Chapter XVI: Book I: contains political hist. of Constantinople from 1391 to 1578 (3)

Venetians, interfere in Byzantine dynastic quarrels, 35;
invited by Clement V to co-operate in reconquest of Byzantine Empire, 42;
menaced in Aegaean by Turks, 84;
relations with Stephen Dushan, 88-90;
wars with Genoese, 96-7, 152-5, 262;
urged by fellow countrymen to oppose Orkhan, 107;
fail to protect Byzantines against Murad, 128;
detain John Palaeologus because of debts, 135;
refuse to contribute seriously to crusade against Osmanlis, 137;
struggle with Genoa for Tenedos, 152-5;
sapped by prosperity, 163;
make commercial treaty with Murad, 164;
opposition to Hungarians, 169;
indifference to Murad’s conquests, 170;
refuse to buy Lemnos from Byzantines, 200;
fail to aid in Nicopolis crusade, 203-7;
in Athens and Salonika, 230-1;
prefer to curry favour with Bayezid rather than defend Constantinople, 233;
reception of Manuel Palaeologus and their pacifist policy, 240;
alarm over appearance of Osmanlis on Adriatic, 243;
help Ottoman army tocross to Europe after Angora, 261;
at Palatchia, 294-5.

Visconti, Giovanni Galeazzo, 131, 210, 236, 240.

Viza, 139.

Vukasin, 145-6, 159, 173.

Wallachia, Ottoman invasions of, 192, 224.

Wallachians, aid Bulgarians against Hungarians, 141;
aid Osmanlis against Hungarians, 192;
worth of, as soldiers, 192;
aid Osmanlis in Bulgaria, 193;
withdraw during battle of Nicopolis, 221;
successfully resist Ottoman invasion after Nicopolis, 225.

Wenceslaus, 210, 235.

Western Europe, inability to understand Eastern Europe, 132-3.

White Sheep, dynasty of, 190, 245.

Widin, 140, 141, 142, 196, 215.

Yakub, killed by brother Bayezid after Kossova, 180.

Yakub, general of Bayezid, 230.

Yamboli, 140, 142.

Yeni Sheïr, 28, 32, 34, 258, 275.

Printed in England at the Oxford University Press

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Keraites, a tribe of large numbers, established on the frontier of China, were Christians in the early times: Resheddin, Quatremère edition, i. 93. The Council of Lyons sent missionaries to Mongols in the reign of Innocent IV, 1245. For account of missions to Mongols in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries see Howorth, i. 68 f., 189-92; ii. 183 _n._; iii. 72-5, 278-81, 348-55, 576-80: also documents of the Ming period, trans. by Hirth, p. 65.

[2] I have witnessed a similar migration, when the Bulgarians broke into Thrace in October 1912. The progress of the fleeing Turks, even on the plains, was painfully slow, and the mortality was frightful.

[3] Neshri (Nöldeke’s translation), in _Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, xiii. 190.

[4] Seadeddin, _Casa Ottomana_ (Bratutti trans.), i. 6.

[5] Neshri, xiii. 190.

[6] See Appendix B for these emirates.

[7] There is a collection of State papers in Persian, Arabic and Turkish, Feridun (Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. turc, 79), which contains some letters and decrees of the earliest sultans, but there is no proof of the authenticity of these documents.

[8] Neshri and Idris, end fifteenth century; Seadeddin, end sixteenth century; Hadji Khalfa, seventeenth century. See Bibliography.

[9] In the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, I have examined, as far as I know, all the books concerning Turkey printed before 1600. See list in Bibliography.

[10] Jorga, _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches_ (in the _Geschichte der europaïschen Staaten_), published 1908-13, preface and i. 152-3.

[11] Up to the death of Ertogrul (1288), I follow Neshri, _ZDMG._, xiii. 188-98, unless otherwise specified. Direct quotation is indicated by quotation marks.

[12] A.D. 1219. Evliya effendi, i. 27, gives A.H. 600; Seadeddin and Hadji Khalfa, A.H. 619; Drechsler, _Chron. Saracenorum_, A.H. 610.

[13] Or Kharesm? Schéfer, in preface to his translation of Riza Kouly’s embassy to Kharesm, _Bibl. de l’École des langues viv. orientales_, 1re série, vol. iii., says that Kharesm in part was identical with Khorassan. But Shehabeddin, trans. by Quatremère in _Notices et Extraits_, xiii. 289, declares that Kharesm is a country distinct from Khorassan. Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, MS. fr., Bibl. Nat., Paris, nouv. ac., no. 888, p. 815, supports this opinion. The very fact that these writers are so careful to make this assertion shows, however, that there was much confusion as to these terms. According to Vambéry, Kharesm is still in Djagatai Turkish, the diplomatical and political name for the modern Khanate of Khiva. Howorth, _History of Mongols_, ii. 78, says that the Turkish tribes remained in these countries after the Mongol conquest. Is this the Organa or Urgheuz of Marco Polo?

