Chapter VIII: The Corn-Spirit as an Animal (3)

20 Pausanias, i. 31. 6.

21 Athenaeus, iii. 14, p. 78 C.

M4 Dionysus as a god of agriculture and the corn. The winnowing-fan as
an emblem of Dionysus.

22 Himerius, _Orat._ i. 10, Δίονυσος γεωργεῖ.

23 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 64. 1-3, iv. 4. 1 _sq._ On the agricultural
aspect of Dionysus, see L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek
States_, v. (Oxford, 1909) pp. 123 _sq._

24 [Aristotle,] _Mirab. Auscult._ 122 (p. 842 A, ed. Im. Bekker, Berlin
edition).

25 Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 166; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 35.
The literary and monumental evidence as to the winnowing-fan in the
myth and ritual of Dionysus has been collected and admirably
interpreted by Miss J. E. Harrison in her article “Mystica Vannus
Iacchi,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xxiii. (1903) pp. 292-324.
Compare her _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_2
(Cambridge, 1908), pp. 517 _sqq._ I must refer the reader to these
works for full details on the subject. In the passage of Servius
referred to the reading is somewhat uncertain; in his critical
edition G. Thilo reads λικμητὴν and λικμὸς instead of the usual
λικνιτὴν and λικνόν. But the variation does not affect the meaning.

M5 Use of the winnowing-fan to cradle infants. The winnowing-fan
sometimes intended to avert evil spirits from children.

26 Ἐν γὰρ λείκνοις τὸ παλαιὸν κατεκοίμιζον τὰ Βρέφη πλοῦτον καὶ καρπούς
οἰωνιζόμενοι, Scholiast on Callimachus, i. 48 (_Callimachea_, edidit
O. Schneider, Leipsic, 1870-1873, vol. i. p. 109).

27 T. S. Raffles, _History of Java_ (London, 1817), i. 323; C. F.
Winter, “Instellingen, Gewoontenen Gebruiken der Javanen te
Soerakarta,” _Tijdschrift voor Neêrlands Indie_, Vijfde Jaargang,
Eerste Deel (1843), p. 695; P. J. Veth, _Java_ (Haarlem, 1875-1884),
i. 639.

28 C. Poensen, “Iets over de kleeding der Javanen,” _Mededeelingen van
wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xx. (1876) pp. 279
_sq._

29 Rev. J. Doolittle, _Social Life of the Chinese_, edited and revised
by the Rev. Paxton Hood (London, 1868), pp. 90 _sq._

30 Rev. E. M. Gordon, “Some Notes concerning the People of Mungēli
Tahsīl, Bilaspur District,” _Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal_, lxxi., Part iii. (Calcutta, 1903) p. 74; _id._, _Indian
Folk Tales_ (London, 1908), p. 41.

31 C. B. Klunzinger, _Bilder aus Oberägypten_ (Stuttgart, 1877), pp.
181, 182; _id._, _Upper Egypt, its People and Products_ (London,
1878), pp. 185, 186.

32 R. C. Temple, “Opprobrious Names,” _Indian Antiquary_, x. (1881) pp.
331 _sq._ Compare H. A. Rose, “Hindu Birth Observances in the
Punjab,” _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_, xxxvii.
(1907) p. 234. See also _Panjab Notes and Queries_, vol. iii. August
1886, § 768, pp. 184 _sq._: “The winnowing fan in which a newly-born
child is laid, is used on the fifth day for the worship of Satwáí.
This makes it impure, and it is henceforward used only for the
house-sweepings.”

33 Lieut.-Colonel Gunthorpe, “On the Ghosí or Gaddí Gaolís of the
Deccan,” _Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay_, i. 45.

34 C. Bock, _Temples and Elephants_ (London, 1884), pp. 258 _sq._

M6 Use of the winnowing-fan to avert evil from children in India,
Madagascar, and China. Karen ceremony of fanning away evils from
children.

35 S. Mateer, _Native Life in Travancore_ (London, 1883), p. 213.

36 J. Richardson, “Tanala Customs, Superstitions, and Beliefs,”
_Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine, Reprint of the First
Four Numbers_ (Antananarivo, 1885), pp. 226 _sq._

37 Pausanias, ii. 31. 8; K. F. Hermann, _Lehrbuch der
gottesdienstlichen Alterthümer der Griechen_2 (Heidelberg, 1858),
pp. 132 _sq._, § 23, 25.

38 Rev. J. Doolittle, _Social Life of the Chinese_, edited and revised
by the Rev. Paxton Hood (London, 1868), pp. 114 _sq._ The beans used
in the ceremony had previously been placed before an image of the
goddess of small-pox.

39 Rev. F. Mason, D.D., “Physical Character of the Karens,” _Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, New Series, No. cxxxi. (Calcutta,
1866), pp. 9 _sq._

M7 Among the reasons for the use of the winnowing-fan in birth-rites
may have been the wish to avert evils and to promote fertility and
growth.

40 Servius on Virgil, _Georg._ i. 166: “_Et vannus Iacchi.... Mystica
autem Bacchi ideo ait, quod Liberi patris sacra ad purgationem
animae pertinebant: et sic homines ejus mysteriis purgabantur, sicut
vannis frumenta purgantur._”

41 W. Mannhardt, “Kind und Korn,” _Mythologische Forschungen_
(Strasburg, 1884), pp. 351-374.

42 W. Mannhardt, _op. cit._ pp. 351 _sqq._

43 W. Mannhardt, _op. cit._ p. 372, citing A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche
Volks-aberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 339, § 543; L. Strackerjan,
_Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum Oldenburg_ (Oldenburg,
1867), i. 81.

44 Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche_ (St.
Petersburg, 1854), p. 61. This custom is also cited by Mannhardt
(_l.c._).

M8 Use of the winnowing-fan in the rites of Dionysus.

45 Miss J. E. Harrison, “Mystica Vannus Iacchi,” _Journal of Hellenic
Studies_, xxiii. (1903) pp. 296 _sqq._; _id._, _Prolegomena to the
Study of Greek Religion_,2 pp. 518 _sqq._; L. R. Farnell, _The Cults
of the Greek States_, v. (Oxford, 1909) p. 243.

46 Herodotus, ii. 48, 49; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 34,
pp. 29-30, ed. Potter; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum
Graecarum_,2 No. 19, vol. i. p. 32; M. P. Nilsson, _Studia de
Dionysiis Atticis_ (Lund, 1900), pp. 90 _sqq._; L. R. Farnell, _The
Cults of the Greek States_, v. 125, 195, 205.

47 Augustine, _De civitate Dei_, vii. 21.

M9 Myth of the death and resurrection of Dionysus. Legend that the
infant Dionysus occupied for a short time the throne of his father
Zeus. Death and resurrection of Dionysus represented in his rites.

48 Nonnus, _Dionys._ vi. 155-205.

49 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 6.

50 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 17. Compare Ch. A. Lobeck,
_Aglaophamus_, pp. 1111 _sqq._

51 Proclus on Plato, _Cratylus_, p. 59, quoted by E. Abel, _Orphica_,
p. 228. Compare Chr. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, pp. 552 _sq._

52 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 19. Compare _id._ ii. 22;
Scholiast on Lucian, _Dial. Meretr._ vii. p. 280, ed. H. Rabe.

53 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 18; Proclus on Plato’s
_Timaeus_, iii. p. 200 D, quoted by Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, p. 562,
and by Abel, _Orphica_, p. 234. Others said that the mangled body
was pieced together, not by Apollo but by Rhea (Cornutus,
_Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 30).

