant gent è grant navie:
Die chescun ke il li fera,
Kels genz è quantes nés merra.”

Footnote 840

Roman de Rou, 11186;

“Cil dient k’il en parlereient,
E par cunseil l’en respondreient,
E li Dus lor a graanté.”

Footnote 841

Ib. 11196;

“Mult se vont entrels dementant,
Par tropeax se vunt cunseillant,
Ci vint, ci quinze, ci quarante,
Ci trente, ci cent, ci seisante.”

Footnote 842

Ib. 11202;

“Li altres dient ke pas n’iront,
Kar mult deibvent è povres sont.”

Footnote 843

Will. Pict. 124. “Quis novâ hac expeditione pulcherrimum statum
patriæ in omnem redigi miseriam non timeret?”

Footnote 844

Ib. “Quis Romani Imperatoris opes eâ vinci difficultate non
affirmaret?” The ideas of Caius Julius Cæsar and of King Henry
the Fourth were perhaps a little intermingled in the mind of the
Archdeacon of Lisieux.

Footnote 845

Ib. 123. “Thesauris illum abundare, quibus partis suæ Duces et Reges
præpotentes conducantur.”

Footnote 846

Ord. Vit. 493. “Normannorum paucitatem non posse vincere Anglorum
multitudinem asserebant.”

Footnote 847

Will. Pict. 124. “Classem [Heraldum] habere plurimam, homines in
ministeriis nauticis peritissimos, qui sæpiùs pericula et prœlia
maritima sint experti; terrâ illius, uti divitiis, ita militis copiâ,
hanc multipliciter superari.”

Footnote 848

See the passage quoted in p. 293.

Footnote 849

Roman de Rou, 11214;

“N’atendez mie k’il vos priet,
Ne ne demandez nul respiet,
Alez avant, si li offrez
Mult plus ke faire ne poez.”

Footnote 850

Ib. 11220;

“Se la busuigne remaneit,
Par adventure tost direit,
A ço k’il est achoisonos,
Ke tut areit perdu par nos;
Fetes li tant ke il ne die
Ke s’erre seit par vos faillie.”

Footnote 851

Roman de Rou, 11228;

“Parlez por nos, ço vos préion,
La parole sor vos meton:
Vos direz ço ke vos voldrez,
Nos feron ço ke vos direz.”

Footnote 852

Ib. 11226;

“Sire, font il, la mer doton,
Ultre mer servir ne devon.”

Footnote 853

Ib. 11244;

“Por vos, ço dient, avancier,
Se lerreient en mer néier,
U en feu ardent geter.”

Cf. Psalm lxvi. 12.

Footnote 854

Roman de Rou, 11251;

“Se bien l’ont fet, mielx le feront;
Ensemble o vos mer passeront,
Vostre servise dobleront.
Ki solt mener vint chevaliers,
Quarante en merra volentiers,
E ki de trente servir deit,
De sesante servir vos velt,
E cil ki solt servir de cent,
Dous cent en merra bonement.”

Footnote 855

Roman de Rou, 11260;

“E jo merrai en boen amor
En la busoigne mon Seignor
Sesante nés apareillies
De homes cumbatanz chargies.”

Footnote 856

Ib. 11264;

“Li Barunz tuit se merveillierent,
Mult fremirent é grondillierent
Des paroles ke cil diseit,
E des pramesses k’il faseit,
Dunc il ne aveit nul garant.”

Footnote 857

Ib. 11272;

“Li servise ki est doblez
Creiment k’il seit en feu tornez,
Et en costume seit tenu,
Et par costume seit rendu.”

See Taylor’s note, p. 108.

Footnote 858

Roman de Rou, 11278;

“Nus hoem ne poeit altre entendre
Parole oïr ne raison rendre.”

Henry of Huntingdon (M. H. B. 761 E), in his abridged narrative, cuts
the matter far too short. I do not remember any other writer who
mentions the trick of William Fitz-Osbern.

Footnote 859

So William of Malmesbury, iii. 238. “Super negotio singulorum
sententias sciscitatus.” But he perhaps goes too far when he speaks
of “omnes ejus voluntatem plausibus excipientes.”

Footnote 860

Roman de Rou, 11290;

“Ne ke jamez d’ore en avant,
Ço lor a miz en convenant,
N’ierent de servise requis,
Forz tel ke solt estre al païz,
E tel come lor ancessor
Soleient fere a lor Seignor.”

Footnote 861

Roman de Rou, 11298;

“E li Dus fist tot enbrever,
Nés fist è chevaliers nombrer.”

Footnote 862

I have read, in some peerage or book of genealogy, the pedigree
of some one who professes to be descended from one of the English
knights who went over to ask William to come and deliver them from
the tyranny of Harold. Truly pedigree-makers will say anything.

Footnote 863

See the account of Robert the son of Wymarc in William of Poitiers,
128.

Footnote 864

By the second I mean Ralph of Norfolk, of whose origin I shall speak
elsewhere. See Appendix LL.

Footnote 865

On the movements of Tostig see Appendix X.

Footnote 866

See vol. ii. p. 319.

Footnote 867

See vol. ii. p. 387.

Footnote 868

Ib. p. 434.

Footnote 869

See vol. ii. p. 501, and Appendix X.

Footnote 870

Ord. Vit. 492 D. “Tosticus ... festinus Normanniam adiit, et
Willelmum Ducem cur perjurum suum regnare sineret fortiter
redarguit.” The phrase “perjurus _suus_” is like the common phrase of
“the King’s rebels” and such like.

Footnote 871

Ib. “Seque fideliter, si ipse cum Normannicis viribus in Angliam
transfretaret, regni decus obtenturum illi spopondit.”

Footnote 872

Ord. Vit. 493 A. “Ejus exhortationibus animatus Normanniæ proceres
convocavit.”

Footnote 873

Ib. 492 D. See Appendix N.