[14] Hussein Hezarfenn, ii. 287, and Chalcocondylas (_Patr. Graec._, Migne, vol. clix), 21, call the father of Ertogrul Oguzalp. For critical discussion see Appendix A.

[15] This title is invariably given by Neshri to every ruler in the direct line of Osman, just as he calls the Christian opponents of the Osmanlis unbelievers.

[16] Probably Sultan Inoenu, anticipating the later name of this district.

[17] Sagredo, the Italian historian, whose work was greatly esteemed by Gibbon, makes the curious error of calling Alaeddin ‘Lord of Aleppo and Damascus’.

[18] ‘A great mountain situated between Kutayia and Brusa’: Hadji Khalfa, _Djihannuma_, fol. 1975; ‘The paths up this mountain are so difficult that one on foot has a thousand pains to reach the top’: ibid., fol. 1850.

[19] Rasmussen, _Annales Islamici_, p. 41, confuses this city with Kutayia, and gives its capture by Ertogrul under date of 1285.

[20] Thus in Ali and Neshri. Seadeddin attributes this dream to Ertogrul. But the confusion between Ertogrul and Osman is marked in all the Ottoman historians.

[21] The Ottoman historians give as reason for the refusal the social difference between his daughter and the ‘young prince’. This is an excellent illustration of how, writing in the zenith of Ottoman prosperity, the historians lost their sense of proportion or were actually compelled to write in flattering terms of the founder of their royal house.

[22] Hammer, i. 67, in relating this dream, has transcribed with fidelity and felicity the Persian poetry of Idris.

[23] Leunclavius, _Pandectes_, p. 113, following Ali, attributes the moon dream to Ertogrul, and places it at Konia. Boecler, _Commentarius de rebus turcicis_, pp. 104-5, following Chalcocondylas, does likewise, but relates the Koran dream of Osman. Seadeddin, p. 11, makes the dream distinctly religious, and while not mentioning the love story or Malkhatun by name, infers that Osman receives intimation of his marriage with Edebali’s daughter only through Edebali’s interpretation of the dream. This failure to mention Malkhatun is all the more significant when we see later how much attention Seadeddin gives to Nilufer. Evliya effendi, ii. 19, says that through the marriage of Osman to Malkhatun, the Ottoman sultans became descendants of the Prophet!

[24] I should except from this statement Rambaud, who, in _Hist. générale_, iii. 822-4, states that the conversion of the Osmanlis to Islam took place during the chieftainship of Osman. The general character of the work to which he was contributing, and the limits of space, did not allow him to give any reasons in support of this position. Vanell, _Histoire de l’Empire ottoman_, p. 357, says that Ertogrul was a pagan until he became converted through reading the Koran.

[25] From personal acquaintance with them, I can testify that these nomads (Yuruks) have remained up to the twentieth century with only the most vague idea of Mohammed and with no idea at all of the Koran and the ritual observances of Islam.

[26] See Shehabeddin, MS. Paris, Bibl. Nat., fonds arabe 2325, fol. 69 vº-70 rº, citing Mesoudi and earlier writers for the propagation of Islam among the Bulgarians.

[27] Cf. Cahun’s masterly contribution to _Hist. générale_, ii. 887.

[28] Abul Faradj, _Chronicon Syr._, pp. 606-8.

[29] The Ottoman historians mention none, either of friendship or enmity, during the entire life of Osman.

[30] The improbable connexion between Ertogrul and Osman and the Seljuk sovereigns of Konia has been accepted without question by European historians, on the strength of the assertions of the Ottoman historians. This is curious, because the evidence against this connexion is overwhelming. The Seljuk Empire of Rum lost its independence at the battle of Erzindjian, 1244 (cf. Heyd, _Histoire du commerce dans le Levant_, i. 534). Neshri himself confesses that after this date ‘now remained only the bare name of the Seljuk Kings’: _ZDMG._, xiii. 195. In view of the established facts of history, it is astonishing that European historians should have up to this time perpetuated, and given their sanction to, a fiction which was invented for the purpose of helping Mohammed II to incorporate Karamania in his empire! The limits of a footnote forbidding the adequate discussion of this question and the citation of the authorities, I must refer my readers to Appendix A.

[31] Neshri, _ZDMG._, xiii. 196, says seventy years. But in his reckoning he constantly contradicts himself. _Sheïr_ means city, _eski_ old, and _yeni_ new.

[32] All the Ottoman historians agree upon this number.

[33] ‘The unbelievers and believers of that land honoured Ertogrul and his son’: Neshri, p. 197. That Christians lived everywhere without molestation in the midst of non-converted Turkish tribes is asserted by Heyd, ii. 65.

[34] It is altogether likely that Osman received his name at the time of his conversion. Is it not significant that his father, his brothers, his son even, as well as most of his warriors, had purely pagan Turkish names?

[35] _Tableau de l’Empire ottoman_, iv. 373.

[36] See Appendix B.

