Chapter XLVIII: Appendix (17)
Florence seems to put the two Danegelds together, but the Peterborough
Chronicle (1039, 1040) clearly distinguishes them. There is a
reference to this Danegeld in Heming’s Worcester Cartulary, 348 (Mon.
Angl. i. 593), in which it is compared with the earlier Danegelds of
Æthelred and Cnut, see above, pp. 371, 418, and declared to have been
heavier than any of them; “Sicuti factum est temporibus Athelredi,
regis Anglorum, vastante et depopulante hanc patriam pagano rege
Danorum Swein nomine, quum maximum et prope importabile tributum tota
Anglia reddere cogeretur. Ob hujus itaque tam gravis tributi
exactionem omnia fere ornamenta hujus ecclesiæ distracta sunt, tabulæ
altaris, argento et auro paratæ, spoliatæ sunt, textus exornati,
calices confracti, cruces conflatæ, ad ultimum etiam terræ et villulæ
pecuniis distractæ sunt. Simili modo etiam actum est regnante Cnut
filio suo, et adhuc graviora vectigalia superaddita sunt temporibus
regni filii Cnut, cujus nomen erat Hardecnut.”
Footnote 1144:
Florence here inserts the remark, from the Worcester and Abingdon
Chronicles, “Quapropter omnibus qui prius adventum ejus desiderabant
magnopere factus est exosus summopere.”
Footnote 1145:
Flor. Wig. in anno. “Accusantibus illos Ælfrico Eboracensi
archiepiscopo et quibusdam aliis.”
Footnote 1146:
Ib. “Episcopatum Wigornensem Livingo abstulit et Ælfrico dedit, sed
sequenti anno ablatum Ælfrico, Livingo secum pacificato benigne
reddidit.”
Footnote 1147:
Will. Malms. ii. 188. “Illum episcopatu expulit, sed post annum
pecunia serenatus restituit.”
Footnote 1148:
Ib. “Godwinum quoque obliquis oculis intuitus, ad sacramentum
purgationis compulit.”
Footnote 1149:
Flor. Wig. in anno. “Cum totius fere Angliæ principibus et ministris
dignioribus regi juravit.”
Footnote 1150:
See Appendix VVV.
Footnote 1151:
See above, pp. 354, 357.
Footnote 1152:
See above, p. 340.
Footnote 1153:
See above, p. 357.
Footnote 1154:
Except in one Danish Chronicle (Chron. Erici, ap. Lang. i. 159), who
ludicrously attributes to Harthacnut, not only his father’s military
legislation, but his mythical exploits in various parts of the world.
“Unde tempore suo super omnes reges mundi terribilis et laudabilis
exstitit. Transivit etiam cum Imperatore in Italiam ad domandum
nationes exteras. Obiit autem in Anglia.”
Footnote 1155:
The ship and its crew are described by Florence, 1040; William of
Malmesbury, ii. 188.
Footnote 1156:
Will. Malms. “Ne singula enumerem armis omnibus instructos in quibus
fulgor cum terrore certans sub auro ferrum occuleret.”
Footnote 1157:
“Securis Danica” in both accounts.
Footnote 1158:
Henry of Huntingdon (M. H. B. 728 E) arms both West-Saxons and
Mercians at Burford “gladiis et securibus _Amazonicis_.” The Amazons
are of course a flourish of Henry’s own out of Horace; but the axes
may very likely come from a ballad. The axe, as antiquarian researches
show, was in use almost everywhere from the earliest times, but the
earlier axes are something quite different from the vast two-handed
weapons wielded at Stamfordbridge and Senlac. This last clearly
supplanted the sword as the characteristic English weapon from about
this time. See above, pp. 273, 391.
Footnote 1159:
Villehardouin, c. 95. “Et li Griffon orent mis d’Englois et de Danois
à totes les haches.” Nikêtas, Alex. iii. (351 B. ed. Paris, 1647). εἰ
καὶ πρὸς τῶν ἐπικούρων Ῥωμαίοις Πισσαίων καὶ τῶν πελεκυφόρων βαρβάρων
γενναιότερον ἀπεκρούσθησαν, καὶ τραυματίαι οἱ πλείους ἀνέζευξαν.
Footnote 1160:
Bromton (so to call him) must have had some authority before him when
he made the significant remark (X Scriptt. 934), “Iste rex
Hardeknoutus per totum tempus quo regnavit regnum Scotiæ subjectum
pacifice habebat.”
Footnote 1161:
See above, pp. 350, 353.
Footnote 1162:
Flor. Wig. 1041. “Rex Anglorum Heardecanutus suos huscarlas misit per
omnes regni sui provincias ad exigendum quod indixerat tributum.”
Footnote 1163:
See Appendix KKK.
Footnote 1164:
“Ut _piratis_ suis necessaria ministrarent,” says Roger of Wendover,
i. 479.
Footnote 1165:
See above, p. 316.
Footnote 1166:
Flor. Wig. in anno. “In cujusdam turris Wigornensis monasterii
solario.” This can hardly mean the principal tower of the church.