Footnote 874

Ord. Vit. 493 C. “Interea Tosticus in Angliam remeandi licentiam a
Duce accepit; eique auxilium suum, tam per se quàm per omnes amicos
suos, firmiter spopondit. Sed, sicut scriptum est, ‘Homo cogitat,
Deus ordinat,’ evenit multò aliter quam sperabat. Nam de Constantino
pelagus intravit, sed Angliam attingere nullatenus potuit. Heraldus
enim mare navium militumque copiâ munierat, ne quis hostium sine
gravi conflictu introiret in regnum quod fraudulenter invaserat.
Tosticus itaque magnis undique premebatur angustiis, utpote qui
nec Angliam per bellum cum paucis contra in numeros invadere, nec
Normanniam propter contrarietatem ventorum poterat repetere.” It is
wonderful how many undertakings in this age were thwarted by stress
of weather.

Footnote 875

See the next Chapter.

Footnote 876

Ord. Vit. 494 A. “Galli namque et Britones, Pictavini et
Burgundiones, aliique populi Cisalpini ad bellum transmarinum
convolârunt, et Anglicæ prædæ inhiantes variis eventibus et periculis
terræ marique sese obtulerunt.” Lappenberg (543), and Mr. Thorpe
(ii. 286) more distinctly, hints that it was from mistaking the
meaning of the word “Cisalpini” that Thierry got his Piedmontese.
We have already seen something of the use of the word as well as of
“transmarinus.” See vol. i. pp. 181, 210 (note 1), 230, 627.

Footnote 877

Guy of Amiens (v. 259. M. H. B. 861 C, Giles 34) makes William count
up French, Bretons, Cenomannians, and adds,

“Appulus et Calaber, Siculus quibus jacula fervet;
Normanni faciles actibus egregiis.”

Footnote 878

Will. Pict. 122. “Convenit etiam externus miles in auxilium copiosus,
quos ex parte notissima Ducis liberalitas, _verum omnes justæ caussæ
fiducia contraxit_.”

Footnote 879

See Appendix W.

Footnote 880

See the story in Lambert and Berthold (ap. Pertz, v. 272) under the
year 1062. Milman, Latin Christianity, iii. 74.

Footnote 881

Lambert, 1063. “Adalbertus Premensis Archiepiscopus ... sæpiùs
colloquendo, obsequendo etiam atque adsentando, ita sibi Regem
brevi devinxerat, ut, cæteris episcopis posthabitis, totus in eum
inclinaretur, et ipse in regno communi penè monarchiam usurpare
videretur.” Milman, iii. 77.

Footnote 882

Lambert, 1065. “Per concessionem ejusdem Archiepiscopi [Adalberti
sc.] primùm se Rex arma bellica succinxit.”

Footnote 883

Ib. 1066. Milman, iii. 81.

Footnote 884

It was Stamfordbridge, not Senlac, which attracted the attention of
Lambert. See Appendix M.

Footnote 885

Henry, in his own troubles, sent an embassy to William (Bruno de
Bello Saxonico, c. 36, ap. Pertz, v. 342). See also the amazing
account of “Willehelmus Bostar” in Lambert, 1074. See vol. ii. p. 582.

Footnote 886

William of Poitiers says first, at an earlier time (120),
“Admirabatur, laudabat, ac venerabatur eum supra nomina Regum Imperii
Romani majestas, cujus olim gloriosissimus moderator Henricus,
Conradi Imperatoris Augusti filius, cum ipso etiam tum puero, veluti
cum nominatissimo Rege, amicitiam junxit ac societatem.” He now (123)
says, “Et Romanorum Imperatori [he was not yet Emperor] Henrico,
Henrici Imperatoris filio, nepoti Imperatoris Chounradi, noviter
junctus fuit in amicitiâ.” After the former passage the Archdeacon
adds, what is yet more amazing, that the Eastern Emperor wished
for William as a neighbour to help him to withstand the advance of
the Mahometans; “Optabat hunc vicinum et amicum nobilis et ampla,
multisque Regibus dominans Constantinopolis, quo propugnatore
sperneret gravem potentiam Babylonis.” The wise proverb τὸν Φραγκὸν
φίλον ἔχῃς γείτουα οὐκ ἔχῃς (Eginh. Vita K. 16) must have been
forgotten.

Footnote 887

See vol. ii. pp. 276, 373.

Footnote 888

Will. Pict. 123. “Cujus [Henrici] edicto in quemlibet hostem Germania
ei, postularet, veniret adjutrix.”

Footnote 889

Ib. “Rex quoque Danorum Suenus fidem legationibus ei spopondit, sed
inimicis ejus amicum exhibebat se fidelem, sicut in sequentibus
legendo ipsius detrimenta, spectabis.” This of course takes in the
help which Swend gave to the English insurgents after William’s
coronation, but it must be connected also with William’s assertion
(p. 132) that there were Danish troops at Senlac.

Footnote 890

See vol. ii. pp. 92, 93.

Footnote 891

Roman de Rou, 11326;

“En Belveisin, à Saint-Girmer
Ala li Dus el Rei parler.”

I fancy that the splendid church of this monastery is less known than
it should be to travellers and architectural students. It contains
nothing so old as the days of William and Philip, but, among other
magnificent portions, it has a Lady Chapel which reminds one at once
of the Chapel of Henry the Seventh at Westminster and of that of
Saint Lewis at Paris.

Footnote 892

Roman de Rou, 11330;

“Ke se tant aidier li voleit,
Ke par s’aïe éust son dreit,
Engleterre de li prendreit,
E volentiers l’en servireit.”

Footnote 893

Ib. 11362;

“Quant Engleterre ara cunquise,
Poiz jà n’areiz de li servise;
Petit sert, maiz meins servira,
Quant plus ara, meins vos fera.”

Footnote 894

See vol. i. pp. 96, 129–131, 247–250.

Footnote 895

Roman de Rou, 11368;

“Li Reis el Duc aidier ne vout,
Ainz le destorba quant il pout.”

Footnote 896

See Roman de Rou, 11390–11433, and Appendix W.

Footnote 897

See above, p. 86, and Appendix N.

Footnote 898

See Dugdale, Baronage, i. 400; Mon. Angl. v. 491; Ellis, i. 422.
The charter there quoted (later than 1274), by an amazing piece of
genealogy, makes Gilbert a son of Count Baldwin and a nephew of
William. “Giselbertus de Gaunt, filius Baldwini Comitis de Flandriâ
venit cum Willelmo Conquæstore avunculo suo in Angliam.”