[37] During the late war with the Balkan allies, the newspapers of the world spoke of ‘driving the Turks back to Asia, where they belong’, and of the re-establishment of the Ottoman capital at Brusa or Konia!

[38] See Armain’s translation of the _Djihannuma_ (Mirror of the World), a universal geography by Hadji Khalfa, in the Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS., fonds français, nouv. ac., nos. 888-9. The section on Asia Minor, although written in some detail, does not contain many of the names which we find in the Ottoman historians. I wish to register a protest against inflicting on students and readers of history lists of names that can have no possible meaning to them. I have omitted from this work the names of places and persons upon which I can get no light.

[39] Hadji Khalfa, op. cit., fol. 1917, makes an error in giving the distance from Brusa to Yeni Sheïr as two days. I have driven from Brusa to Nicaea in one day of not fast going. Yeni Sheïr is on the main road between these cities, six hours from Brusa and four hours from Nicaea.

[40] The early European historians make the wildest statements about Osman’s field of action. Many of them call Ottomanjik, a place four days or five north-east of Eski Sheïr, his first conquest: Cuspianus (Antwerp ed., 1541), p. 6; Spandugino, in Sansovino, p. 143; Egnatius, p. 28. Cf. Hadji Khalfa, op. cit., fol. 1789. But this place was not captured by the Osmanlis until the reign of Bayezid: Evliya, op. cit., ii. 95. Paulo Giovio, an Italian historian greatly esteemed in his day, puts among the notable conquests of Osman the city and district of Sivas, as does also Rabbi Joseph, in his famous _Chronicles_, Eng. trans. of Biallobotzky, ii. 505. Donado da Lezze, _Historia Turchesca_, Rumanian edition of Ursu, pp. 4 and 5, makes him conqueror of Rum, province of Sivas, Phoenicia, ‘et altri luoghi’! Cuspianus, _De Turcarum Origine_, quotes Donado da Lezze almost literally. Richer, _De Rebus Turcarum_, written for the information of Francis I of France, says, p. 11: ‘Circiter 1300, Ottomannus impune invitis omnibus _summam imperii_, quod ante partitum tenebant factiosi magistratus, _occupavit_, seseque Asiae minoris sive Anatoliae _imperatorem_ nominare sit aggressus. _Syvam_, quae eadem cum Sebaste est, _expugnavit_, et oppida ad Euxinum posita _non pauca_ cepit.’ (The italics are mine.) Hussein Hezarfenn, one of the Ottoman historians whose work has been most widely read and quoted in Europe, says of Ertogrul, _who never saw the sea_, ‘He equipped several ships, with which he made a raid into the Aegaean Sea, pillaged the islands, descended upon Greece, penetrated up to the Peloponnesus, and returned to his home (_the little village of Sugut!_) laden down with wealth and followed by a great army composed of experienced warriors of all sorts of nations whom the renown of his bravery and his good fortune attracted to his service: which increased so greatly his reputation in Asia that Sultan Alaeddin even found it to his advantage to cultivate him’: trans. of _Petits de la Croix_, ii. 288-9.

[41] I am not sure that I am justified in using the expression ‘undisputed sway’ even for this small territory. Pachymeres, IV. 30, pp. 345-7, speaks of a certain Soleiman pasha, who was threatening Nicomedia in 1303; and V. 23, p. 427, of Alisur retiring to the Sangarius after Roger had relieved Philadelphia in 1307.

[42] Probably the first conquest of Osman. This city, on the Kara Su, is still a thriving place. Its situation is most picturesque. The author of the _Arabic History of the Kurds_ (Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. of Ducaurroy, fol. 151 rº, 152 rº) makes Biledjik the city granted to Ertogrul by Alaeddin, and declares that he captured Sugut (Sukidjeh) from the ‘infidels of Tekkur’.

[43] Angelcoma of the Byzantines.

[44] The only conquest of Osman not in the direction of Byzantium. Hadji Khalfa, op. cit., fol. 1851.

[45] ‘Situated between Yeni Sheïr, Brusa, and Aïnegoel. They count one day from Yeni Sheïr to Yar Hissar by the road which goes to Kutayia’: Hadji Khalfa, fol. 1917.

[46] The Ottomans name this place Kuyun Hissar. See Schéfer edition of Spandugino, p. 16 _n._

[47] Pachymeres, IV. 25, p. 327, says the battle was fought July 27. Jorga, _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches_, i. 157, is in error in placing date June 27; Hammer, i. 190, and Jorga both give year 1301. Muralt, _Chronographie Byzantine_, ii. 480, has this battle under 1302.

[48] Pach., IV. 25, p. 335.

[49] Cantemir, Rumanian ed., i. 20, seems to infer that Osman attacked Nicomedia after this battle. He is certainly wrong in stating that Osman captured Kutayia. See pp. 274, 292-3.

[50] Pach., V. 9; Gregoras, VII, i, p. 214.