Footnote 1167:
Besides the ravaging of districts as chastisement for treason or
defection in war (see above, pp. 371, 378), we find a similar case
even in the peaceful reign of Eadgar. See above, p. 65.
Footnote 1168:
See above, p. 514.
Footnote 1169:
So I understand William of Malmesbury, De Gest. Pont. iii. p. 154
“Quin et Wigorniensibus _pro repulsa episcopatus_ infensus auctor
Hardecnuto fuit ut, quod illi pertinacius exactoribus regiorum
vectigalium obstiterant, urbem incenderet, fortunas civium abraderet.”
If the “repulsa episcopatus” meant the restoration of the see to
Lyfing by the King’s act, this could be no offence on the part of the
citizens of Worcester.
Footnote 1170:
On the dates of Siward’s promotions, see Appendix WWW.
Footnote 1171:
Florence calls him “Comes Mediterraneorum.” His earldom included
Huntingdonshire. See a charter of Harthacnut and Emma addressed “Turri
comiti” (Cod. Dipl. vi. 192). I do not find any of his signatures as
Earl, but he is doubtless the same as Ðord, Ðored, &c., in various
spellings, who signs several charters of Cnut as “minister” and
“miles.”
Footnote 1172:
See above, p. 404. “Hrani dux” signs as early as 1023. Cod. Dipl. iv.
27. We find him holding a Scirgemót with Bishop Æthelstan and others
in Cod. Dipl. iv. 54. He there bears the title of Ealdorman, and we
find that his son, like some other English-born sons of Danish
settlers, bore the English name of Eadwine.
Footnote 1173:
Fl. Wig. “Paucos vel e civibus vel provincialibus ceperunt aut
occiderunt, quia præcognito adventu eorum, provinciales quoque locorum
fugerant.”
Footnote 1174:
Ib. “Munitione facta, tamdiu se viriliter adversus suos inimicos
defenderant.”
Footnote 1175:
The existence of the beaver in Britain within historical memory seems
proved by such names as Beverege, Beverley, perhaps, but less likely,
Beverstone (Byferesstan, Chron. Petrib. 1048) in Gloucestershire.
Giraldus Cambrensis (Topog. Hibern. i. 21. p. 709 Camden) speaks of
beavers in his time in the Teifi, but in the Teifi only.
Footnote 1176:
The Worcester writer Heming seems inclined to make the most of the
mischief. To his description of the Danegeld, quoted already (see
above, p. 513), he adds that Harthacnut “etiam totam istam provinciam
hostili exercitu ferro et igne depopulavit.”
Footnote 1177:
“Ælfrico adhuc Wigornensem pontificatum tenente,” says Florence, a
significant expression, which seems silently to confirm the charge
brought against Ælfric of being the author of the whole business.
Footnote 1178:
Robert of Gloucester, p. 558;
“þe bissop Walter of Wurcetre asoiled hom alle þere,
and prechede hom, þat hii adde of deþ þe lasse fere.”
Footnote 1179:
Will. Malms. ii. 188. “Contumeliam famæ, et amori suo detrimentum
ingessit.”
Footnote 1180:
The coming of Eadward and his friendly reception by Harthacnut is
asserted by all the Chronicles and by Florence; they do not distinctly
affirm that Harthacnut sent for him, but it is surely a natural
inference. The invitation is distinctly asserted by the Encomiast, p.
39. William of Malmesbury however (ii. 188) seems to imply that
Eadward came uninvited; “Germanum Edwardum, annosæ peregrinationis
tædio, et spe fraternæ necessitudinis, natale solum revisentem,
obviis, ut aiunt, manibus excipiens indulgentissime retinuit.”
Footnote 1181:
Cnut married Emma in 1017. Harthacnut was therefore born between 1018
and 1023, when he visited Canterbury as a child. Chron. Wig. 1023.
Footnote 1182:
See the extract from William of Poitiers in p. 511.
Footnote 1183:
Enc. Emm. 39. “Fraterno correptus amore, nuncios mittit ad Edvardum,
rogans ut veniens secum obtineret regnum.” Saxo (202) assigns quite
another motive; “Edvardum fratrem, quem ejusdem nominis[!] pater ex
Immæ matrimonio sustulit, in regni societatem adsciscit; non quod
fraterno illum adfectu coleret, sed ut ejus ambitionem munificentia ac
liberalitate præcurreret, regnique parte potitum totum cupere
prohiberet.”]
Footnote 1184:
Chronn. Abb. et Wig. “He wunode þa swa on his broðor hirede, þa hwile
þe he leofode.” Fl. Wig. “A fratre suo Heardecanuto rege susceptus
honorifice in curia sua mansit.”
Footnote 1185:
See above, p. 317.
Footnote 1186:
Ord. Vit. 655 C; Hist. Rams. c. 116.
Footnote 1187:
“Timidus dux Radulfus,” says Florence, 1055.
Footnote 1188:
See above, pp. 330, 379.
Footnote 1189:
See Appendix KK.