Footnote 899

Dugdale, i. 425; Mon. Angl. vi. 959; Ellis, i. 420, 504. “Walterus
Bec ... venit cum Conquæstore et habuit hæreditatem suam in
Flandriâ.” He appears in Domesday as “Walterus Flandrensis.”

Footnote 900

See vol. ii. p. 136.

Footnote 901

See Appendix Y.

Footnote 902

See above, pp. 231, 233.

Footnote 903

On Odo, see above, pp. 168, 231. This Alan Fergant must be carefully
distinguished from his cousin Alan Fergant, who was afterwards Count
of Britanny, and who married William’s daughter Constance. See the
pedigree drawn out by Mrs. Green, Princesses, i. 25. So Roman de Rou,
11508;

“Alain Felgan vint el passage,
Ki des Bretunz out grant barnage.”

Footnote 904

Roman de Rou, 11511; “E li Sire i vint de Dinan.”

Footnote 905

Ib. 11505;

“Le visquens i vint de Toarz,
Haimon de bien grant poéir,
E ki poeit grant gent aveir.”

Cf. Will. Pict. 142, where his name is written “Haimerius.”

Footnote 906

Roman de Rou, 11312;

“Poiz a requis ses boens veizins,
Bretunz, Mansels et Angevins,
Cels de Pontif è de Boloigne,
K’od li viegnent en sa besoigne.”

Footnote 907

Liber de Castro Ambasiæ, c. iv., ap. D’Achery, iii. 276. He joined
William when he was “omnem militiæ valetudinem quam invenire potuit
in arma commovens,” and when “ex diversis regionibus optimi milites
et bellicosi gregatim convenirent.” After a fitting panegyric we
read, “Statim ut a Guillermo Duce fuit agnitus, super omnes ei
familiarior est habitus.”

Footnote 908

See the account of this war in the Gesta Consulum, D’Achery, iii.
259, where Fulk’s conduct to his brother is called a “persequutio,”
while Fulk himself (p. 233) speaks of his own “tribulatio” and the
“invasio” of his brother.

Footnote 909

Gest. Cons. 259, where we hear of “proditio” and “proditores,”
while Fulk (u. s.) speaks only of a “campestre prœlium in quo eum
[Geoffrey] Dei gratiâ superavi,” and adds delicately, “proinde accepi
civitatem Andegavæ.” See also the two Angevin Chronicles in Labbé, i.
276, and, more fully, 288. These troubles were among the effects of
the comet.

Footnote 910

Gest. Con. 260. “Fulco Richin Barbatum fratrem suum captum tenuit et
in vinculis Chainoni castro posuit.”

Footnote 911

See Appendix Z.

Footnote 912

Will. Gem. vii. 33. He is followed by Benoît, 36866–36963.

Footnote 913

See above, p. 207.

Footnote 914

See vol. ii. p. 412.

Footnote 915

The famous application of Pippin as to the lawfulness of deposing
Childebert was rather a case of conscience.

Footnote 916

See the very remarkable account of these struggles in Lambert, 1064.
Milman, iii. 83. With the high-minded comments of the impartial
Lambert it is well to compare the panegyric of the partizan William
of Poitiers (122). He at least had good reason to say that Alexander
“responsa edebat justa salutariaque.” So Benoît, 36787;

“A Rome ert donc pape Alixandre,
Jusz hoem, saintismes e verais,
Qui mult tint sainte Iglise en pais.”

He goes on, prematurely enough, to say,

“A lui tramist li _Reis_ Guillaume
Por mostrer l’ovre deu reaume.”

Footnote 917

Will. Malms. iii. 238. “Ne justam caussam temeritas decoloraret,
ad Apostolicum ... misit, justitiam suscepti belli quantis potuit
facundiæ nervis allegans.” The name of this eloquent ambassador comes
from Orderic, 493 B.

Footnote 918

Roman de Rou, 11446;

“E se ço ert ke Deus volsist
K’il Engleterre conquésist,
De Saint Pierre la recevreit,
Altre fors Dex n’en servireit.”

Footnote 919

William of Malmesbury (iii. 238) discusses the point; “Haroldus id
facere supersedit, vel quod turgidus naturâ esset, vel quod caussæ
diffideret, vel quod nuntios suos a Willelmo et ejus complicibus,
qui omnes portus obsidebant, impediri timeret.” There was clearly no
record or received tradition about the matter.

Footnote 920

I find no suggestion of the possibility of any hearing of the English
side anywhere but in the passage of William of Malmesbury just quoted.

Footnote 921

William of Malmesbury (u. s.) says that the Pope gave judgement,
“perpensis apud se utrimque partibus.” But it is from a letter
written long after to William by Hildebrand, then Gregory the
Seventh, that we learn how strong an opposition was made to William’s
claims. The letter is dated April 24th, 1080, and has chiefly
to do with the affairs of the see of Le Mans. Gregory says to
William; “Notum esse tibi credo, excellentissime fili, priusquam ad
pontificale culmen ascenderem, quanto semper te sinceræ dilectionis
affectu amavi, qualem etiam me tuis negotiis et quam efficacem
exhibui, insuper ut ad regale fastigium cresceres quanto studio
laboravi. _Quâ pro re a quibusdam fratribus magnam penè infamiam
pertuli, submurmurantibus quod ad tanta homicidia perpetranda, tanto
favore meam operam impendissem._ Deus verò in meâ conscientiâ testis
erat, quàm recto id animo feceram, sperans per gratiam Dei et non
inaniter confidens de virtutibus bonis quæ in te erant, quia quantò
ad sublimiora proficeres, tantò te apud Deum et sanctam ecclesiam
(sicut et nunc, Deo gratias, res est) ex bono meliorem exhiberes.”
Ep. Greg. VII. cxxxvi., ap. Bouquet, xiv. 648.

Footnote 922

See above, p. 89 et seqq.

