Chapter VII: Hyacinth (7)

904 Compare Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ ii. 604, vi. 661; Origen, _Contra
Celsum_, viii. 73 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, xi. 1628); G.
Boissier, _La Religion Romaine d’Auguste aux Antonins_5 (Paris,
1900), i. 357 _sq._; E. Westermarck, _The Origin and Development of
the Moral Ideas_ (London, 1906-1908), i. 345 _sq._; H. H. Milman,
_History of Latin Christianity_,4 i. 150-153, ii. 90. In the passage
just cited Origen tells us that the Christians refused to follow the
Emperor to the field of battle even when he ordered them to do so;
but he adds that they gave the emperor the benefit of their prayers
and thus did him more real service than if they had fought for him
with the sword. On the decline of the civic virtues under the
influence of Christian asceticism see W. E. H. Lecky, _History of
European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne_3 (London, 1877), ii.
139 _sqq._

905 To prevent misapprehension I will add that the spread of Oriental
religions was only one of many causes which contributed to the
downfall of ancient civilization. Among these contributory causes a
friend, for whose judgment and learning I entertain the highest
respect, counts bad government and a ruinous fiscal system, two of
the most powerful agents to blast the prosperity of nations, as may
be seen in our own day by the blight which has struck the Turkish
empire. It is probable, too, as my friend thinks, that the rapid
diffusion of alien faiths was as much an effect as a cause of
widespread intellectual decay. Such unwholesome growths could hardly
have fastened upon the Graeco-Roman mind in the days of its full
vigour. We may remember the energy with which the Roman Government
combated the first outbreak of the Bacchic plague (Th. Mommsen,
_Roman History_, iii. 115 _sq._, ed. 1894). The disastrous effects
of Roman financial oppression on the industries and population of
the empire, particularly of Greece, are described by George Finlay
(_Greece under the Romans_,2 Edinburgh and London, 1857, pp. 47
_sqq._).

M219 Popularity of the worship of Mithra; its resemblance to Christianity
and its rivalry with that religion. The festival of Christmas
borrowed by the Church from the religion of Mithra.

906 See Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments figurés relatifs aux Mystères
de Mithra_ (Brussels, 1896-1899); _id._, _s.v._ “Mithras,” in W. H.
Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, ii. 3028 _sqq._
Compare _id._, _Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain_2
(Paris, 1909), pp. 207 _sqq._

907 Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments_, i. 333 _sqq._

908 E. Renan, _Marc-Aurèle et la Fin du Monde Antique_ (Paris, 1882),
pp. 576 _sqq._; Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments_, i. 339 _sqq._

909 Tertullian, _De corona_, 15; _id._, _De praescriptione
haereticorum_, 40; Justin Martyr, _Apologia_, i. 66; _id._,
_Dialogus cum Tryphone_, 78 (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, vi. 429,
660). Tertullian explained in like manner the resemblance of the
fasts of Isis and Cybele to the fasts of Christianity (_De jejunio_,
16). Justin Martyr thought that by listening to the words of the
inspired prophets the devils discovered the divine intentions and
anticipated them by a series of profane and blasphemous imitations.
Among these travesties of Christian truth he enumerates the death,
resurrection, and ascension of Dionysus, the virgin birth of
Perseus, and Bellerophon mounted on Pegasus, whom he regards as a
parody of Christ riding on an ass. See Justin Martyr, _Apology_, i.
54.

910 J. de Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_, translated
by E. Grimston (London, 1880), bk. v. chs. 11, 16, 17, 18, 24-28,
vol. ii. pp. 324 _sq._, 334 _sqq._, 356 _sqq._

911 Compare S. Dill, _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western
Empire_2 (London, 1899), pp. 80 _sqq._; _id._, _Roman Society from
Nero to Marcus Aurelius_ (London, 1904), pp. 619 _sqq._

912 E. Renan, _Marc-Aurèle et la Fin du Monde Antique_ (Paris, 1882),
pp. 579 _sq._; Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments_, i. 338.

913 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 221; Columella, _De re rustica_, ix. 14.
12; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen
Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1825-1826), ii. 124; G. F. Unger, in Iwan
Müller’s _Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft_, i.1
(Nördlingen, 1886) p. 649.