Footnote 1190:
See above, p. 379.
Footnote 1191:
See Appendix KK.
Footnote 1192:
A Carl, apparently the same, signs several charters of Cnut.
Footnote 1193:
Sim. Dun. X Scriptt. 81; De Gestis, 204.
Footnote 1194:
Sim. Dun. 81. “Diutina maris tempestate impediti, cœptum iter
relinquentes, domum sunt reversi.”
Footnote 1195:
See above, p. 327. This story has a mythical sound; still a
hunting-party would give unusual opportunities both to commit such a
murder and afterwards to represent it as an accident. The fate of
William Rufus is a familiar example. Simeon (p. 81) says that, in his
time, the place of the murder was marked by a small stone cross.
Footnote 1196:
See above, p. 520.
Footnote 1197:
Will. Malms. iii. 253. On the origin of Siward, see Appendix WWW.
Footnote 1198:
Ealdred (Sim. Dun. 82) had five daughters, three of whom were named
“Elfleda,” that is, I suppose, Æthelflæd. Of these Siward married one,
who was the mother of the famous Waltheof. Did the two other
Æthelflæds die in infancy?
Footnote 1199:
Sim. Dun. De Gestis, 204. “Qui, quum superbia extolleretur, Brittones
satis atrociter devastavit.”
Footnote 1200:
Ib. “Sed tertio post anno, quum ad Hardecanutum reconciliandus in pace
venisset, interfectus est a Siwardo.” So the Abingdon and Worcester
Chronicles, 1041; “And on þison geare eac swác Harðacnut Eadulfe under
gryðe, and he was þa wedloga.” This independent statement gives the
strongest possible confirmation to Simeon’s whole story. Florence does
not mention the murder of Eadwulf.
Footnote 1201:
Sim. Dun. u. s. “Siwardus, qui post illum totius provinciæ
Northanhymbrorum, id est ab Humbra usque Twedam, comitatum habuit.”
Ann. Dun. 1043. “Comes Siward vastavit Northanhymbrorum provinciam.”
This seems to be put during the ten months of the imperfect episcopate
of Eadred.
Footnote 1202:
Sim. Hist. Dun. iii. 9. p. 33. “Defunctus est in Glocestre, quum apud
regem ibidem moraretur.” Gloucester was, at least under Eadward and
William, the usual place for the Midwinter festival. Chron. Petrib.
1087. Eadward also is found at Gloucester somewhat earlier in the
year. Flor. Wig. 1043.
Footnote 1203:
Simeon (Hist. Dun. iii. 9) says, “Præsulatum illius ecclesiæ primus ex
ordine clericali festinavit obtinere.” See above, p. 507.
Footnote 1204:
So I understand the words (Sim. Dun. u. s.), “Intraturus quippe
ecclesiam, subita infirmitate corripitur, decidensque in lectum,
decimo mense moritur.”
Footnote 1205:
So at least it would appear from Adam of Bremen, ii. 74. “Magnus
statim invadens Daniam, possedit duo regna, Hardechnut rege Danorum
cum exercitu morante in Anglia.” But it is hard to make this agree
with the Saga of Magnus, which speaks of no occupation of Denmark by
Magnus till after Harthacnut’s death.
Footnote 1206:
Adam, ii. 73.
Footnote 1207:
Ib. 74.
Footnote 1208:
Chronn. Ab. et Wig. “Her forðferde Harðacnut swa þæt he æt his drince
stod.”
Footnote 1209:
See Appendix XXX.
Footnote 1210:
“Osgodus Clapa, magnæ vir potentiæ,” says Florence. The Waltham writer
De Inventione (c. 13) corrupts Clapa into Scalp, and his daughter’s
name into Glitha.
Footnote 1211:
De Inv. 1–10. The first inhabitants were sixty-six persons who were
cured by the relic, and who devoted themselves to its honour. “De
quibus ... in primis instituta est villa Walthamensis, nam antea nihil
erat in loco nisi vile domicilium ad succurrendum quum caussa venandi
accederet illuc heros ille.” This happened “regnante Cnuto et Anglis
_imperante_.”
Footnote 1212:
Ib. 7. “Ei præ gaudio a senectute et senio [a subtle distinction],
sicut aquilæ, juventus renovatur.”
Footnote 1213:
Fl. Wig. “Dum ... lætus, sospes, et hilaris, cum sponsa prædicta et
quibusdam viris bibens staret.” Cf. Chron. Petrib.
Footnote 1214:
Chronn. Ab. et Wig. “Mid egeslicum anginne.”
Footnote 1215:
Chronn. Petr. et Cant. The latter adds, “His moder for his sawle gief
into niwan mynstre S. Valentines heafod ðas martires.”
Footnote 1216:
See the next Chapter and Appendix YYY.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
● Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained. ● Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last chapter. ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. ● Enclosed bold or blackletter font in =equals=.
Comments
Log in to leave a comment.
The history of the Norman conquest of England, its causes and its results, Volume 1 (of 6)Chapter XLVIII: Appendix (17)
0%7 min left in chapter