[51] Pach., in Stritter, _Memoriae Populorum_, iii. 1086-7; D’Ohsson, _Histoire des Mongols_, iv. 315. Andronicus made a second appeal in 1308, and gave his own sister, Marie, who is known to later Mongol historians as ‘Despina Khatun’, to Mohammed Khodabendah Khan, after Khodabendah’s conversion to Islam: ibid., iv. 536; Hertzberg, _Geschichte der Byzantiner und des Osmanischen Reiches_, p. 461.

[52] I can find no justification for Howorth’s statement, ‘This alliance seems to have had a restraining influence upon the Turks’, in his _History of the Mongols_, iii. 464.

[53] See _Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes_, vi. 318, where the date of this momentous event is given as ‘vers 1305’.

[54] Pach., V. 14, pp. 399-400; 21, pp. 410, 417.

[55] Pach., V. 23, pp. 426-8; Greg., VII. 3, p. 221.

[56] Pach., V. 21, p. 423; Greg., loc. cit.

[57] Greg., loc. cit. Cf. Muralt, after Latin authorities, ii. 487.

[58] Pachymeres, Books V, VI, and VII; Gregoras, Book VII, _passim_, and Phrantzes, Book I; Moncada, _Expedicion de los Catalanes_; Muntaner, in _Bibliothek des lit. Vereins zu Stuttgart_, vol. viii. For their later adventures there is an excellent account in Finlay, _History of Greece_, iv. 146-56.

[59] Andronicus wrote to his empress, urging her not to try to return to Constantinople from Salonika by land: Pach., VII. 12, p. 586; Chalcocondylas (ed. Bonn), I, p. 19.

[60] Greg. VII. 8, pp. 254-8; Chalc., I, p. 19; Jorga, op. cit., i. 160, speaks of ‘die schöne mit Perlen und Edelsteinen geschmückte _Krone_’ of Michael. Was it not rather a turban? See Hammer, i. 364, note x.

[61] ‘The emperor of Constantinople fears the anger of the Khan of Kapdjak and is eager to disarm him by protestations of submission and efforts to obtain a continuance of the truce. Things have always been on this footing since the children of Djenghiz Khan began to reign in this country’: Shebabeddin, Paris MS., fol. 70 rº.

[62] Ducange, _Hist. de Constantinople sous les Emp. Français_, map section, p. 46.

[63] Ducange, _Hist. de Constantinople sous les Emp. Français_, map section, p. 54.

[64] The Venetians were jealous of the growing power of Genoa and the hostility shown to Venetian merchants at Constantinople. See Appendix B. Also Heyd, _Handelsgeschichte des Mittelalters_, i. 366.

[65] Ducange, ibid., p. 57; Buchon, _Collection des chroniques nat. fr._, p. lv.

[66] Muralt, _Chronographie Byzantine_, ii. 493, no. 21, _n._

[67] A rabble without arms actually arrived at Marseilles. The ships were prevented from leaving Brindisi by a storm. Cf. Iacomo Bosio, _Della Historia della Religione_, ii. 1. At the very moment this effort to start a crusade was ending in dismal failure, the two kings on whose behalf it was planned were engaged in a bitter quarrel! Clement V, _Epistola Comm._ vii. 773-4, 787.

[68] Les Giustiniani, _Dynastes de Chios_, Vlasto’s French translation of Hopf’s great monograph, p. 8.

[69] Mas-Latrie, _Histoire de Chypre_, ii. 602.

[70] Mas-Latrie, op. et loc. cit.; Heyd, French edition, i. 537.

[71] A splendid field for historical research, which, as far as I know, has never yet been touched, is the compilation, from the Vatican records, of the dates for the extinction of the dioceses of the early Christian world in Africa and Asia. When did the bishops of these dioceses begin to be appointed and consecrated _in partibus_?

[72] Bosio, op. cit., ii. 37; Abbé Vertot, _Histoire des Chevaliers de Malte_, i. 106.

[73] See Bosio, ii. 37 f., and Vertot, i. 101 f. With a view to glorifying the Order, and also the Duke of Savoy, this fiction has been fabricated and perpetuated. Even such a serious work as that of Muralt gives, upon the strength of Raynaldus, who merely quotes Bosio, Osman as leader of this attack upon Rhodes: see _Chronographie Byzantine_, ii. 507. During the recent war between Italy and Turkey, when it was a question of Rhodes, more than one leading Italian newspaper revived this story of the founder of the Italian royal house defeating the founder of the Ottoman royal house. There is, of course, no foundation whatever for the statement.

[74] So Clement V evidently believed. See his letter to the Genoese in _Epistola Comm._ vii. 10.

[75] That the Sangarius used to run into the Gulf of Nicomedia instead of into the Black Sea is the opinion of many geographers, ancient as well as modern. There have been a number of projects to connect the Sangarius, Lake Sabandja, and the Gulf of Nicomedia by canals that would give a deep waterway across the plain and prevent the frequent overflooding which has always been a source of loss to cultivators in that region.