Footnote 923

Orderic (482 B) tells a story how, at one stage of the endless
negotiations about Abbot Robert of Saint Evroul (see above, p. 184),
Robert came with certain Papal Legates to claim his Abbey; “Audiens
verò Dux ... vehementer iratus dixit se quidem Legatos Papæ de fide
et relligione Christianâ, ut communis patris, libenter suscepturum;
sed si quis monachorum de terrâ suâ calumniam sibi contrariam
inferret, ad altiorem quercum vicinæ silvæ per capitium irreverenter
suspensurum.” This was in 1063. William plainly recognized no Benefit
of Clergy, and when the witnesses are liable to be hanged, the
proceedings of the Court can hardly be called free.

Footnote 924

So at least Wace (12353) makes William say after he is landed in
England;

“E si saunt Engleiz de veir,
A tuz le velt fere saveir,
Ke cil sunt escumengié
De l’Apostoile è del clergié.”

Footnote 925

We may infer this last object from the care with which William
(see Will. Pict. 144) took, after his coronation, to send to Rome
“Sancti Petri pecuniam,” and also from his famous correspondence with
Gregory. See Lanfranc, ep. 10 (Giles, i. 32).

Footnote 926

Roman de Rou, 11452;

“Un gonfanon e un anel
Mult precios è riche è bel;
Si come il dit, de soz la pierre
Aveit un des cheveuls Saint Pierre.”

For a hair another reading has a tooth.

Footnote 927

The banner is mentioned by most writers. Will. Pict. 123.
“Vexillum accepit [Willelmus] ejus [Alexandri] benignitate, velut
suffragium Sancti Petri; quo primo confidentiùs ac tutiùs invaderet
adversarium.” Ord. Vit. 493 C. “Vexillum Sancti Petri Apostoli, cujus
meritis ab omni periculo defenderetur, transmisit.” Will. Malms. iii.
238. “Papa vexillum in omen regni Willelmo contradidit.” So Wace, u.
s., and Benoît, 36807. Wace calls it “gonfanon,” Benoît “enseigne.”

Footnote 928

In this Chapter we of course return to English authorities, to the
Chronicles and Florence, the latter now distinctly assuming the
character of an independent authority. These we have to compare
throughout with the great Norwegian account, the Saga of Harold
Hardrada in Snorro, many of the details of which are manifestly
mythical. A few scattered hints may also be picked up from German,
Norman, and other sources.

Footnote 929

Chronn. Ab. Wig. 1066. “And sona þaræfter [after the appearance of
the comet] com Tostig eorl fram begeondan sǽ into Wiht mid swa myclum
liðe swa he begytan mihte. And him man geald þar æigðer ge feoh ge
metsunge.” So Florence; “Non multò post, Comes Tostius _de Flandriâ_
[on this point see Appendix Z] rediens, ad Vectam insulam applicuit,
et postquam insulanos sibi tributum et stippendium solvere coegerat,
discessit.” The Peterborough Chronicler, followed, as he so often is,
by William of Malmesbury (ii. 228), as also by Henry of Huntingdon
(M. H. B. 762 A), takes no notice of Tostig’s movements till he
appears in the Humber. The Norman account, it will be remembered (see
above, p. 304), makes him not land in England at all till he comes
with Harold Hardrada.

Footnote 930

Chron. Ab. 1066. “And fór þa þanon, and hearmas dyde ægwar be þam
sæ riman þa he tó mihte, oð he becom to Sandwic.” Flor. Wig. “Circa
ripas maris, donec ad Sandicum portum veniret, prædas exercuit.”

Footnote 931

Will. Malms. iii. 238. “Præterea, qui [Haroldus] putaret minas
Willelmi numquam ad factum erupturas, quod ille conterminorum Ducum
bellis implicaretur, totum animum otio cum subjectis indulserat; nam
profectò, nisi quod Noricorum Regem adventare didicit, nec militem
convocare nec aciem dirigere dignatus fuisset.”

Footnote 932

Flor. Wig. 1066. “Mox, ut regni gubernacula susceperat, ... cœpit ...
pro patriæ defensione ipsemet terrâ marique desudare.”

Footnote 933

Chronn. Wig. Ab. “And Harold cyng his [Tostiges] broðor gegædrade
swa micelne sciphere and eac landhere, swa nan cyng her on lande ær
ne dyde forþam þe him wæs gecyðd þæt Wyllelm Bastard [“Willelm eorll
fram Normandige, Eadwardes cingces mæg,” Chron. Ab. and Fl. Wig.]
wolde hiðer [“cuman,” Ab.] and ðis land gewinnen, eallswa hit syððan
aeóde.”

Footnote 934

Chron. Ab. and Fl. Wig. “Ða cydde man Harolde kynge þe on Lundene
wæs.”

Footnote 935

Chron. Ab. 1066. “Þa Tostig þaet geaxode þaet Harold cing wæs toward
Sandwic, þa for he of Sandwic, and nam of þam butsekarlon sume mid
him, sume þances, sume unþances.” So Florence; “De butsecarlis
quosdam volentes, quosdam nolentes, secum assumens.”

Footnote 936

See vol. ii. p. 323.

Footnote 937

Chron. Ab. “And gewende þa norð into [Humbran] and þær hergode
on Lindesege.” So Florence; “Recessit, et cursum ad Lindesegiam
direxit.” Chronn. Wig. Petrib. “And þá hwile com Tostig eorl into
Humbran mid sixtigum scipum.” So William of Malmesbury, ii. 228;
“Eodem anno Tostinus, a Flandriâ in Humbram navigio sexaginta navium
delatus, ea quæ circa oram fluminis erant piraticis excursionibus
infestabat.”

Footnote 938

Chronn. Wig. Petrib. 1066. “And Eadwine eorl com mid landferde, and
adraf hine út.” The Abingdon Chronicler and Florence add Morkere; so
William of Malmesbury (ii. 228); “Ab Edwino et Morchardo, _concordis
potentiæ fratribus_, impigrè de provinciâ pulsus.”

Footnote 939

Chronn. Wig. Petrib. “And þa butsecarlas hine forsocan.”

Footnote 940

Ib. “And he for to Scotlande mid xii. snaccum.”