914 In the calendar of Philocalus the twenty-fifth of December is marked
_N. Invicti_, that is, _Natalis Solis Invicti_. See _Corpus
Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i.2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), p. 278,
with Th. Mommsen’s commentary, pp. 338 _sq._

915 Cosmas Hierosolymitanus, _Commentarii in Sancti Gregorii Nazianzeni
Carmina_ (Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, xxxviii. 464): ταύτην
[Christmas] ἧγον ἔκπαλαι δὲ τὴν ἡμέραν ἑορτὴν Ἔλληνες, καθ᾽ ἤν
ἐτελοῦντο κατὰ τὸ μεσονύκτιον, ἐν ἀδύτοις τισὶν ὑπεισερχόμενοι, ὄθεν
ἐξιόντες ἔκραζον: “Ἡ παρθένος ἕτεκεν, αὔξει φῶς.” ταύτην Ἐπιφάνιος ὁ
μέγας τῆς Κυπρίων ἱερεύς φησι τὴν ἑορτὴν καὶ Σαῤῥακηνούς ἄγειν
τῇπαρ᾽ αὐτῶν σεβομένῃ Ἀφροδίτῃ, ἤν δὴ Χαμαρᾶ τῇ αὐτῶν προσαγορεύουσι
γλώττῃ. The passage is quoted, with some verbal variations, by Ch.
Aug. Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_ (Königsberg, 1829), ii. 1227 note 2. See
Franz Cumont, “Le Natalis Invicti,” _Comptes Rendus de l’Académie
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1911_ (Paris, 1911), pp.
292-298, whose learned elucidations I follow in the text. That the
festival of the Nativity of the Sun was similarly celebrated in
Egypt may be inferred from a Greek calendar drawn up by the
astrologer Antiochus in Lower Egypt at the end of the second or the
beginning of the third century A.D.; for under the 25th December the
calendar has the entry, “Birthday of the Sun, the light waxes”
(Ἡλίου γενέθλιον; αὔξει φῶς). See F. Cumont, _op. cit._ p. 294.

916 Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, i. 18. 10.

917 F. Cumont, _s.v._ “Caelestis,” in Pauly-Wissowa’s _Real-Encyclopädie
der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, v. i. 1247 _sqq._ She was
called the Queen of Heaven (Jeremiah vii. 18, xliv. 18), the
Heavenly Goddess (Herodotus, iii. 8; Pausanias, i. 14. 7), or the
Heavenly Virgin (Tertullian, _Apologeticus_, 23; Augustine, _De
civitate Dei_, ii. 4). The Greeks spoke of her as the Heavenly
Aphrodite (Herodotus, i. 105; Pausanias, i. 14. 7). A Greek
inscription found in Delos contains a dedication to Astarte
Aphrodite; and another found in the same island couples Palestinian
Astarte and Heavenly Aphrodite. See G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge
Inscriptionum Graecorum_,2 vol. ii. pp. 619 _sq._, No. 764; R. A.
Stewart Macalister, _The Philistines, their History and
Civilization_ (London, 1913), p. 94.

918 Dedications to Mithra the Unconquered Sun (_Soli invicto Mithrae_)
have been found in abundance. See Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments_,
ii. 99 _sqq._ As to the worship of the Unconquered Sun (_Sol
Invictus_) see H. Usener, _Das Weihnachtsfest_2 (Bonn, 1911), pp.
348 _sqq._

919 Fr. Cumont, _op. cit._ i. 325 _sq._, 339.

920 J. Bingham, _The Antiquities of the Christian Church_, bk. xx. ch.
iv. (Bingham’s _Works_, vol. vii. pp. 279 _sqq._, Oxford, 1855); C.
A. Credner, “De natalitiorum Christi origine,” _Zeitschrift für die
historische Theologie_, iii. 2 (1833), pp. 236 _sqq._; Mgr. L.
Duchesne, _Origines du Culte Chrétien_3 (Paris, 1903), pp. 257
_sqq._; Th. Mommsen, in _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i.2 Pars
prior, p. 338. The earliest mention of the festival of Christmas is
in the calendar of Philocalus, which was drawn up at Rome in 336
A.D. The words are _VIII. kal. jan._, _natus Christus in Betleem
Judee_ (L. Duchesne, _op. cit._ p. 258).