[76] Idris, quoted by Hammer, i. 192.

[77] Brusa is three hours by carriage from its port on the southern side of the Gulf of Mudania, or one hour by narrow-gauge railway. One can reach Nicaea either from the Gulf of Mudania or that of Nicomedia.

[78] Pach., VII. 18, pp. 597-9.

[79] Pach., VII. 25, p. 620. The Turks call this castle Hodjahissar.

[80] Ibid., loc. cit. But Pachymeres puts the number of these Tartars as 30,000, which must be at least a tenfold exaggeration.

[81] Seadeddin, translation Brattuti, p. 27. Bratutti, whose transcription of Turkish names is often unintelligible to me, calls Karadja Hissar ‘Codgia’.

[82] Ibn Batutah, _Voyages_, ii. 320, speaks of buildings which must have been erected at these baths by Orkhan within the decade following the capture of Brusa. Earlier buildings, according to him, were constructed ‘by a Turcoman king’: ibid., p. 318. Tchekirdje is still a favourite resort for foreigners as well as for natives.

[83] Cantacuzenos and Gregoras.

[84] Greg., IX. 2, p. 401.

[85] Cant., I. 42, pp. 204-6, 208; Greg., VIII. 15, p. 384; Greg., IX, c. 1, pp. 390-2, says it was the young Andronicus who first planned to break again with his grandfather. However that may be, the impression among the Greeks in Asia Minor who were endeavouring to hold back the enemies of the empire must have been the same!

[86] Greg., IX. 1, p. 392.

[87] In the volume on ‘L’Ancien Régime’ in Taine’s _Origines de la France contemporaine_, pp. 3-6, there is a wonderful analysis of the effect of early Latin Christianity upon the pagan mind. The Greek Church of the fourteenth century could produce no such impression.

[88] From the earliest Ottoman times to the present day religion and nationality have not been divorced. Osmanli and Moslem were synonymous terms, just as to-day in the Balkan peninsula, where the Ottoman Empire was really founded, Turk and Moslem are synonymous terms. When once this is understood, the student and traveller is freed from his preconceived notion that the ‘Turks’, as that expression is to-day understood in Turkey, are an Asiatic race, who have held the country as conquering invaders.

[89] Jorga, i. 162, is mistaken in saying, ‘überall wurden die Goldmünzen Osmans gern angenommen.’ Hadji Khalfa says that Osman struck no money. Also Colonel Djevad bey, _Histoire militaire de l’Empire ottoman_, i. 95. Save several silver pieces, which are not proven genuine, of the collection of Abbé Sestini (Salaberry, _Hist. de l’Emp. ott._, iv. 193), I can find record in numismatic collections of no money of Osman. For discussion of this question see Hammer, i. 117, who cites several Ottoman historians against coinage before Orkhan, and Toderini, _Historia della letteratura ottomana_, French trans., iii. 183.

[90] Appendix B, on the Emirates of Asia Minor during the Fourteenth Century, contains the identification and description of these neighbours.

[91] See Shehabeddin, Paris MS., 139 vº, which is cited in part on p. 70.

[92] The chieftainship among the Turks was elective rather than hereditary. The Armenian Haython, who had excellent opportunities for observing their customs at this period, wrote: ‘Puisque les Turcs pristrent la seigneurie de Turquie, ilz ordonnerent un seigneur entre eulx, lequel ilz appelerent le Soudan’: MS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds français, 2810, fol. 230 vº. Hussein Hezarfenn says (ii. 287-9) that Ertogrul succeeded his father by election and, in turn, manœuvred to secure the election of Osman. Evliya effendi, i. 27, declares that Osman was elected chief. This is also stated by Barletius, in Lonicerus, vol. ii, fol. 231-2; Spandugino; Cantemir (Rumanian ed.), i. 19; and Vanell, p. 359. Cf. Chalcocondylas (ed. Migne), col. 24.

[93] For dates see Bibliography.

[94] Nöldeke’s translation, in _Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlândischen Gesellschaft_, xiii. 214-17.

[95] Gregoras, IX. 1, pp. 390-2. But Cantacuzenos, I. 42, pp. 208-15, maintains that young Andronicus heard that his grandfather was preparing a _coup_ before he thought of taking any action himself.

[96] Cant., I. 44, pp. 215-16; Greg., IX. 1, p. 392; Phrantzes, I. 6, p. 35.

[97] Cant., I. 4-5, pp. 216-23; Greg., IX. 1, p. 396.

[98] Cant., I. 50, pp. 248, 252; Greg., IX. 3, pp. 405-7.

[99] Cant., ibid.; Greg., IX. 3, pp. 407-9.

[100] Cant., I. 52, pp. 260-2; Greg., IX. 4, pp. 409-10; Cant., I. 53, pp. 267-70.

[101] Cant., I. 55, pp. 277, 281-2; Greg., IX. 4, p. 414.