Footnote 941

See vol. ii. pp. 384, 452.

Footnote 942

Snorro, ap. Laing, iii. 70. The peace was made on the terms of the
_status in quo_.

Footnote 943

See the quotation from Adam of Bremen in vol. ii. p. 121.

Footnote 944

See Appendix X.

Footnote 945

See vol. ii. p. 627.

Footnote 946

See vol. ii. 90, 106, 151.

Footnote 947

Snorro, ap. Johnstone, 193; Laing, iii. 78. See Appendix BB.

Footnote 948

“Enn Gamli Knútr konungr eignadiz at erfd Dana-ríki, en med hernadi
oc orrosto England” (Johnstone, 194). But England was Cnut’s first
Kingdom; he did not succeed to Denmark till the death or deposition
of his brother Harold. (See vol. i. pp. 403, 465.) This is another
proof how utterly the short reign of Harold was forgotten.

Footnote 949

Johnstone, p. 195. “Mæla menn þat, segir hann, at þer hinir Ensko se
eigi alltrúir.”

Footnote 950

Orderic (493 D) makes Tostig make this proposal to Harold;
“Medietatem Angliæ vobis retinete, aliamque mihi, qui vobis inde
fideliter serviam, retinete.” The proposal is quite in the spirit of
any one who represented, or claimed to represent, Northumberland.
Compare William’s alleged offer to Harold of England in the next
Chapter.

Footnote 951

Snorro, ap. Johnstone, 195. “Því eignadiz Magnús Konungr Danmórk,
at þar landz höfdingiar veitto hönom; enn því feckt þú eigi at
allt landz-folk stód i múti þer. Því bardiz Magnús Konungr eigi
til Englandz, at allr landz-lydr villdi hafa Játvard at Konungi.”
It would almost seem as if, both in England and in Denmark, a
distinction was drawn between the chiefs and the mass of the people.
The people seem to be conceived as being, always and everywhere,
patriotic; but it was possible that some of the chief men in both
countries might be won over to the cause of the invader. This is
eminently true of England in the reign of Æthelred. The people, the
land-folk, of Denmark, says Tostig, resisted Harold; the people of
England were unanimous for Eadward. None but the Danish chiefs are
spoken of as supporting Magnus, and it is only from the chiefs in
England that Tostig looks for the means of fulfilling his promise to
Harold.

Footnote 952

See vol. ii. pp. 91–93.

Footnote 953

See above, p. 289.

Footnote 954

Snorro, ap. Laing, iii. 101;

“Severe was Harald, but we call
That just which was alike to all.”

Compare the discriminating comparison between him and his brother
Saint Olaf; Johnstone, 225; Laing, iii. 102.

Footnote 955

Snorro, ap. Johnstone, 197; Laing, iii. 80. “Enn sumir sögdo, at
England mundi verda torsott, mann-folk ofa-mikit á, oc þat lid er
kallat er þínga-manna-lid, þeir voro menn sva fræknir, at betra var
lid eins þeirra enn II Harallds manna hinna besto.” Harold’s Staller
Ulf is scandalized at the comparison.

Footnote 956

Chron. Ab. 1066. “þa com Harold cyning of Norwegan norð into Tínan on
unwaran.”

Footnote 957

See the quotation from the Worcester Chronicle in p. 325.

Footnote 958

See vol. i. pp. 426, 427.

Footnote 959

See above, p. 325, note 4. The Abingdon Chronicle speaks of
“scip_fyrde_ and eac land_fyrde_,” that of Worcester of “scip_here_
and eac land_here_.” No doubt both kinds of force were called out.
The preparations of Harold are also strongly set forth by Orderic,
500 A; “Hastingas et Penevesellum aliosque portus maris Neustriæ
oppositos.... toto anno illo cum multis navibus et militibus callide
servaverat.” Compare also his account of Tostig’s expedition, see
above, p. 304. And, after all, no one does more justice to Harold
in this respect than the most hostile of all writers, William of
Poitiers (123); “Heraldus interea promptus ad decernendum prœlio,
sive terrestri sive navali, plerumque cum immani exercitu ad littus
marinum opperiens.”

Footnote 960

Chron. Ab. “Þa hit wæs to Nativitas Sanctæ Mariæ, þa wæs manna
metsung agán, and hig nan man þar na leng gehealdan ne mihte.” This
last expressive clause is left out by Florence, who says merely
“victu deficiente.” Cf. above, p. 167. Compare also the preparations
made for the defence of the southern coast in 1337, and the writ of
Edward the Third commanding the dispersion of the levies which are
described as “Hujusmodi onera importabilia sustinere non valentes.”
Rymer, vol. ii. part ii. p. 996; Longman, Edward III. i. 121.

Footnote 961

Chron. Ab. “And man draf þa scypu to Lundene, and manega forwurdon ær
hi þyder cómon.”

Footnote 962

See Appendix AA.

Footnote 963

See above, p. 65.

Footnote 964

Snorro, Johnstone, 196; Laing, iii. 80. “Sendi Haralldr konungr ord
um allan Noreg, oc baud út leidángri, hálfom almenningi.”

Footnote 965

Snorro gives him about two hundred ships of war, besides transports
and other smaller craft (“Haralldr konungr hefdi nær cc. skipa, oc
umfram vista-byrdingar oc smá-skútor.” Johnstone, 198; Laing, iii.
81); the three Chronicles, William of Malmesbury, and the Scholiast
of Adam of Bremen (iii. 51) give him three hundred, Florence five
hundred, while in Marianus Scotus (ap. Pertz, v. 559) the number
rises to “minùs mille.”

Footnote 966

Marianus, u. s. “Araldus, qui et _Arbach_ vocabatur, Rex
Nordmandorum, minùs mille navibus venit mense Septembri, Anglicam
terram regnaturus.” “Arbach” is an odd corruption of Hardrada. I
ought to have mentioned before that the English writers all transfer
to him the surname “Harfagra,” which belongs to the famous Harold of
the ninth century. A Flemish chronicler (Chron. S. Bavo. Corp. Chron.
Fland. i. 459), who copies Marianus, turns him into “Haricnuth, Rex
Nordanhymbrorum.”