M220 Motives for the institution of Christmas.

921 Quoted by C. A. Credner, _op. cit._ p. 239, note 46; by Th. Mommsen,
_Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i.2 Pars prior, pp. 338 _sq._; and
by H. Usener, _Das Weihnachtsfest_2 (Bonn, 1911), pp. 349 _sq._

922 Augustine, _Serm._ cxc. 1 (Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, xxxviii.
1007).

923 Leo the Great, _Serm._ xxii. (_al._ xxi.) 6 (Migne’s _Patrologia
Latina_, liv. 198). Compare St. Ambrose, _Serm._ vi. 1 (Migne’s
_Patrologia Latina_, xvii. 614).

M221 The Easter celebration of the death and resurrection of Christ
appears to have been assimilated to the celebration of the death and
resurrection of Attis, which was held at Rome at the same season.
Heathen festivals displaced by Christian.

924 A. Credner, _op. cit._ pp. 236 _sqq._; E. B. Tylor, _Primitive
Culture_,2 ii. 297 _sq._; Fr. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments_, i. 342,
355 _sq._; Th. Mommsen, in _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, i.2
Pars prior, pp. 338 _sq._; H. Usener, _Das Weihnachtsfest_2 (Bonn,
1911), pp. 348 _sqq._ A different explanation of Christmas has been
put forward by Mgr. Duchesne. He shows that among the early
Christians the death of Christ was commonly supposed to have fallen
on the twenty-fifth of March, that day having been “chosen
arbitrarily, or rather suggested by its coincidence with the
official equinox of spring.” It would be natural to assume that
Christ had lived an exact number of years on earth, and therefore
that his incarnation as well as his death took place on the
twenty-fifth of March. In point of fact the Church has placed the
Annunciation and with it the beginning of his mother’s pregnancy on
that very day. If that were so, his birth would in the course of
nature have occurred nine months later, that is, on the twenty-fifth
of December. Thus on Mgr. Duchesne’s theory the date of the Nativity
was obtained by inference from the date of the Crucifixion, which in
its turn was chosen because it coincided with the official equinox
of spring. Mgr. Duchesne does not notice the coincidence of the
vernal equinox with the festival of Attis. See his work, _Origines
du Culte Chrétien_3 (Paris, 1903), pp. 261-265, 272. The tradition
that both the conception and the death of Christ fell on the
twenty-fifth of March is mentioned and apparently accepted by
Augustine (_De Trinitate_, iv. 9, Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, xlii.
894).

925 See above, pp. 253 _sqq._

926 However, the lament for Adonis is mentioned by Ovid (_Ars Amat._ i.
75 _sq._) along with the Jewish observance of the Sabbath.

927 See above, pp. 268 _sqq._

928 Columella, _De re rustica_, ix. 14. 1; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii.
246; Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 21. 10; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der
mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, ii. 124.