[102] Cant., I. 55-II. 1, pp. 277-312; Greg., IX. 4-8, pp. 411-32; Phr. I. 6, p. 35.

[103] IX. 8, p. 431.

[104] Cant., II. 28, p. 473; Greg., IX. 14, p. 461, and X. 1, p. 474.

[105] II. 3, p. 324.

[106] Cantacuzenos uses this same expression concerning the collecting of the army with which Andronicus III repelled an invasion of seventy Turkish vessels in the autumn of the same year. Cf. II. 13, p. 390.

[107] I have gathered the account of this battle from Cant., II. 6-8, pp. 341-60; Greg., IX. 9, pp. 433-5; Phr., I. 7, pp. 36-7; Chalcocondylas (ed. Migne), I. 11, col. 32. It is interesting to note how much space Cantacuzenos gives in contrast to the brevity of the other writers.

[108] II, c. 8, 363. Seadeddin, Neshri, and Idris agree with Gregoras, IX. 13, p. 458, in putting the fall of Nicaea in 1330 or 1331. Gregoras euphemistically says the city was ‘pillaged by the Turks’. But Leunclavius, on the authority of Ali, gives A.H. 734, which would be 1333 or 1334.

[109] Phr., I. 7.

[110] In _Djihannuma_, Paris MS., fol. 1934.

[111] When I was in Nicaea in 1913, the imam of the Yeshil Djami told me that there were seventy thousand houses at the time of the Ottoman conquest. This is the local tradition.

[112] Hammer, i. 146, makes this claim.

[113] Ibn Batutah, ii. 322-3. For discussion of the value of Ibn Batutah’s testimony see Appendix B and Bibliography.

[114] Miklositch-Müller, Act. LXXXII, anno 1339, and Act. XCII, anno 1340.

[115] There is no way of establishing the date of the fall of Nicomedia. The Ottoman historians report that it was added to the dominions of Orkhan in 1326, the year of his accession and of the fall of Brusa. It is best here to follow the unanimous testimony of the Byzantine sources, which is in accord with the natural inference that Nicomedia fell some time after Nicaea: Greg., XI. 6, p. 545; Phr., I. 8, p. 38. Hammer cannot disregard the testimony of Gregoras here. He ingenuously suggests that the city might have been lost by the Osmanlis, and recaptured. Cantacuzenos (II. 24, p. 446, and 26, p. 459) says that Andronicus III went twice to the aid of Nicomedia in 1331, but he does not record the loss of either Brusa or Nicomedia. In the collection of Feridun, Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. anc. fonds turc 79, there is a diploma appointing Soleiman governor of Nicomedia in 1332, but the authenticity of the earlier pieces in this collection is open to grave suspicion (cf. Bibliography).

[116] Howorth, iii. 613.

[117] Canale, i. 215.

[118] Not an actual defensive alliance against Orkhan, as Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, p. 480, supposes. See Cant., II. 13, pp. 388-90; Phr., I. 8, p. 37.

[119] Cant., II. 28, pp. 470-3.

[120] Ibid., 22, p. 435.

[121] Ibid., 25, pp. 455-6.

[122] Cant. II., 29-30, pp. 480-4; Greg., XI. 2, p. 530.

[123] Hammer, quoting Ashikpashazadé, i. 150-1.

[124] Mordtmann, in _ZDMG_. (1911), lxv. 105, basing his statement, like Hammer, on Ashikpashazadé, Vatican MS., fol. 33, gives A.H. 735, 737, or 740. The earliest of these dates is precluded by the testimony of Ibn Batutah, who found these places still independent about A.H. 735. A.H. 737 might be possible, if we decide that Orkhan accomplished everything during the one expedition against Pergama. Mordtmann, still quoting Ashikpashazadé, says that these three cities were held by relatives of the Palaeologi. If this be true, it goes to prove that there must have existed all along in the reigns of Osman and Orkhan quasi-friendly relations between Moslem and Christian. There was certainly no religious fanaticism during this period of Ottoman history.

[125] ‘Les Osmanlis avaient étendu leur domination en Asie Mineure et absorbé les états dont l’indépendance avait jusqu’alors empêché l’unité politique de l’Empire musulman!’ Delaville-Leroulx, _France en Orient au XIVe siècle_, i. 118. ‘Osmans Sohn Orkhan Kleinasien unterworfen hatte’: Wüstenfeld, _Geschichte der Türken_, p. 16. ‘Orkan s’impadroni di quasi tutta la Natolia’: Alberi, in preface (viii) to series III, vol. i, of _Relazione Ven. Amb._ One of the earliest western historians gives Orkhan’s ambition as ‘solus cupiens in minore Asia regnare’: Cervarius, p. 5. Even Hammer, i. 150, is considerably ahead of time in saying, in one of his chapters on Orkhan, ‘Les hordes ottomanes se précipitèrent du haut de l’Olympe comme une avalanche, franchissant montagnes et vallées, ajoutant à leurs possessions les neuf royaumes nés des débris de l’Empire seljukide, inondant Asie Mineure depuis l’Olympe jusqu’au Taurus.’ Hammer does not mean to give this wrong impression, but one has to read very closely not to get it. See discussion of this error in Appendix B.