Footnote 967

See vol. i. p. 204.

Footnote 968

Snorro, ap. Laing, iii. 30, 37.

Footnote 969

Snorro, ap. Johnstone, 200; Laing, iii. 82. “Haralldr konungr, ádr
hann fór af Þrándheimi, hafdi þar látit taka til Konungs Magnus son
sinn, oc setti hann til ríkis í Noregi, er konungi fór í braut.”
Thora is simply called “Þora Þórbergs dóttir,” while Elizabeth is
“Ellisif drottning.”

Footnote 970

See vol. i. pp. 453, 475, 531, 533.

Footnote 971

Schol. ad Ad. Brem. iii. 51. “Insuper massa auri, quam Haroldus a
Græciâ duxit, ad Bastardum tali fortunâ pervenit. Erat autem pondus
auri quod vix bisseni juvenes cervice levarent.”

Footnote 972

This however Orderic seems to wish us to believe. William makes
his preparations (494 A), while still “nescius infortunii quod
præoccupârat suum præcursorem [Tosticum sc.] et extra statutum cursum
longè propulerat ad septemtrionem.”

Footnote 973

See Flor. Wig. 1098. Will. Malms. iv. 379. Ord. Vit. 768. The
expedition of Harold, Cnut, and Osbiorn in 1069 (see Florence in
anno) was undertaken directly for the deliverance of England. Magnus
in 1098 said expressly that he came not against England, but against
Ireland and the Isles.

Footnote 974

Snorro, ap. Johnstone, 198; Laing, iii. 81. The name should be
noticed. Had every Harold his Gyrth?

Footnote 975

The “witch-wife” of Laing’s translation is a “tröll-kona” in the
original.

Footnote 976

On the career of Thorfinn, see Orkneyinga Saga, ap. Johnstone, Ant.
Celt. Scand. 176 et seqq.; Torfæi Orcades, i. 16 (p. 63 et seqq.);
also Robertson, Scotland under Early Kings, i. 111–129.

Footnote 977

The Orkneyinga Saga (Johnstone, p. 181) attributes to him an
expedition into England in the reign of Harthacnut, of which I find
no trace in English history.

Footnote 978

Mark the prevalence among the Northern nations of scriptural names,
when they were all but unknown in England. We have already had James,
King of the Swedes (see vol. i. p. 455); now we have Mary and Paul,
besides the Russian Elizabeth.

Footnote 979

Snorro, ap. Johnstone, 200; Laing, iii. 83. So the Scholiast on Adam
of Bremen, iv. 31; “Haraldus, frater Olaph nequissimus, Orchadas suo
adduxit _Imperio_, _regnum_que suum dilatavit usque ad Riphæos montes
et Island.” Is the Kingdom of Norway, with Iceland for a part of it,
distinguished from the Empire of Britain? Adam is here discussing the
geography of the Riphæan mountains, but they are a familiar flourish.
See the extracts in vol. i. p. 208, where they are placed somewhere
in Britain.

Footnote 980

Chron. Wig. 1066. “Tostig him to beah and his man wearð.” Will.
Malms, ii. 228. “Ibi Regi Noricorum ... obvio manus dedit.” See
Appendix X.

Footnote 981

Adam Brem. iii. 51. “Tosti ... Regem Nordmannorum auxilio ducit
Haroldum, Regemque Scotorum, et occisus est ipse Tosti et Rex
Hiberniæ et Haroldus cum toto exercitu eorum a Rege Anglorum.” The
“Rex Scotorum” and the “Rex Hiberniæ” can hardly be the same person,
and Tostig was just now on the best terms with Malcolm.

Footnote 982

See the last quotation.

Footnote 983

Chron. Manniæ, 1047 (1066), p. 3 Munch. “De quâ fugâ [apud
Stamfordbrige] quidam Godredus cognomento Crouan, filius Haraldi
nigri, de Ysland fugiens venit ad Godredum filium Sytric qui tunc
regnavit in Manniâ, et honorificè susceptus est ab eo.” See Munch’s
note, pp. 50, 51. He however takes “Ysland” to mean not Iceland, but
Isla.

Footnote 984

Flor. Wig. 1066. “Citato cursu ostium Humbræ fluminis intraverunt.”

Footnote 985

For these accounts of the harrying of “Kliflönd,” “Skardaborg,” and
“Hellornes,” see Snorro, Johnstone, 201; Laing, iii. 83.

Footnote 986

Scarborough, unluckily, is not mentioned in Domesday, otherwise the
name of its lord might perhaps help us to recover the personality of
a man who must have been worth remembering.

Footnote 987

We read some way further on in the Abingdon Chronicle how Harold of
England found the fleet at Tadcaster.

Footnote 988

Flor. Wig. 1066. “In loco qui Richale dicitur applicuerunt.”

Footnote 989

The carelessness of Eadwine and Morkere is strongly set forth by
William of Malmesbury, ii. 228; “Ambo ergo [Harald Hardrada and
Tostig] consertis umbonibus terram Transhumbranam populabantur;
germanos recenti victoria feriatos, qui nihil minus quam talia
latrocinia metuerent, aggressi, victos inter Eboracum includunt.”

Footnote 990

See vol. i. p. 317.

Footnote 991

Marianus (Pertz, v. 559), describing the Battle of Fulford, mentions
the slaughter of a hundred priests; “Eburaci in auctumno plus
quam mille laicorum centosque [sic] presbyterorum bello occidit
de Anglis.” The Chronicle of Saint Bavon (see above, p. 340) cuts
down the number of priests killed to ten. The Hyde writer (292)
mistakes the battle for a storm and massacre at York, with a grievous
slaughter of priests; “Eboracam ... tandem ... capientes tantâ in eâ
cæde debacchati sunt, ut ex numero presbyterorum qui in eâ interfecti
sunt, quantus fuit cæterorum morientium numerus, utrumque conjici
potest undecies enim xx. [220?] presbyteri feruntur ibi occidisse.”