54 Ch. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, pp. 572 _sqq._ See _The Dying God_, p.
3. For a conjectural restoration of the temple, based on ancient
authorities and an examination of the scanty remains, see an article
by J. H. Middleton, in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, ix. (1888) pp.
282 _sqq._ The ruins of the temple have now been completely
excavated by the French.

55 S. Clemens Romanus, _Recognitiones_, x. 24 (Migne’s _Patrologia
Graeca_, i. col. 1434).

56 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 62.

57 Macrobius, _Comment. in Somn. Scip._ i. 12. 12; _Scriptores rerum
mythicarum Latini tres Romae nuper reperti_ (commonly referred to as
_Mythographi Vaticani_), ed. G. H. Bode (Cellis, 1834), iii. 12. 5,
p. 246; Origen, _Contra Celsum_, iv. 17 (vol. i. p. 286, ed. P.
Koetschau).

58 Himerius, _Orat._ ix. 4.

59 Proclus, _Hymn to Minerva_, quoted by Ch. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_,
p. 561; _Orphica_, ed. E. Abel, p. 235.

60 Hyginus, _Fabulae_, 167.

61 The festivals of Dionysus were biennial in many places. See G. F.
Schömann, _Griechische Alterthümer_,4 ii. 524 _sqq._ (The terms for
the festival were τριετηρίς, τριετηρικός, both terms of the series
being included in the numeration, in accordance with the ancient
mode of reckoning.) Perhaps the festivals were formerly annual and
the period was afterwards lengthened, as has happened with other
festivals. See W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 172, 175, 491, 533
_sq._, 598. Some of the festivals of Dionysus, however, were annual.
Dr. Farnell has conjectured that the biennial period in many Greek
festivals is to be explained by “the original shifting of
land-cultivation which is frequent in early society owing to the
backwardness of the agricultural processes; and which would
certainly be consecrated by a special ritual attached to the god of
the soil.” See L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_, v.
180 _sq._

62 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 6.

_ 63 Mythographi Vaticani_, ed. G. H. Bode, iii. 12. 5, p. 246.

64 Plutarch, _Consol. ad uxor._ 10. Compare _id._, _Isis et Osiris_,
35; _id._, _De E Delphico_, 9; _id._, _De esu carnium_, i. 7.

65 Pausanias, ii. 31. 2 and 37. 5; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 5.
3.

66 Pausanias, ii. 37. 5 _sq._; Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 35; _id._,
_Quaest. Conviv._ iv. 6. 2.

67 Himerius, _Orat._ iii. 6, xiv. 7.

68 For Dionysus in this capacity see F. Lenormant in Daremberg et
Saglio, _Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines_, i. 632.
For Osiris, see _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 344
_sq._

M10 Dionysus represented in the form of a bull.

69 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 35; _id._, _Quaest. Graec._ 36;
Athenaeus, xi. 51, p. 476 A; Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii.
16; _Orphica_, Hymn xxx. _vv._ 3, 4, xlv. 1, lii. 2, liii. 8;
Euripides, _Bacchae_, 99; Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 357;
Nicander, _Alexipharmaca_, 31; Lucian, _Bacchus_, 2. The title
Εἰραφιώτης applied to Dionysus (_Homeric Hymns_, xxxiv. 2; Porphyry,
_De abstinentia_, iii. 17; Dionysius, _Perieg._ 576; _Etymologicum
Magnum_, p. 371. 57) is etymologically equivalent to the Sanscrit
_varsabha_, “a bull,” as I was informed by my lamented friend the
late R. A. Neil of Pembroke College, Cambridge.

70 Euripides, _Bacchae_, 920 _sqq._, 1017; Nonnus, _Dionys._ vi. 197
_sqq._

71 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 35; Athenaeus, xi. 51, p. 476 A.

72 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 64. 2, iv. 4. 2; Cornutus, _Theologiae
Graecae Compendium_, 30.

73 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 64. 2; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_,
209, 1236; Philostratus, _Imagines_, i. 14 (15).

74 Müller-Wieseler, _Denkmäler der alten Kunst_, ii. pl. xxxiii.;
Daremberg et Saglio, _Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et
Romaines_, i. 619 _sq._, 631; W. H. Roscher, _Lexikon d. griech. u.
röm. Mythologie_, i. 1149 _sqq._; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of
some Kilikian Cities,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xviii. (1898)
p. 165.

75 F. G. Welcker, _Alte Denkmäler_ (Göttingen, 1849-1864), v. taf. 2.

_ 76 Archaeologische Zeitung_, ix. (1851) pl. xxxiii., with Gerhard’s
remarks, pp. 371-373.

_ 77 Gazette Archéologique_, v. (1879) pl. 3.

78 Pausanias, viii. 19. 2.

79 Plutarch, _Quaestiones Graecae_, 36; _id._, _Isis et Osiris_, 35.

80 J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on Lycophron_, 1236.

81 Nonnus, _Dionys._ vi. 205.

82 Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 6.

83 Euripides, _Bacchae_, 735 _sqq._; Scholiast on Aristophanes,
_Frogs_, 357.

M11 Dionysus as a goat. Live goats rent and devoured by his worshippers.

84 Hesychius, _s.v._ Ἔριφος ὁ Διόνυσος, on which there is a marginal
gloss ὁ μικρὸς αἴξ, ὁ ἐν τῷ ἔαρι φαινόμενος, ἤγουν ὁ πρώϊμος;
Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Ἀκρώρεια.

85 Pausanias, ii. 35. 1; Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Acharn._ 146;
_Etymologicum Magnum_, _s.v._ Ἀπατούρια, p. 118. 54 _sqq._; Suidas,
_s.vv._ Ἀπατούρια and μελαναίγιδα Διόνυσον; Nonnus, _Dionys._ xxvii.
302. Compare Conon, _Narrat._ 39, where for Μελανθίδῃ we should
perhaps read Μελαναίγιδι.

86 Pausanias, ii. 13. 6. On their return from Troy the Greeks are said
to have found goats and an image of Dionysus in a cave of Euboea
(Pausanias, i. 23. 1).

87 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 4. 3.

88 Ovid, _Metam._ v. 329; Antoninus Liberalis, _Transform._ 28;
_Mythographi Vaticani_, ed. G. H. Bode, i. 86, p. 29.

89 Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, v. 19. Compare Suidas, _s.v._
αἰγίζειν. As fawns appear to have been also torn in pieces at the
rites of Dionysus (Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ νεβρίζειν;
Harpocration, _s.v._ νεβρίζων), it is probable that the fawn was
another of the god’s embodiments. But of this there seems no direct
evidence. Fawn-skins were worn both by the god and his worshippers
(Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 30). Similarly the
female Bacchanals wore goat-skins (Hesychius, _s.v._ τραγηφόροι).

M12 Custom of rending and devouring animals and men as a religious rite.
Ceremonial cannibalism among the Indians of British Columbia.

90 Mr. Duncan, quoted by Commander R. C. Mayne, _Four Years in British
Columbia and Vancouver Island_ (London, 1862), pp. 284-288. The
instrument which made the screeching sound was no doubt a
bull-roarer, a flat piece of stick whirled at the end of a string so
as to produce a droning or screaming note according to the speed of
revolution. Such instruments are used by the Koskimo Indians of the
same region at their cannibal and other rites. See Fr. Boas, “The
Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl
Indians,” _Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1895_ (Washington,
1897), pp. 610, 611.