[126] Cant., IV. 37, p. 284. Is it on the strength of this evident error of a Greek writer that Evliya effendi, ii. 229, says ‘Orkhan captured Angora from the Prince of Kutayia of the Kermian family’? Hussein Hezarfenn, following Chalcocondylas, is an example of an Ottoman historian basing his statements on a Greek authority.

[127] For the time of Ibn Batutah and Shehabeddin see Appendix B, p. 279. Mas-Latrie, _Trésor de Chronologie_, col. 1796, after careful collation of Shehabeddin and Ibn Batutah, comes to the conclusion that Orkhan added the emirates of Balikesri, Marmara, Akbara, Kaouïa, Keredek, Kul Hissar, and Thingizlu to his state between 1349 and 1360. This, too, is discussed in Appendix B.

[128] Marmara, for example, is given by the Ottoman historians as a conquest made by Osman. See Hammer, i. 89. But it is mentioned as an independent principality by Shehabeddin, in _Notices et Extraits des MSS. de la Bibl. du roi_, xiii. 358, 366.

[129] Ibn Batutah, ii. 321-2.

[130] Shehabeddin, Paris MS., fonds arabe 2325, fol. 139 vº-140 rº.

[131] Ibid., fol. 125 vº.

[132] Hammer, i. 110-11, says that Alaeddin, ‘stranger to the profession of arms, occupied himself solely with the cares of state’, but on p. 133 he has Alaeddin commanding the troops in battle while Orkhan watches from the top of a hill!

[133] For the derivation of vizier, with the double meaning of burden-bearer and the one who aids, see Ibn Khaldun, _Prolegomena_, in _Notices et Extraits_, xx. 4.

[134] Gen. xxviii. 11-18.

[135] Sale’s translation, c. 20, verse 30, p. 234.

[136] Col. Djevad bey, p. 20, _n._ 2. Col. Djevad claims that von Hammer’s derivation of the word ‘pasha’ from the Persian is wrong. But he gives no reason which would satisfy the philologist when he asserts that this word is essentially Turkish. Nor does he attempt to explain its original meaning. ‘Pasha’ is probably a shortened form of ‘padishah’. See _Century Dictionary_, v. 4228.

[137] According to the biographer of Brusa, cited by Hammer, i. 146, _n._ 4.

[138] I do not understand what Hammer means when he says, i. 116, that the _Kanunnamé_ must be taken in the sense of political rather than ecclesiastical law. The two cannot be separated in Islam. Or, perhaps, it is better to say that there is no political law. The very word _Kanun_ was taken from the Greeks, was used by them for ecclesiastical law, and its adoption by the Osmanlis (at a much later period than Orkhan) serves to emphasize the fact that there was no other land of law conceivable than the law of the Church. The word _Kanun_ had of course other meanings, but in its collective legal sense it seems to have stood only for rules or laws that had to do with things ecclesiastical or religious. See the various meanings of this word in A. Souter’s _Text and Canon of the New Testament_ (London, 1913), pp. 154-5.

[139] This petition is in the Litany of the Prayer Book of Edward VI. Cf. Schaff, _Church History_, iv. 151.

[140] I do not mean to assert that religious feeling has played no part in the massacres of our own day. But these massacres were arranged by the government, who incited the Moslems to attack their Christian neighbours, inflaming the ignorant mind more by an appeal to racial hatred, to loot, to lust, than to defence of the sacred faith. In the Armenian massacres it was represented to the ignorant village Moslem that the Armenians were plotting to set up an independent government or to betray the fatherland to some European power. I was in Adana during the terrible massacre of 1909, and make this statement from personal experience and observation.

[141] Michail Koëzé, Marco, and Evrenos were Greeks. Cf. Leunclavius, _Pandectes_, p. 125.

[142] Up to the time of the Tanzimat, in 1849, Christians were called _raïas_. The original meaning of _raïa_ was a flock, and was not a term of contempt, but a recognition of the fact that Christians were a taxable asset to the nation, at so much per head.

[143] In western Asia Minor, in Macedonia and Thrace, up to the present day the convert to Islam, no matter of what race, is immediately classified before the law as a Turk. When the Sublime Porte, after the reoccupation of Adrianople in the summer of 1913, laid a memorial before the Powers, it was claimed that the large majority of the population of the vilayet of Thrace was ‘Turkish’. This word had absolutely no racial significance. Every Mohammedan in Thrace, no matter what his race or language, would be considered a Turk. The Young Turks, when they established the Constitution in 1908, tried to revive the word ‘Osmanli’ as a term including all Ottoman subjects. But they not only failed to convince the nation--they failed to convince themselves--that a Christian could really be an Osmanli, with the full rights and privileges enjoyed by the Moslems.