929 Mgr. L. Duchesne, _Origines du Culte Chrétien_,3 pp. 262 _sq._ That
Christ was crucified on the twenty-fifth of March in the year 29 is
expressly affirmed by Tertullian (_Adversus Judaeos_, 8, vol. ii. p.
719, ed. F. Oehler), Hippolytus (_Commentary on Daniel_, iv. 23,
vol. i. p. 242, ed. Bonwetsch and Achelis), and Augustine (_De
civitate Dei_, xviii. 54; _id._, _De Trinitate_, iv. 9). See also
_Thesaurus Linguae Latinae_, iv. (Leipsic, 1906- 1909) col. 1222,
_s.v._ “Crucimissio”: “_POL. SILV.__ fast. Mart 25 aequinoctium.
principium veris. crucimissio gentilium. Christus passus hoc die._”
From this last testimony we learn that there was a gentile as well
as a Christian crucifixion at the spring equinox. The gentile
crucifixion was probably the affixing of the effigy of Attis to the
tree, though at Rome that ceremony appears to have taken place on
the twenty-second rather than on the twenty-fifth of March. See
above, p. 267. The Quartodecimans of Phrygia celebrated the
twenty-fifth of March as the day of Christ’s death, quoting as their
authority certain acts of Pilate; in Cappadocia the adherents of
this sect were divided between the twenty-fifth of March and the
fourteenth of the moon. See Epiphanius, _Adversus Haeres._ l. 1
(vol. ii. p. 447, ed. G. Dindorf; Migne’s _Patrologia Graeca_, xli.
884 _sq._). In Gaul the death and resurrection of Christ were
regularly celebrated on the twenty-fifth and twenty-seventh of March
as late as the sixth century. See Gregory of Tours, _Historia
Francorum_, viii. 31. 6 (Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, lxxi. 566); S.
Martinus Dumiensis (bishop of Braga), _De Pascha_, 1 (Migne’s
_Patrologia Latina_, lxxii. 50), who says: “_A plerisque Gallicanis
episcopis usque ante non multum tempus custoditum est, ut semper
VIII. Kal. April. diem Paschae celebrent, in quo facta Christi
resurrectio traditur._” According to this last testimony, it was the
resurrection, not the crucifixion, of Christ that was celebrated on
the twenty-fifth of March; but Mgr. Duchesne attributes the
statement to a mistake of the writer. With regard to the Roman
practice the twenty-fifth and twenty-seventh of March are marked in
ancient Martyrologies as the dates of the Crucifixion and
Resurrection. See _Vetustius Occidentalis Ecclesiae Martyrologium_,
ed. Franciscus Maria Florentinus (Lucca, 1667), pp. 396 _sq._, 405
_sq._ On this subject Mgr. Duchesne observes: “Hippolytus, in his
Paschal Table, marks the Passion of Christ in a year in which the
fourteenth of Nisan falls on Friday twenty-fifth March. In his
commentary on Daniel he expressly indicates Friday the twenty-fifth
of March and the consulship of the two Gemini. The Philocalien
Catalogue of the Popes gives the same date as to day and year. It is
to be noted that the cycle of Hippolytus and the Philocalien
Catalogue are derived from official documents, and may be cited as
evidence of the Roman ecclesiastical usage” (_Origines du Culte
Chrétien_,3 p. 262).

930 Mgr. L. Duchesne, _op. cit._ p. 263.

931 Mgr. L. Duchesne, _l.c._ A sect of the Montanists held that the
world began and that the sun and moon were created at the spring
equinox, which, however, they dated on the twenty-fourth of March
(Sozomenus, _Historia Ecclesiastica_, vii. 18). At Henen-Su in Egypt
there was celebrated a festival of the “hanging out of the heavens,”
that is, the supposed reconstituting of the heavens each year in the
spring (E. A. Wallis Budge, _The Gods of the Egyptians_, ii. 63).
But the Egyptians thought that the creation of the world took place
at the rising of Sirius (Porphyry, _De antro nympharum_, 24;
Solinus, xxxii. 13), which in antiquity fell on the twentieth of
July (L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen
Chronologie_, i. 127 _sqq._).

932 See above, pp. 263, 281 _sqq._

_ 933 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 324 _sqq._

934 Above, pp. 246 _sqq._

_ 935 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 14 _sqq._

936 See below, vol. ii. pp. 81 _sqq._

937 Above, pp. 302 _sqq._

938 Another instance of the substitution of a Christian for a pagan
festival may be mentioned. On the first of August the people of
Alexandria used to commemorate the defeat of Mark Antony by Augustus
and the entrance of the victor into their city. The heathen pomp of
the festival offended Eudoxia, wife of Theodosius the Younger, and
she decreed that on that day the Alexandrians should thenceforth
celebrate the deliverance of St. Peter from prison instead of the
deliverance of their city from the yoke of Antony and Cleopatra. See
L. Ideler, _Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen
Chronologie_, i. 154.

M222 Coincidence between the pagan and the Christian festivals of the
divine death and resurrection.

939 Lactantius, _De mortibus persecutorum_, 2; _id._, _Divin. Institut._
iv. 10. 18. As to the evidence of the Gallic usage see S. Martinus
Dumiensis, quoted above, p. 307 note.

M223 Different theories by which pagans and Christians explained the
coincidence.