M13 Religious societies of Cannibals and Dog-eaters among the Indians of
British Columbia. Live goats rent in pieces and devoured by fanatics
in Morocco.

91 Fr. Boas, _op. cit._ pp. 437-443, 527 _sq._, 536, 537 _sq._, 579,
664; _id._, in “Fifth Report on the North-western Tribes of Canada,”
_Report of the British Association for 1889_, pp. 54-56 (separate
reprint); _id._, in “Sixth Report on the North-western Tribes of
Canada,” _Report of the British Association for 1890_, pp. 62, 65
_sq._ (separate reprint). As to the rules observed after the eating
of human flesh, see _Taboo and the Perils of the Soul_, pp. 188-190.

92 Fr. Boas, “The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the
Kwakiutl Indians,” _Report of the U.S. National Museum for 1895_
(Washington, 1897), pp. 649 _sq._, 658 _sq._; _id._, in “Sixth
Report on the North-western Tribes of Canada,” _Report of the
British Association for 1890_, p. 51; (separate reprint); _id._,
“Seventh Report on the North-western Tribes of Canada,” _Report of
the British Association for 1891_, pp. 10 _sq._ (separate reprint);
_id._, “Tenth Report on the North-western Tribes of Canada,” _Report
of the British Association for 1895_, p. 58 (separate reprint).

93 G. M. Dawson, _Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878_
(Montreal, 1880), pp. 125 B, 128 B.

94 J. R. Swanton, _Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida_ (Leyden
and New York, 1905), pp. 156, 160 _sq._, 170 _sq._, 181 (_The Jesup
North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural
History_). For details as to the practice of these savage rites
among the Indian coast tribes of British Columbia, see my _Totemism
and Exogamy_ (London, 1910), iii. pp. 501, 511 _sq._, 515 _sq._,
519, 521, 526, 535 _sq._, 537, 539 _sq._, 542 _sq._, 544, 545.

95 A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), pp. 267-269.
Compare Budgett Meakin, _The Moors_ (London, 1902), pp. 331 _sq._
The same order of fanatics also exists and holds similar orgies in
Algeria, especially at the town of Tlemcen. See E. Doutté, _Les
Aïssâoua à Tlemcen_ (Châlons-sur-Marne, 1900), p. 13.

M14 Later misinterpretations of the custom of killing a god in animal
form.

96 Varro, _Rerum rusticarum_, i. 2. 19; Virgil, _Georg._ ii. 376-381,
with the comments of Servius on the passage and on _Aen._ iii. 118;
Ovid, _Fasti_, i. 353 _sqq._; _id._, _Metamorph._ xv. 114 _sq._;
Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 30.

97 Euripides, _Bacchae_, 138 _sq._: ἀγρεύων αἷμα τραγοκτόνον, ὠμοφάγον
χάριν.

98 Schol. on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 357.

99 Hera αἰγοφάγος at Sparta, Pausanias, iii. 15. 9; Hesychius, _s.v._
αἰγοφάγος (compare the representation of Hera clad in a goat’s skin,
with the animal’s head and horns over her head, Müller-Wieseler,
_Denkmäler der alten Kunst_, i. No. 229 B; and the similar
representation of the Lanuvinian Juno, W. H. Roscher, _Lexikon d.
griech. u. röm. Mythologie_, ii. 605 _sqq._); Zeus αἰγοφάγος,
_Etymologicum Magnum_, _s.v._ αἰγοφάγος, p. 27. 52 (compare
Scholiast on Oppianus, _Halieut._ iii. 10; L. Stephani, in
_Compte-Rendu de la Commission Impériale Archéologique pour l’année
1869_ (St. Petersburg, 1870), pp. 16-18); Apollo ὀψοφάγος at Elis,
Athenaeus, viii. 36, p. 346 B; Artemis καπροφάγος in Samos,
Hesychius, _s.v._ καπροφάγος; compare _id._, _s.v._ κριοφάγος.
Divine titles derived from killing animals are probably to be
similarly explained, as Dionysus αἰγόβολος (Pausanias, ix. 8. 2);
Rhea or Hecate κυνοσφαγής (J. Tzetzes, _Scholia on Lycophron_, 77);
Apollo λυκοκτόνος (Sophocles, _Electra_, 6); Apollo σαυροκτόνος
(Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxxiv. 70).

100 See below, vol. ii. pp. 184, 194, 196, 197 _sq._, 233.

M15 Human sacrifices in the worship of Dionysus.

101 Porphyry, _De abstinentia_, ii. 55.

102 Pausanias, ix. 8. 2.

103 See _The Dying God_, pp. 163 _sq._

M16 The legendary deaths of Pentheus and Lycurgus may be reminiscences
of a custom of sacrificing divine kings in the character of
Dionysus.

_ 104 Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 332 _sq._

105 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 5. 1.

_ 106 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 344, 345, 346, 352,
354, 366 _sq._

107 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 5. 1.

108 Herodotus, vii. 197; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 9. 1 _sq._;
Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Clouds_, 257; J. Tzetzes, _Schol. on
Lycophron_, 21; Hyginus, _Fabulae_, 1-5. See _The Dying God_, pp.
161-163.

109 Clemens Romanus, _Recognitiones_, x. 24 (Migne’s _Patrologia
Graeca_, i. col. 1434).

110 Euripides, _Bacchae_, 43 _sqq._, 1043 _sqq._; Theocritus, _Idyl._
xxvi.; Pausanias, ii. 2. 7. Strictly speaking, the murder of
Pentheus is said to have been perpetrated not at Thebes, of which he
was king, but on Mount Cithaeron.

M17 Survival of Dionysiac rites among the modern Thracian peasantry.

111 See Mr. R. M. Dawkins, “The Modern Carnival in Thrace and the Cult
of Dionysus,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xxvi. (1906) pp.
191-206. Mr. Dawkins describes the ceremonies partly from his own
observation, partly from an account of them published by Mr. G. M.
Vizyenos in a Greek periodical Θρακικὴ Ἐπετηρίς, of which only one
number was published at Athens in 1897. From his personal
observations Mr. Dawkins was able to confirm the accuracy of Mr.
Vizyenos’s account.

_ 112 Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 333 _sq._

M18 Drama annually performed at the Carnival in the villages round Viza,
an old Thracian capital. The actors in the drama.

113 Strabo, vii. frag. 48; Stephanus Byzantius, _s.v._ Βιζύη.

114 R. M. Dawkins, _op. cit._ p. 192.

M19 The ceremonies include the forging of a ploughshare, a mock
marriage, and a pretence of death and resurrection.
M20 The ceremonies also include a simulation of ploughing and sowing by
skin-clad men, accompanied by prayers for good crops.

115 R. M. Dawkins, “The Modern Carnival in Thrace and the Cult of
Dionysus,” _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, xxvi. (1906) pp. 193-201.

M21 Kindred ceremony performed by a masked and skin-clad man who is
called a king.

116 R. M. Dawkins, _op. cit._ pp. 201 _sq._

M22 Analogy of these modern Thracian ceremonies to the ancient rites of
Dionysus.

117 They have been clearly indicated by Mr. R. M. Dawkins, _op. cit._
pp. 203 _sqq._ Compare W. Ridgeway, _The Origin of Tragedy_
(Cambridge, 1910), pp. 15 _sqq._, who fully recognises the connexion
of the modern Thracian ceremonies with the ancient rites of
Dionysus.