Footnote 992

The earlier writers do not give the name of the place; they are
satisfied with saying that it was near York. The Worcester and
Peterborough Chronicles say that the Northmen “comon to Eoforwic
and heom þær wið fuhton Eadwine Eorl,” etc. So Florence says “juxta
Eboracum,” and Marianus “Eburaci.” Henry of Huntingdon (M. H. B.
762 A), after saying that the fight was “juxta urbem,” adds, “cujus
locus pugnæ in australi parte urbis adhuc ostenditur.” But to the
local knowledge of Simeon a still more exact account seemed needful.
He copies Florence as usual, but after the words “juxta Eboracum” he
inserts the words “apud Fulford.” The matter is elaborately discussed
by a writer in the Gentleman’s Magazine, August, 1863, p. 216 (cf.
p. 347), who is very busy with Snorro, Rapin, Thierry, and Drake’s
Eboracum, but who unluckily did not “possess a copy of Simeon.”

Footnote 993

See Snorro, ap. Johnstone, 202; Laing, iii. 84.

Footnote 994

Ib. “Þat var fen diúpt oc breitt oc fultt af vatni.”

Footnote 995

Snorro, ap. Johnstone, 202; Laing, iii. 84. “For þar fram merki
Mauro-kara Jarls.” Snorro does not speak of any exploits of Eadwine,
nor indeed does he mention his name. I am not sure that he does
not confound him with Waltheof, whom he describes as present in
the battle, calling him, as elsewhere, a brother of Morkere. (See
vol. ii. p. 553.) He gives him however his proper title as Earl of
Huntingdon. (See vol. ii. p. 560.) The presence of Waltheof is not
mentioned by any other writer. It was perhaps suggested by his later
exploits at York.

Footnote 996

Ib. 203; Laing, iii. 84. “Lá þar sva þyckt valrinn, at Nordmenn mátto
gánga þurfaetis yfir fenit.” He goes on to kill Morkere both in prose
and verse, but he lived at least till 1087. Cf. Chron. Ab. “And þær
wæs þæs Engliscan folces mycel ofslagen and adrenct and on fleam
bedrifen.” So Florence; “Multo plures ex illis in fluvio demersi
fuere quam in acie cecidere.”

Footnote 997

Snorro, Johnstone, 203; Laing, iii. 85. “Valþiófr Jarl [meaning most
likely Eadwine] oc þat lid er undan komz, flýdi upp til borgarinnar í
Jorvik, vard þar it mesta mannfall.”

Footnote 998

The details come from Snorro (Johnstone, 205; Laing, iii. 85), but
the capitulation is clear from the English writers. Chron. Ab. “And
þa æfter þam gefeohte, for Harold cyningc of Norwegan and Tostig
eorl into Eoferwic.” So Simeon, who, after the landing at Riccall,
inserts the words “et Eboracum gravi pugnâ obtinuerunt.” Snorro,
who understood the geography of the coast, gets all wrong in the
interior. He fancies that both Riccall and Stamfordbridge were close
to York.

Footnote 999

Chron. Ab. “And to fullan friðe gespræcon, þæt hig ealle mid him suð
faran woldon and þis land gegan.” Cf. vol. i. p. 394.

Footnote 1000

Chron. Ab. and Florence. Snorro does not mention the hostages given
by Harold.

Footnote 1001

Chron. Ab. “And Harold cyningc of Norwegan and Tostig eorl and heora
gefylce wæron afaren of scipe begeondan Eoferwic to Stanfordbrycge;
forþam þe him wæron behaten to gewissan þæt him man þær of ealre þære
scire ongean by gislas bringan wolde.”

Footnote 1002

Bæda, ii. 9.

Footnote 1003

The confusion made by Snorro must be constantly borne in mind. The
army was at Stamfordbridge; the ships were left at Riccall; these
points are several miles distant from York and from one another.
Snorro fancies that they were all three close together; he makes
Harold Hardrada go to Stamfordbridge as a convenient post for
attacking the city, and he makes him also go back to his ships on the
Sunday evening. He no doubt thought that Stamfordbridge was on the
Ouse. So the Hyde writer (292) turns the fight of Stamfordbridge into
a siege of York; “Haroldus .... eis occurrit apud Eboracum et totis
viribus civitatem oppugnat.” Cf. the passage from Domesday, below, p.
361. Stamfordbridge was the Battle of York, as Senlac was the Battle
of Hastings.

Footnote 1004

Æthelred (405) says, “In loco qui tunc Steinfordebrigge, nunc autem
ex rei eventu etiam Pons Belli dicitur.” So the De Inventione, cap.
20; “Rediens a Ponte Belli, quod a bello cognomen.” The older name is
now the only one known, but the battle is by no means forgotten on
the spot.

Footnote 1005

On the details, see Appendix CC.

Footnote 1006

See Appendix BB.

Footnote 1007

The story is told in the Ramsey History, c. 120, by Æthelred of
Rievaux, 404, in the Vita Haroldi, p. 188. The Ramsey writer does
not mention Harold’s sickness; the vision comes “quum Haraldus,
propter imparitatem forsitan copiæ militaris, obviare [Tostino]
dissimularet.” The vision itself too is cut much shorter. Æthelred
tells us of Harold’s sickness, but does not describe its nature.
From his own biographer’s account it would seem to have been gout;
“Tybies ubito unius [“tibia subitò cruris” or “tibia cruris unius”?]
vehementissimo cœpit dolore constringi.”

Footnote 1008

Æthelred, u. s. “Nocte quidem præteritâ, quum dolore torqueretur,
licet eum non parùm urgeret molestia imminens, siluit tamen, reputans
apud se, si publicaret languorem, quod et suis futurus esset
contemptui et hostibus irrisioni.”

Footnote 1009

Vita Haroldi, u. s. “Qui ex suo tali compede plus subditorum
discrimini quam suo congemiscens dolori, noctem penè totam suspiriis
et precibus agentes [agens?] insomnem, familiarem Sanctæ Crucis
expetierat subventionem.” The scene can hardly be meant to be laid at
Waltham. The Holy Cross, it will be remembered, had wrought one cure
on Harold already. See vol. ii. p. 443.