940 The passage occurs in the 84th of the _Quaestiones Veteris et Novi
Testamenti_ (Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, xxxv. 2279), which are
printed in the works of Augustine, though internal evidence is said
to shew that they cannot be by that Father, and that they were
written three hundred years after the destruction of Jerusalem. The
writer’s words are as follows: “_Diabolus autem, qui est satanas, ut
fallaciae suae auctoritatem aliquam possit adhibere, et mendacia sua
commentitia veritate colorare, primo mense quo sacramenta dominica
scit celebranda, quia non mediocris potentiae est, Paganis quae
observarent instituit mysteria, ut animas eorum duabus ex causis in
errore detineret: ut quia praevenit veritatem fallacia, melius
quiddam fallacia videretur, quasi antiquitate praejudicans veritati.
Et quia in primo mense, in quo aequinoctium habent Romani, sicut et
nos, ea ipsa observatio ab his custoditur; ita etiam per sanguinem
dicant expiationem fieri, sicut et nos per crucem: hac versutia
Paganos detinet in errore, ut putent veritatem nostram imitationem
potius videri quam veritatem, quasi per aemulationem superstitione
quadam inventam. Nec enim verum potest, inquiunt, aestimari quod
postea est inventum. Sed quia apud nos pro certo veritas est, et ab
initio haec est, virtutum atque prodigiorum signa perhibent
testimonium, ut, teste virtute, diaboli improbitas innotescat._” I
have to thank my learned friend Professor Franz Cumont for pointing
out this passage to me. He had previously indicated and discussed it
(“La Polémique de l’Ambrosiaster contre les Païens,” _Revue
d’Histoire et de Littérature religieuses_, viii. (1903) pp. 419
_sqq._). Though the name of Attis is not mentioned in the passage, I
agree with Prof. Cumont in holding that the bloody expiatory rites
at the spring equinox, to which the writer refers, can only be those
of the Day of Blood which formed part of the great aequinoctial
festival of Attis. Compare F. Cumont, _Les Religions Orientales dans
le Paganisme Romain_2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 106 _sq._, 333 _sq._

M224 Compromise of Christianity with paganism. Parallel with Buddhism.

941 On the decadence of Buddhism and its gradual assimilation to those
popular Oriental superstitions against which it was at first
directed, see Monier Williams, _Buddhism_2 (London, 1890), pp. 147
_sqq._

942 The historical reality both of Buddha and of Christ has sometimes
been doubted or denied. It would be just as reasonable to question
the historical existence of Alexander the Great and Charlemagne on
account of the legends which have gathered round them. The great
religious movements which have stirred humanity to its depths and
altered the beliefs of nations spring ultimately from the conscious
and deliberate efforts of extraordinary minds, not from the blind
unconscious co-operation of the multitude. The attempt to explain
history without the influence of great men may flatter the vanity of
the vulgar, but it will find no favour with the philosophic
historian.

M225 The Greek Hyacinth interpreted as the vegetation which blooms and
withers away.

943 G. F. Schömann, _Griechische Alterthümer_4 (Berlin, 1897-1902), ii.
473; L. Preller, _Griechische Mythologie_, i.4 (Berlin, 1894) pp.
248 _sq._; Greve, _s.v._ “Hyakinthos,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon
der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 2763 _sq._ Other views of
Hyacinth have been expressed by G. F. Welcker (_Griechische
Götterlehre_, Göttingen, 1857-1862, i. 472), G. F. Unger (“Der
Isthmientag und die Hyakinthien,” _Philologus_, xxxvii. (1877) pp.
20 _sqq._), E. Rohde (_Psyche_,3 i. 137 _sqq._) and S. Wide
(_Lakonische Kulte_, Leipsic, 1893, p. 290).

944 Apollodorus, _Bibliotheca_, i. 3. 3, iii. 10. 3; Nicander, _Ther._
901 _sqq._, with the Scholiast’s note; Lucian, _De saltatione_, 45;
Pausanias, iii. 1. 3, iii. 19. 5; J. Tzetzes, _Chiliades_, i. 241
_sqq._; Ovid, _Metam._ x. 161-219; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxi. 66.