118 Lucian, _Dialogi Deorum_, ix. 2; Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, iii. 4.
4. According to the latter writer Dionysus was born in the sixth
month.

M23 The modern Thracian celebration seems to correspond most closely to
the ancient Athenian festival of the Anthesteria.

119 As to such festivals of All Souls see _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_,
Second Edition, pp. 301-318.

120 The passages of ancient authors which refer to the Anthesteria are
collected by Professor Martin P. Nilsson, _Studia de Dionysiis
Atticis_ (Lund, 1900), pp. 148 _sqq._ As to the festival, which has
been much discussed of late years, see August Mommsen, _Heortologie_
(Leipsic, 1864), pp. 345 _sqq._; _id._, _Feste der Stadt Athen im
Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 384 _sqq._; G. F. Schoemann,
_Griechische Alterthümer_4 (Berlin, 1902), ii. 516 _sqq._; E. Rohde,
_Psyche_3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903), i. 236 _sqq._; Martin P.
Nilsson, _op. cit._ pp. 115 _sqq._; P. Foucart, _Le Culte de
Dionysos en Attique_ (Paris, 1904), pp. 107 _sqq._; Miss J. E.
Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_2 (Cambridge,
1908), pp. 32 _sqq._; L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek
States_, v. (Oxford, 1909) pp. 214 _sqq._ As to the marriage of
Dionysus to the Queen of Athens, see _The Magic Art and the
Evolution of Kings_, i. 136 _sq._

121 By Professor U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, _Aristoteles und Athen_
(Berlin, 1893), ii. 42; and afterwards by Miss J. E. Harrison,
_Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion_,2 p. 536.

_ 122 The Dying God_, p. 71.

123 Plutarch, _Conjugalia Praecepta_, 42.

124 Miss J. E. Harrison, _Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens_
(London, 1890), pp. 166 _sq._

125 Aristotle, _Constitution of Athens_, 3. As to the situation of the
Prytaneum see my note on Pausanias, i. 18. 3 (vol. ii. p. 172).

M24 Theory that the rites of the Anthesteria comprised a drama of the
violent death and resurrection of Dionysus.

126 August Mommsen, _Heortologie_, pp. 371 _sqq._; _id._, _Feste der
Stadt Athen im Altertum_, pp. 398 _sqq._; P. Foucart, _Le Culte de
Dionysos en Attique_, pp. 138 _sqq._

127 Demosthenes, _Contra Neaer_. 73, pp. 1369 _sq._; Julius Pollux,
viii. 108; _Etymologicum Magnum_, p. 227, _s.v._ γεραῖραι;
Hesychius, _s.v._ γεραραί.

128 Chr. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, p. 505.

129 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 18, 42.

130 The resurrection of Osiris is not described by Plutarch in his
treatise _Isis et Osiris_, which is still our principal source for
the myth of the god; but it is fortunately recorded in native
Egyptian writings. See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, p.
274. P. Foucart supposes that the resurrection of Dionysus was
enacted at the Anthesteria; August Mommsen prefers to suppose that
it was enacted in the following month at the Lesser Mysteries.

M25 Legends of human sacrifice in the worship of Dionysus may be mere
misinterpretations of ritual.

131 Aelian, _De Natura Animalium_, xii. 34. Compare W. Robertson Smith,
_Religion of the Semites_2 (London, 1894), pp. 300 _sqq._

132 Aulus Gellius, v. 12. 12.

133 See _The Dying God_, p. 166 note 1, and below, p. 249.

M26 Demeter and Persephone as Greek personifications of the decay and
revival of vegetation.
M27 The Homeric _Hymn to Demeter_. The rape of Persephone. The wrath of
Demeter. The return of Persephone.

134 R. Foerster, _Der Raub und die Rückkehr der Persephone_ (Stuttgart,
1874), pp. 37-39; _The Homeric Hymns_, edited by T. W. Allen and E.
E. Sikes (London, 1904), pp. 10 _sq._ A later date—the age of the
Pisistratids—is assigned to the hymn by A. Baumeister (_Hymni
Homerici_, Leipsic, 1860, p. 280).

_ 135 Hymn to Demeter_, 1 _sqq._, 302 _sqq._, 330 _sqq._, 349 _sqq._, 414
_sqq._, 450 _sqq._

_ 136 Hymn to Demeter_, 310 _sqq._ With the myth as set forth in the
Homeric hymn may be compared the accounts of Apollodorus
(_Bibliotheca_, i. 5) and Ovid (_Fasti_, iv. 425-618;
_Metamorphoses_, v. 385 _sqq._).

M28 The aim of the Homeric _Hymn to Demeter_ is to explain the
traditional foundation of the Eleusinian mysteries by Demeter.

_ 137 Hymn to Demeter_, 47-50, 191-211, 292-295, with the notes of
Messrs. Allen and Sikes in their edition of the Homeric Hymns
(London, 1904). As to representations of the candidates for
initiation seated on stools draped with sheepskins, see L. R.
Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_, iii. (Oxford, 1907) pp.
237 _sqq._, with plate xv _a_. On a well-known marble vase there
figured the stool is covered with a lion’s skin and one of the
candidate’s feet rests on a ram’s skull or horns; but in two other
examples of the same scene the ram’s fleece is placed on the seat
(Farnell, _op. cit._ p. 240 note a), just as it is said to have been
placed on Demeter’s stool in the Homeric hymn. As to the form of
communion in the Eleusinian mysteries, see Clement of Alexandria,
_Protrept._ 21, p. 18 ed. Potter; Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, v.
26; L. R. Farnell, _op. cit._ iii. 185 _sq._, 195 _sq._ For
discussions of the ancient evidence bearing on the Eleusinian
mysteries it may suffice to refer to Chr. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_
(Königsberg, 1829), pp. 3 _sqq._; G. F. Schoemann, _Griechische
Alterthümer_,4 ii. 387 _sqq._; Aug. Mommsen, _Heortologie_ (Leipsic,
1864), pp. 222 _sqq._; _id._, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_
(Leipsic, 1898), pp. 204 _sqq._; P. Foucart, _Recherches sur
l’Origine et la Nature des Mystères d’Eleusis_ (Paris, 1895)
(_Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions_, xxxv.); _id._, _Les
grands Mystères d’Eleusis_ (Paris, 1900) (_Mémoires de l’Académie
des Inscriptions_, xxxvii.); F. Lenormant and E. Pottier, _s.v._
“Eleusinia,” in Daremberg et Saglio, _Dictionnaire des Antiquités
Grecques et Romaines_, ii. 544 _sqq._; L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of
the Greek States_, iii. 126 _sqq._

M29 Revelation of a reaped ear of corn the crowning act of the
mysteries.

138 Hippolytus, _Refutatio Omnium Haeresium_, v. 8, p. 162, ed. L.
Duncker et F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1859). The word which the
poet uses to express the revelation (δεῖξε, _Hymn to Demeter_, verse
474) is a technical one in the mysteries; the full phrase was
δεικνύναι τὰ ἱερά. See Plutarch, _Alcibiades_, 22; Xenophon,
_Hellenica_, vi. 3. 6; Isocrates, _Panegyricus_, 6; Lysias, _Contra
Andocidem_, 51; Chr. A. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, p. 51.