Footnote 1010

“Ailsius,” “Elsinus,” “Alxi,” the pluralist Abbot of Ramsey and Saint
Augustine’s, who had not refused the ministrations of Stigand. See
vol. ii. p. 454. We shall hear of him yet again.

Footnote 1011

Vita Haroldi, p. 188. “Rex itaque ... divinis curatur beneficiis,
exhilaratur oraculis.”

Footnote 1012

The presence of Gyrth and Leofwine might be taken for granted. That
of Bondig appears from a very confused, and probably corrupt, passage
of the De Inventione, c. 20. The army disperses after the victory
at Stamfordbridge, and “Tostinus, Gerth, et Bundinus” are mentioned
among those who had been there. For “Tostinum” we should doubtless
read “Leofwinum,” and the whole history is greatly misconceived, but
the passage seems evidence enough to prove the presence of Bondig, to
whom I owe some amends for my note at vol. ii. p. 359. See above, p.
53.

Footnote 1013

Chron. Ab. “Þa for he norðweard dæges and nihtes, swa hraðe swa he
his fyrde gegaderian mihte.”

Footnote 1014

Domesday, ii. 15. Pachesham was a possession of the church of
Westminster. The Survey adds, “hanc terram dedit unus teignus
ecclesiæ quum ivit ad bellum in Eurewic cum Haroldo.”

Footnote 1015

In Domesday (177 _b_) we read of certain lands which one Wulfgeat had
given to the church of Evesham in the fifth year of King Eadward,
on the occasion of his son Ælfgeat becoming a monk of the house.
The account then goes on; “Postea præstitit abbas Æluuinus hanc
terram suo avunculo quamdiu ipse homo viveret. Qui postea mortuus
fuit in bello Heraldi contra Norrenses.” It is worth notice that the
Church of Evesham found means to take possession of the land in the
short space of time between the two great battles; for the Survey
continues, “ecclesia recepit terram suam antequam Rex W. in Anglia
venisset.”

Footnote 1016

Marianus Scotus, ap. Pertz, v. 559. “Araldus vero Rex Anglorum cum
septem aciebus belli statim pervenit.”

Footnote 1017

See vol. ii. p. 500.

Footnote 1018

See the Abingdon Chronicle quoted in the last page.

Footnote 1019

See above, p. 61.

Footnote 1020

I need hardly quote the well-known passage of Gildas (§ 23) telling
how our forefathers, “grex catulorum de cubili leænæ barbariæ” as he
calls us, came “tribus, ut lingua ejus exprimitur, cyulis, nostrâ
linguâ longis navibus.” Cf. Bæda, i. 15. The Englishman however does
not use the English word preserved to us by the Briton.

Footnote 1021

Chron. Ab. 1066. “Þa ámang þissan com Harald Engla cyninge mid ealre
his fyrde on ðone Sunnandæg to Táða and þær his lið fylcade.” See
above, p. 347.

Footnote 1022

Snorro, ap. Johnstone, 205; Laing, iii. 86. “Þat sama kvelld, éptir
sólarfall kom sunnan at borginni Haralldr konungr Gudenason med
óvigan her reid hann í borgina at villd oe þocka allra borgar-manna.”
He is wrong however in making Harold reach York on the Sunday evening
and pass the night in the city.

Footnote 1023

Chron. Ab. 1066. “Harold Engla Cyningc ... for þa on Monandæg _þurh
ut_ Eoferwic.”

Footnote 1024

See Appendix CC.

Footnote 1025

Snorro, Johnstone, 206; Laing, iii. 87. “Þeir gördo sva, oc var lidit
því meira, er náligarr fór, oc allt at siá, sem á eina ís-möl sæi, er
vapnin glóado.”

Footnote 1026

This famous saying is proverbial. We find it applied to William in
the Peterborough Chronicle, 1087; “Se þe wæs ærur rice cyng and
maniges landes hlaford, he næfde þa ealles landes buton seofon fot
mæl.” It was also long after applied to Charles the Bold by the
Bernese historian Valerius Anshelm (i. 143); “Der Herzog ... ward
von verachter Macht mit sieben Schuh Erdrychs zu Ruw gesetzt und
vernügt.” It is the same general idea as the Æschylean lines,

χθόνα ναίειν διαπήλας,
ὁπόσαν καὶ φθιμένοισι κατέχειν,
τῶν μεγάλων πεδίων ἀμοίρους.

Sept. c. Theb. 713.

Footnote 1027

The moment of Tostig’s death is, oddly enough, not mentioned in the
Saga. But the construction of the story clearly requires it to be
placed here. Tostig takes Harold’s place by the standard. Afterwards
Eystein takes it. Tostig is clearly killed between these two points.

Footnote 1028

Chron. Ab. “Ða com Harold Engla cyning heom ongean on unwaran
begeondan þære brycge.” Chron. Wig. “Ða com Harold ure cyng on unwær
on þa Normenn.”

Footnote 1029

Chron. Ab. “Swyðe heardlice lange on dæg feohtende wæron.” Chron.
Wig. “And þær wærð on dæg swiðe stranglic gefeoht on bá halfe.” Flor.
Wig. “Rex Anglorum Haroldus ... plenam victoriam, licet acerrimè
pugnatum fuisset, habuit.”

Footnote 1030

This appears not only in the Saga, but also in Marianus (Pertz,
v. 559); “Araldus Rex Anglorum, ... quum Araldum imparatum absque
loricis et ceteris ejusdem rei invenisset, bello occidit.” So Saxo
(207), where however there is a good deal of exaggeration; “[Haraldi]
cunctationem Norwagienses timori consentaneam rati, _neglectis
corporum munimentis_, perinde ac securi periculum validiùs prædæ
incubuerunt. Sed dum incautiùs ruunt sparsi palantesque ab Anglis
nullo negotio (!) trucidati sunt.”

Footnote 1031

Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 762 B. “Maximus numerus Anglorum Norwagenses
cedere sed non fugere compulit.”

Footnote 1032

Ib. “Ultra flumen igitur repulsi, vivis super mortuos transeuntibus,
magnanimiter restiterunt.” See the use of the same proverbial
expression above, p. 351.

Footnote 1033