945 Theophrastus, _Histor. Plant._ vi. 8. 1 _sq._ That the hyacinth was
a spring flower is plainly indicated also by Philostratus (_Imag._
i. 23. 1) and Ovid (_Metam._ x. 162-166). See further Greve, _s.v._
“Hyakinthos,” in W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und röm.
Mythologie_, i. 2764; J. Murr, _Die Pflanzenwelt in der griechischen
Mythologie_ (Innsbruck, 1890), pp. 257 _sqq._; O. Schrader,
_Reallexikon der Indogermanischen Altertumskunde_ (Strasburg, 1901),
pp. 383 _sq._ Miss J. E. Harrison was so kind as to present me with
two specimens of the flower (_Delphinium Ajacis_) on which the woful
letters were plainly visible. A flower similarly marked, of a colour
between white and red, was associated with the death of Ajax
(Pausanias, i. 35. 4). But usually the two flowers were thought to
be the same (Ovid, _Metam._ xiii. 394 _sqq._; Scholiast on
Theocritus, x. 28; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxi. 66; Eustathius on Homer,
_Iliad_, ii. 557, p. 285).

946 Xenophon, _Hellenica_, iv. 5. 7-17; Pausanias, iii. 10. 1.

M226 The tomb and the festival of Hyacinth at Amyclae.

947 Pausanias, iii. 1. 3, iii. 19. 1-5.

948 Hesychius, _s.v._ Ἑκατομβεύς; G. F. Unger in _Philologus_, xxxvii.
(1877) pp. 13-33; Greve, _s.v._ “Hyakinthos,” in W. H. Roscher’s
_Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 2762; W. Smith,
_Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_,3 i. 339. From Xenophon
(_Hellenica_, iv. 5) we learn that in 390 B.C. the Hyacinthian
followed soon after the Isthmian festival, which that year fell in
spring. Others, however, identifying Hecatombeus with the Attic
month Hecatombaeon, would place the Hyacinthia in July (K. O.
Müller, _Dorier_,2 Breslau, 1844, i. 358). In Rhodes, Cos, and other
Greek states there was a month called Hyacinthius, which probably
took its name from the Hyacinthian festival. The month is thought to
correspond to the Athenian Scirophorion and therefore to June. See
E. Bischof, “De fastis Graecorum antiquioribus,” _Leipziger Studien
für classische Philologie_, vii. (1884) pp. 369 _sq._, 381, 384,
410, 414 _sq._; G. Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,2
vol. i. pp. 396, 607, Nos. 614, note 3, 744, note 1. If this latter
identification of the month is correct, it would furnish an argument
for dating the Spartan festival of Hyacinth in June also. The
question is too intricate to be discussed here.

949 Athenaeus, iv. 17, pp. 139 _sq._ Strabo speaks (vi. 3. 2, p. 278) of
a contest at the Hyacinthian festival. It may have been the chariot
races mentioned by Athenaeus.

950 Hesychius, _s.v._ Πολύβοια.

M227 Hyacinth an aboriginal god, perhaps a king, who was worshipped in
Laconia before the invasion of the Dorians. His sister Polyboea may
perhaps have been his spouse.

951 E. Rohde, _Psyche_,3 i. 137 _sqq._

952 Pausanias, iii. 19. 3. The Greek word here used for sacrifice
(ἐναγίζειν) properly denotes sacrifices offered to the heroic or
worshipful dead; another word (θύειν) was employed for sacrifices
offered to gods. The two terms are distinguished by Pausanias here
and elsewhere (ii. 10. 1, ii. 11. 7). Compare Herodotus, ii. 44.
Sacrifices to the worshipful dead were often annual. See Pausanias,
iii. 1. 8, vii. 19. 10, vii. 20. 9, viii. 14. 11, viii. 41. 1, ix.
38. 5, x. 24. 6. It has been observed by E. Rehde (_Psyche_,3 i.
139, note 2) that sacrifices were frequently offered to a hero
before a god, and he suggests with much probability that in these
cases the worship of the hero was older than that of the deity.

953 Pausanias, iii. 19. 14.

954 See above, p. 44; and below, vol. ii. pp. 213 _sqq._