139 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 12, p. 12 ed. Potter: Δηὼ δὲ
καὶ Κόρη δρᾶμα ἤδη ἐγενέσθην μυστικόν; καὶ τὴν πλάνην καὶ τὴν
ἀρπαγὴν καὶ τὸ πένθος αὐταῖν Ἐλευσὶς δᾳδουχεῖ. Compare F. Lenormant,
_s.v._ “Eleusinia,” in Daremberg et Saglio, _Dictionnaire des
Antiquités Grecques et Romaines_ iii. 578: “_Que le drame mystique
des aventures de Déméter et de Coré constituât le spectacle
essentiel de l’initiation, c’est ce dont il nous semble impossible
de douter_.” A similar view is expressed by G. F. Schoemann
(_Griechische Alterthümer_,4 ii. 402); Preller-Robert (_Griechische
Mythologie_, i. 793); P. Foucart (_Recherches sur l’Origine et la
Nature des Mystères d’Eleusis_, Paris, 1895, pp. 43 _sqq._; _id._,
_Les Grands Mystères d’Eleusis_, Paris, 1900, p. 137); E. Rohde
(_Psyche_,3 i. 289); and L. R. Farnell (_The Cults of the Greek
States_, iii. 134, 173 _sqq._).

M30 Demeter and Persephone personifications of the corn. Persephone the
seed sown in autumn and sprouting in spring. Demeter the old corn of
last year. The view that Demeter was the Earth goddess is implicitly
rejected by the author of the Homeric _Hymn to Demeter_.

140 On Demeter and Proserpine as goddesses of the corn, see L. Preller,
_Demeter und Persephone_ (Hamburg, 1837), pp. 315 _sqq._; and
especially W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_ (Strasburg,
1884), pp. 202 _sqq._

141 According to the author of the Homeric Hymn to Demeter (verses 398
_sqq._, 445 _sqq._) and Apollodorus (_Bibliotheca_, i. 5. 3) the
time which Persephone had to spend under ground was one third of the
year; according to Ovid (_Fasti_, iv. 613 _sq._; _Metamorphoses_, v.
564 _sqq._) and Hyginus (_Fabulae_, 146) it was one half.

142 This view of the myth of Persephone is, for example, accepted and
clearly stated by L. Preller (_Demeter und Persephone_, pp. 128
_sq._).

143 See, for example, Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum
religionum_, 17. 3: “_Frugum substantiam volunt Proserpinam dicere,
quia fruges hominibus cum seri coeperint prosunt. Terram ipsam
Cererem nominant, nomen hoc a gerendis fructibus mutuati_”; L.
Preller, _Demeter und Persephone_, p. 128, “_Der Erdboden wird
Demeter, die Vegetation Persephone_.” François Lenormant, again,
held that Demeter was originally a personification of the earth
regarded as divine, but he admitted that from the time of the
Homeric poems downwards she was sharply distinguished from Ge, the
earth-goddess proper. See Daremberg et Saglio, _Dictionnaire des
Antiquités Grecques et Romaines_, _s.v._ “Ceres,” ii. 1022 _sq._
Some light might be thrown on the question whether Demeter was an
Earth Goddess or a Corn Goddess, if we could be sure of the
etymology of her name, which has been variously explained as “Earth
Mother” (Δῆ μήτηρ equivalent to Γῆ μήτηρ) and as “Barley Mother”
(from an alleged Cretan word δηαί “barley”: see _Etymologicum
Magnum_, _s.v._ Δηώ, pp. 263 _sq._). The former etymology has been
the most popular; the latter is maintained by W. Mannhardt. See L.
Preller, _Demeter und Persephone_, pp. 317, 366 _sqq._; F. G.
Welcker, _Griechische Götterlehre_, i. 385 _sqq._; Preller-Robert,
_Griechische Mythologie_, i. 747 note 6; Kern, in Pauly-Wissowa’s
_Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, iv. 2713;
W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, pp. 281 _sqq._ But my
learned friend the Rev. Professor J. H. Moulton informs me that both
etymologies are open to serious philological objections, and that no
satisfactory derivation of the first syllable of Demeter’s name has
yet been proposed. Accordingly I prefer to base no argument on an
analysis of the name, and to rest my interpretation of the goddess
entirely on her myth, ritual, and representations in art. Etymology
is at the best a very slippery ground on which to rear mythological
theories.

_ 144 Hymn to Demeter_, 8 _sqq._

M31 The Yellow Demeter, the goddess who sifts the ripe grain from the
chaff at the threshing-floor. The Green Demeter the goddess of the
green corn.

_ 145 Hymn to Demeter_, 279, 302.

146 Homer, _Iliad_, v. 499-504.

_ 147 Iliad_, xiii. 322, xxi. 76.

148 Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 31 _sq._

149 Quoted by Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 66.

150 Pausanias, i. 22. 3 with my note; Dittenberger, _Sylloge
Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 615; J. de Prott et L. Ziehen, _Leges
Graecorum Sacrae_, Fasciculus I. (Leipsic, 1896) p. 49; Cornutus,
_Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 28; Scholiast on Sophocles,
_Oedipus Colon._ 1600; L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek
States_, iii. 312 _sq._

M32 The cereals called “Demeter’s fruits.”

151 Herodotus, i. 193, iv. 198; Xenophon, _Hellenica_, vi. 3. 6; Aelian,
_Historia Animalium_, xvii. 16; Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae
Compendium_, 28; _Geoponica_, i. 12. 36; _Paroemiographi Graeci_,
ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin, Appendix iv. 20 (vol. i. p. 439).

_ 152 Cerealia_ in Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxiii. 1; _Cerealia munera_ and
_Cerealia dona_ in Ovid, _Metamorphoses_, xi. 121 _sq._

153 Libanius, ed. J. J. Reiske, vol. iv. p. 367, _Corinth. Oratio_: Οὐκ
αὖθις ἡμῶν ακαρποσ ἡ γῆ δοκεῖ γεγονέναι? οὐ πάλιν ὁ πρὸ Δήμητρος
εἶναι βίος? καί τοι καὶ πρὸ Δήμητρος αἱ γεωργίαι μὲν οὐκ ἦσαν; οὐδὲ
ἄροτοι, αὐτόφυτοι δὲ βοτάναι καὶ πόαι; καὶ πολλὰ εἶχεν εἰς σωτηρίαν
ἀνθρώπων αὐτοσχέδια ἄνθη ἡ γῆ ὠδίνουσα καὶ κύουσα πρὸ τῶν ἡμέρων τὰ
ἄγρια. Ἐπλανῶντο μὲν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους; ἄλση καὶ ὄρη περιῄσαν,
ζητοῦντες αὐτόματον τροφήν. In this passage, which no doubt
represents the common Greek view on the subject, the earth is
plainly personified (ὠδίνουσα καὶ κύουσα), which points the
antithesis between her and the goddess of the corn. Diodorus Siculus
also says (v. 68) that corn grew wild with the other plants before
Demeter taught men to cultivate it and to sow the seed.

M33 Corn and poppies as symbols of Demeter.

154 Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 616; Eusebius, _Praeparatio Evangelii_, iii. 11.
5; Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 28; _Anthologia
Palatina_, vi. 104. 8; W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, p.
235; J. Overbeck, _Griechische Kunstmythologie_, iii. (Leipsic,
1873-1878) pp. 420, 421, 453, 479, 480, 502, 505, 507, 514, 522,
523, 524, 525 _sq._; L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_,
iii. 217 _sqq._, 220 _sq._, 222, 226, 232, 233, 237, 260, 265, 268,
269 _sq._, 271.

155 Theocritus, _Idyl._ vii. 155 _sqq._ That the sheaves which the
goddess grasped were of barley is proved by verses 31-34 of the
poem.

156 Eusebius, _Praeparatio Evangelii_, iii. 11. 5; Cornutus, _Theologiae
Graecae Compendium_, 28, p. 56, ed. C. Lang; Virgil, _Georg._ i.
212, with the comment of Servius.

157 See the references to the works of Overbeck and Farnell above. For
example, a fine statue at Copenhagen, in the style of the age of
Phidias, represents Demeter holding poppies and ears of corn in her
left hand. See Farnell, _op. cit._ iii. 268, with plate xxviii.

158 Cornutus, _Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 28, p. 56 ed. C. Lang.

M34 Persephone portrayed as the young corn sprouting from the ground.

159 Percy Gardner, _Types of Greek Coins_ (Cambridge, 1883), p. 174,
with plate x. No. 25.

M35 Demeter invoked and propitiated by Greek farmers before the autumnal
sowing. Boeotian festival of mourning for the descent of Persephone
at the autumnal sowing.

160 Diodorus Siculus, v. 68. 1.

161 Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 448-474; Epictetus, _Dissertationes_, iii.
21. 12. For the autumnal migration and clangour of the cranes as the
signal for sowing, see Aristophanes, _Birds_, 711; compare Theognis,
1197 _sqq._ But the Greeks also ploughed in spring (Hesiod, _op.
cit._ 462; Xenophon, _Oeconom._ 16); indeed they ploughed thrice in
the year (Theophrastus, _Historia Plantarum_, vii. 13. 6). At the
approach of autumn the cranes of northern Europe collect about
rivers and lakes, and after much trumpeting set out in enormous
bands on their southward journey to the tropical regions of Africa
and India. In early spring they return northward, and their flocks
may be descried passing at a marvellous height overhead or halting
to rest in the meadows beside some broad river. The bird emits its
trumpet-like note both on the ground and on the wing. See Alfred
Newton, _Dictionary of Birds_ (London, 1893-1896), pp. 110 _sq._

162 Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 383 _sq._, 615-617; Aratus, _Phaenomena_,
254-267; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen
Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 241 _sq._ According to Pliny
(_Nat. Hist._ xviii. 49) wheat, barley, and all other cereals were
sown in Greece and Asia from the time of the autumn setting of the
Pleiades. This date for ploughing and sowing is confirmed by
Hippocrates and other medical writers. See W. Smith’s _Dictionary of
Greek and Roman Antiquities_,3 i. 234. Latin writers prescribe the
same date for the sowing of wheat. See Virgil, _Georg._ i. 219-226;
Columella, _De re rustica_, ii. 8; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii.
223-226. In Columella’s time the Pleiades, he tells us (_l.c._), set
in the morning of October 24th of the Julian calendar, which would
correspond to the October 16th of our reckoning.

163 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 69.

164 Plutarch, _Isis et Osiris_, 70. Similarly Cornutus says that “Hades
is fabled to have carried off Demeter’s daughter because the seed
vanishes for a time under the earth,” and he mentions that a
festival of Demeter was celebrated at the time of sowing
(_Theologiae Graecae Compendium_, 28, pp. 54, 55 ed. C. Lang). In a
fragment of a Greek calendar which is preserved in the Louvre “the
ascent (ἀναβάσις) of the goddess” is dated the seventh day of the
month Dius, and “the descent or setting (δύσις) of the goddess” is
dated the fourth day of the month Hephaestius, a month which seems
to be otherwise unknown. See W. Froehner, _Musée Nationale du
Louvre, Les Inscriptions Grecques_ (Paris, 1880), pp. 50 _sq._ Greek
inscriptions found at Mantinea refer to a worship of Demeter and
Persephone, who are known to have had a sanctuary there (Pausanias,
viii. 9. 2). The people of Mantinea celebrated “mysteries of the
goddess” and a festival called the _koragia_, which seems to have
represented the return of Persephone from the lower world. See W.
Immerwahr, _Die Kulte und Mythen Arkadiens_ (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 100
_sq._; S. Reinach, _Traité d’Epigraphie Grecque_ (Paris, 1885), pp.
141 _sqq._; Hesychius, _s.v._ κοράγειν.

M36 Thank-offerings of ripe grain presented by Greek farmers to Demeter
after the harvest. Theocritus’s description of a harvest-home in
Cos.

165 Theocritus, _Idyl._ vii.

M37 The harvest-home described by Theocritus fell in autumn.

166 In ancient Greece the vintage seems to have fallen somewhat earlier;
for Hesiod bids the husbandman gather the ripe clusters at the time
when Arcturus is a morning star, which in the poet’s age was on the
18th of September. See Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 609 _sqq._; L.
Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_,
i. 247.

167 See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, p. 190 note 2.

M38 The Greeks seem to have deferred the offering of first-fruits till
the autumn in order to propitiate the Corn Goddess at the moment of
ploughing and sowing, when her help was urgently needed.

168 See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, p. 190 note 2.

169 Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 383 _sq._

170 L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen
Chronologie_, i. 242.

171 Compare Xenophon, _Oeconomicus_, 17, ἐπειδὰν γὰρ ὁ μετοπωρινὸς
χρόνος ἔλθῃ, πάντες που οἱ ἄνθρωποι πρὸς τὸν θέον ἀποβλέπουσιν,
ὅποτε βρέξας τὴν γῆν ἀφήσει αὐτοὺς σπείρειν.

172 August Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_, p. 193.

173 See above, pp. 44 _sqq._

M39 The festival of the _Proerosia_ (“Before the Ploughing”) held at
Eleusis in honour of Demeter.

174 See _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 283 _sqq._

175 Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Knights_, 720; Suidas, _s.vv_. εἰρεσιώνη
and προηροσίαι; _Etymologicum Magnum_, Hesychius, and Photius,
_Lexicon_, _s.v._ προηρόσια; Plutarch, _Septem Sapientum Convivium_,
15; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 521, line
29, and No. 628; Aug. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_
(Leipsic, 1898), pp. 192 _sqq._ The inscriptions prove that the
Proerosia was held at Eleusis and that it was distinct from the
Great Mysteries, being mentioned separately from them. Some of the
ancients accounted for the origin of the festival by a universal
plague instead of a universal famine. But this version of the story
no doubt arose from the common confusion between the similar Greek
words for plague and famine (λοιμός and λιμός). That in the original
version famine and not plague must have been alleged as the reason
for instituting the Proerosia, appears plainly from the reference of
the name to ploughing, from the dedication of the festival to
Demeter, and from the offerings of first-fruits; for these
circumstances, though quite appropriate to ceremonies designed to
stay or avert dearth and famine, would be quite inappropriate in the
case of a plague.

M40 The _Proerosia_ seems to have been held before the ploughing in
October but after the Great Mysteries in September. However, the
date of the Great Mysteries, being determined by the lunar calendar,
must have fluctuated in the solar year; whereas the date of the
_Proerosia_, being determined by observation of Arcturus, must have
been fixed.

176 Hesychius, _s.v._ προηρόσια.

177 August Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_, p. 194.

178 August Mommsen, _l.c._

179 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 521, lines 29
_sqq._

180 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 628.

181 The view that the Festival before Ploughing (_Proerosia_) fell in
Pyanepsion is accepted by W. Mannhardt and W. Dittenberger. See W.
Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_ (Berlin, 1877), pp. 238
_sq._; _id._, _Mythologische Forschungen_, p. 258; Dittenberger,
_Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 note 2 on Inscr. No. 628 (vol.
ii. pp. 423 _sq._). The view that the Festival before Ploughing fell
in Boedromion is maintained by August Mommsen. See his _Heortologie_
(Leipsic, 1864), pp. 218 _sqq._; _id._, _Feste der Stadt Athen im
Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 192 _sqq._

182 See below, p. 82.

183 L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_
(Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 292 _sq._; compare August Mommsen,
_Chronologie_ (Leipsic, 1883), pp. 58 _sq._

184 For example, Theophrastus notes that squills flowered thrice a year,
and that each flowering marked the time for one of the three
ploughings. See Theophrastus, _Historia Plantarum_, vii. 13. 6.

185 Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 383 _sqq._ The poet indeed refers (_vv._
765 _sqq._) to days of the month as proper times for engaging in
certain tasks; but such references are always simply to days of the
lunar month and apply equally to every month; they are never to days
as dates in the solar year.

M41 Offerings of the first-fruits of the barley and wheat to Demeter and
Persephone at Eleusis. Isocrates on the offerings of first-fruits at
Eleusis.

186 See below, p. 72.

187 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquit. Rom._ i. 12. 2.

188 Xenophon, _Historia Graeca_, vi. 3. 6.

189 Isocrates, _Panegyric_, 6 _sq._

M42 Athenian decree concerning the offerings of first-fruits at Eleusis.

190 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 20 (vol. i.
pp. 33 _sqq._); E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner, _An Introduction to
Greek Epigraphy_, Part ii. (Cambridge, 1905) No. 9, pp. 22 _sqq._

191 Aristides, _Panathen._ and _Eleusin._, vol. i. pp. 167 _sq._, 417
ed. G. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1829).

M43 Even after foreign states ceased to send first-fruits of the corn to
Eleusis, they continued to acknowledge the benefit which the
Athenians had conferred on mankind by diffusing among them Demeter’s
gift of the corn. Testimony of the Sicilian historian Diodorus.
Testimony of Cicero and Himerius.

192 Diodorus Siculus, v. 2 and 4; Cicero, _In C. Verrem_, act. ii. bk.
iv. chapters 48 _sq._ Both writers mention that the whole of Sicily
was deemed sacred to Demeter and Persephone, and that corn was said
to have grown in the island before it appeared anywhere else. In
support of the latter claim Diodorus Siculus (v. 2. 4) asserts that
wheat grew wild in many parts of Sicily.

193 Diodorus Siculus, v. 4.

194 This legend, which is mentioned also by Cicero (_In C. Verrem_, act.
ii. bk. iv. ch. 48), was no doubt told to explain the use of torches
in the mysteries of Demeter and Persephone. The author of the
Homeric _Hymn to Demeter_ tells us (verses 47 _sq._) that Demeter
searched for her lost daughter for nine days with burning torches in
her hands, but he does not say that the torches were kindled at the
flames of Etna. In art Demeter and Persephone and their attendants
were often represented with torches in their hands. See L. R.
Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_, iii. (Oxford, 1907) plates
xiii., xv. _a_, xvi., xvii., xviii., xix., xx., xxi. _a_, xxv.,
xxvii. _b_. Perhaps the legend of the torchlight search for
Persephone and the use of the torches in the mysteries may have
originated in a custom of carrying fire about the fields as a charm
to secure sunshine for the corn. See _The Golden Bough_,2 iii. 313.

195 The words which I have translated “the bringing home of the Maiden”
(τῆς Κόρης τὴν καταγωγήν) are explained with great probability by
Professor M. P. Nilsson as referring to the bringing of the ripe
corn to the barn or the threshing-floor (_Griechische Feste_,
Leipsic, 1906, pp. 356 _sq._). This interpretation accords perfectly
with a well-attested sense of καταγωγή and its cognate verb
κατάγειν, and is preferable to the other possible interpretation
“the bringing down,” which would refer to the descent of Persephone
into the nether world; for such a descent is hardly appropriate to a
harvest festival.

196 Cicero, _Pro L. Flacco_, 26.

197 Himerius, _Orat._ ii. 5.

198 Μητρόπολις τῶν καρπῶν, Aristides, _Panathen._ vol. i. p. 168 ed. G.
Dindorf (Leipzig, 1829).

M44 The Sicilians seem to have associated Demeter with the seed-corn and
Persephone with the ripe ears. Difficulty of distinguishing between
Demeter and Persephone as personifications of different aspects of
the corn.
M45 The time of the year when the first-fruits of the corn were offered
to Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis is not known.

199 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 20, lines 25
_sqq._; E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner, _Introduction to Greek
Epigraphy_, ii. (Cambridge, 1905) No. 9, lines 25 _sqq._, κελευέτω
δὲ καί ὁ ἱεροφάντης καὶ ὁ δᾳδοῦχος μυστηρίοις ἀπάρχεσθαι τοὺς
Ἔλληνας τοῦ καρποῦ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια καὶ τὴν μαντείαν τὴν ἐγ Δελφῶν. By
coupling μυστηρίοις with ἀπάρχεσθαι instead of with κελεύετω, Miss
J. E. Harrison understands the offering instead of the exhortation
to have been made at the mysteries (_Prolegomena to the Study of
Greek Religion_, Second Edition, p. 155, “Let the Hierophant and the
Torchbearer command that at the mysteries the Hellenes should offer
first-fruits of their crops,” etc.). This interpretation is no doubt
grammatically permissible, but the context seems to plead strongly,
if not to be absolutely decisive, in favour of the other. It is to
be observed that the exhortation was addressed not to the Athenians
and their allies (who were compelled to make the offering) but only
to the other Greeks, who might make it or not as they pleased; and
the amount of such voluntary contributions was probably small
compared to that of the compulsory contributions, as to the date of
which nothing is said. That the proclamation to the Greeks in
general was an exhortation (κελευέτω), not a command, is clearly
shewn by the words of the decree a few lines lower down, where
commissioners are directed to go to all Greek states exhorting but
not commanding them to offer the first-fruits (ἐκείνοις δὲ μὴ
ἐπιτάττοντας, κελεύοντας δὲ ἀπάρχεσθαι ἐὰν βούλωνται κατὰ τὰ πάτρια
καὶ τὴν μαντείαν ἐγ Δελφῶν). The Athenians could not command free
and independent states to make such offerings, still less could they
prescribe the exact date when the offerings were to be made. All
that they could and did do was, taking advantage of the great
assembly of Greeks from all quarters at the mysteries, to invite or
exhort, by the mouth of the great priestly functionaries, the
foreigners to contribute.

200 August Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898),
pp. 192 _sqq._

M46 The Festival of the Threshing-floor (_Haloa_) at Eleusis.

201 Eustathius on Homer, _Iliad_, ix. 534, p. 772; Im. Bekker, _Anecdota
Graeca_, i. 384 _sq._, _s.v._ Ἁλῶα. Compare O. Rubensohn, _Die
Mysterienheiligtümer in Eleusis und Samothrake_ (Berlin, 1892), p.
116.

202 Eustathius on Homer, _Iliad_, ix. 534, p. 772; Im. Bekker, _Anecdota
Graeca_, i. 384 _sq._, _s.v._ Ἁλῶα.

_ 203 Scholia in Lucianum_, ed. H. Rabe (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 279 _sq._
(scholium on _Dialog. Meretr._ vii. 4).

204 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 Nos. 192, 246,
587, 640; Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολογική, 1884, coll. 135 _sq._ The passages
of inscriptions and of ancient authors which refer to the festival
are collected by Dr. L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_,
iii. (Oxford, 1907) pp. 315 _sq._ For a discussion of the evidence
see August Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic,
1898), pp. 359 _sqq._; Miss J. E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the
Study of Greek Religion_, Second Edition (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 145
_sqq._

205 The threshing-floor of Triptolemus at Eleusis (Pausanias, i. 38. 6)
is no doubt identical with the Sacred Threshing-floor mentioned in
the great Eleusinian inscription of 329 B.C. (Dittenberger, _Sylloge
Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 587, line 234). We read of a
hierophant who, contrary to ancestral custom, sacrificed a victim on
the hearth in the Hall at Eleusis during the Festival of the
Threshing-floor, “it being unlawful to sacrifice victims on that
day” (Demosthenes, _Contra Neaeram_, 116, pp. 1384 _sq._), but from
such an unlawful act no inference can be drawn as to the place where
the festival was held. That the festival probably had special
reference to the threshing-floor of Triptolemus has already been
pointed out by O. Rubensohn (_Die Mysterienheiligtümer in Eleusis
und Samothrake_, Berlin, 1892, p. 118).

206 See above, pp. 41 _sq._, 43. Maximus Tyrius observes (_Dissertat._
xxx. 5) that husbandmen were the first to celebrate sacred rites in
honour of Demeter at the threshing-floor.

207 See above, p. 61, note 4.

208 Harpocration, _s.v._ Ἁλῶα (vol. i. p. 24, ed. G. Dindorf).

209 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 587, lines
124, 144, with the editor’s notes; August Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt
Athen im Altertum_, p. 360.

210 So I am informed by my friend Professor J. L. Myres, who speaks from
personal observation.

211 This is recognised by Professor M. P. Nilsson. See his _Studia de
Dionysiis Atticis_ (Lund, 1900), pp. 95 _sqq._, and his _Griechische
Feste_, p. 329. To explain the lateness of the festival, Miss J. E.
Harrison suggests that “the shift of date is due to Dionysos. The
rival festivals of Dionysos were in mid-winter. He possessed himself
of the festivals of Demeter, took over her threshing-floor and
compelled the anomaly of a winter threshing festival” (_Prolegomena
to the Study of Greek Religion_, Second Edition, p. 147).

212 Scholiast on Lucian, _Dial. Meretr._ vii. 4 (_Scholia in Lucianum_,
ed. H. Rabe, Leipsic, 1906, pp. 279-281).

213 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ ii. 15 and 20, pp. 13 and 17 ed.
Potter; Arnobius, _Adversus Nationes_, v. 25-27, 35, 39.

214 See below, p. 116; vol. ii. pp. 17 _sqq._

M47 The Green Festival and the Festival of the Cornstalks at Eleusis.
Epithets of Demeter referring to the corn.

215 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 640; Ch.
Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_ (Brussels, 1900), No. 135,
p. 145. To be exact, while the inscription definitely mentions the
sacrifices to Demeter and Persephone at the Green Festival, it does
not record the deities to whom the sacrifice at the Festival of the
Cornstalks (τὴν τῶν Καλαμαίων θυσίαν) was offered. But mentioned as
it is in immediate connexion with the sacrifices to Demeter and
Persephone at the Green Festival, we may fairly suppose that the
sacrifice at the Festival of the Cornstalks was also offered to
these goddesses.

216 See above, p. 42.

_ 217 Anthologia Palatina_, vi. 36. 1 _sq._

218 Polemo, cited by Athenaeus, iii. 9, p. 416 B.

219 Nonnus, _Dionys._ xvii. 153. The Athenians sacrificed to her under
this title (Eustathius, on Homer, _Iliad_, xviii. 553, p. 1162).

220 Theocritus, _Idyl._ vii. 155; _Orphica_, xl. 5.

_ 221 Anthologia Palatina_, vi. 98. 1.

_ 222 Orphica_, xl. 3.

_ 223 Anthologia Palatina_, vi. 104. 8.

_ 224 Orphica_, xl. 5.

_ 225 Ibid._

_ 226 Orphica_, xl. 18.

227 This title she shared with Persephone at Tegea (Pausanias, viii. 53.
7), and under it she received annual sacrifices at Ephesus
(Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 655). It was
applied to her also at Epidaurus (Ἐφημ. Ἀρχ., 1883, col. 153) and at
Athens (Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 382), and appears to have been a
common title of the goddess. See L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the
Greek States_, iii. 318 note 30.

228 Polemo, cited by Athenaeus, iii. 73, p. 109 A B, x. 9. p. 416 C.

M48 Belief in ancient and modern times that the corn-crops depend on
possession of an image of Demeter.

229 E. Dodwell, _A Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece_
(London, 1819), i. 583. E. D. Clarke found the image “on the side of
the road, immediately before entering the village, and in the midst
of a heap of dung, buried as high as the neck, a little beyond the
farther extremity of the pavement of the temple. Yet even this
degrading situation had not been assigned to it wholly independent
of its antient history. The inhabitants of the small village which
is now situated among the ruins of Eleusis still regarded this
statue with a very high degree of superstitious veneration. They
attributed to its presence the fertility of their land; and it was
for this reason that they heaped around it the manure intended for
their fields. They believed that the loss of it would be followed by
no less a calamity than the failure of their annual harvests; and
they pointed to the ears of bearded wheat, upon the sculptured
ornaments upon the head of the figure, as a never-failing indication
of the produce of the soil.” When the statue was about to be
removed, a general murmur ran among the people, the women joining in
the clamour. “They had been always,” they said, “famous for their
corn; and the fertility of the land would cease when the statue was
removed.” See E. D. Clarke, _Travels in various Countries of Europe,
Asia, and Africa_, iii. (London, 1814) pp. 772-774, 787 _sq._
Compare J. C. Lawson, _Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek
Religion_ (Cambridge, 1910), p. 80, who tells us that “the statue
was regularly crowned with flowers in the avowed hope of obtaining
good harvests.”

230 Cicero, _In C. Verrem_, act. ii. lib. iv. 51.

M49 Sacred marriage of Zeus and Demeter at Eleusis. Homer on the love of
Zeus for Demeter. Zeus the Sky God may have been confused with
Subterranean Zeus, that is, Pluto. Demeter may have been confused
with Persephone; in art the types of the two goddesses are often
very similar.

_ 231 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 138 _sq._

232 This view was expressed by my friend Professor Ridgeway in a paper
which I had the advantage of hearing him read at Cambridge in the
early part of 1911. Compare _The Athenaeum_, No. 4360, May 20th,
1911, p. 576.

233 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 20; E. S.
Roberts and E. A. Gardner, _Introduction to Greek Epigraphy_, ii.
(Cambridge, 1905) No. 9, pp. 22 _sq._ See above, pp. 55 _sq._

234 Homer, _Iliad_, xiv. 326.

235 Homer, _Odyssey_, v. 125 _sqq._

236 Diodorus Siculus, iii. 62. 6.

237 Clement of Alexandria, _Protrept._ 12, p. 12, ed. Potter.

238 Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 465 _sqq._

239 Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2 No. 615, lines 25
_sq._; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions Grecques_, No. 714; J. de
Prott et L. Ziehen, _Leges Graecorum Sacrae_, No. 4.