[144] Ricaut, ed. 1682, p. 148. For confusion of the name ‘Turk’ with ‘Saracen’ by early western writers, see _Chronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis_, Géraud ed., i. 46, 86-8; _Mémoires d’Olivier de la Marche_, Beaune and d’Arbaumont ed., i. 22-5, iv. 83; _Gilles le Muisit_, Lemaître ed., p. 196. The mistake of Ricaut is common with many of the fifteenth-to seventeenth-century writers on the Crusades.

[145] Matthew of Edessa (Urfa), fol. 8 of MS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arménien, No. 95, quoted in _Notices et Extraits_, ix, 1^[ère] partie, p. 281, speaks of ‘les calamités que des peuples barbares et corrompus, tels que les Turcs et les Grecs, LEURS SEMBLABLES, ont causées’.

[146] This was true even of the conquest of Constantinople, which caused much more dismay and regret in Europe than among the Greeks. See the remarkable letter of Francis Fielphus to Mohammed II in _Bibl. de l’École des langues vivantes orientales_, série 3, xii. 63-6, 211-14.

[147] Cf. Rambaud in _Hist. Générale_, ii. 816.

[148] In Constantinople, Smyrna, Salonika, and the lesser coast cities of the Ottoman Empire, as well as in many of the cities of the interior, one feels the atmosphere of Sabbath rest much more on a Sunday than on a Friday.

[149] Evliya effendi, ii. 241.

[150] In the _Djihannuma_, p. 951.

[151] In a popular Anatolian love-song, there is the line, ‘Benim sevdijimie din var iman yok’, ‘She whom I love has religion, but not a bit of faith’, which illustrates the lack of deep religious feeling in the Osmanli. In this he is like the Greek, and different from the Slav, the Persian and Arab. See Kúnos, _Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft_, liii. 237.

[152] At Balikesri the sultan Dambur told Ibn Batutah that ‘the men follow the religion of their king’: ii. 317. Here was the principle of _cuius regio eius religio_ two centuries before Augsburg!

[153] Col. Djevad bey, pp. 18-19.

[154] Edward III of England had created a sort of obligatory military service. His organized infantry took part in the Battle of Crécy, 1346. Lavisse-Rambaud, _Hist. générale_, iii. 76.

[155] Halil Ganem, i. 39.

[156] This still holds. In October 1912, on the Seraskerat Square in Constantinople, I saw Sultan Mehmed V give over the command of the army for the Balkan War to Nazim pasha.

[157] Col. Djevad bey, p. 18.

[158] Bertrandon de la Broquière, Schéfer ed., pp. 220-1.

[159] This statement needs especial emphasis, as many historians have followed Chalcocondylas and Bosio in attributing the corsair fleets to Osman and Orkhan. An instance of a careful modern historian making this error is found in Romanin, _Historia documentata di Venezia_, iii. 147, where he says, ‘La lega ... per raffrenare l’ognor erescente potenza _ottomana_.’

[160] In Bongars, _Gesta Dei per Francos_, ii. 313.

[161] This letter, from the manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, is published in _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_ (1906), lxvii. 587. Other documents on this mission, ibid. (1892), liii. 254-7.

[162] See papers of H. Lot in _Bibl. de l’École des Chartes_, 4e série (1859), v. 503-9, and (1875) xxxvi. 588-600. Also Bosio, ii. 58.

[163] Raynaldus, Ann. 1334, pp. 17-19. As the repetition of all the negotiations in connexion with papal attempts for crusades cannot be included in the text of my book, I refer the reader to the section on papal negotiations in the Chronological Tables.

[164] Deliberation of Senate, November 18, 1333, in _Misti_, XVI, fol. 40.

[165] Raynaldus, Ann. 1344, p. 11; Stella (in Muratori), col. 1080; Dandolo, p. 418; Greg., II, p. 686; Cant., III, p. 192; _Mon. Hist. Patr._ x. 757; _Misti_ for 1344, fol. 30; Rymer, _Acta Publica_, vol. ii, part IV, p. 172; _Commemorialia_, iv. 80.

[166] For relations of Rhodes with Smyrna from 1347 onwards, see Bosio, _passim_, but especially ii. 80 and 118-19.

[167] Serbian chronicles, quoted by von Kállay, _Geschichte der Serben_, i. 66.

[168] In the fratricidal war of July 1913, the ignorant Serbian peasants really believed that they were fighting to take from the Bulgarians ‘the sacred soil of the fatherland’, as their newspapers and addresses to the soldiers called Macedonia. The name of St. Stephen was invoked when they went into battle.

[169] Orbini, _Il Regno degli Slavi_, p. 259, gives a circumstantial account of the assassination. He says that Stephen gave the order to men who strangled the old king in his cell at midnight. This does not prevent Orbini from saying later of Stephen ‘fu huomo molto pio’! Borschgrave, p. 266, is not certain of Stephen’s connivance.

[170] J. Schafarik, _Elenchus actorum spectantium ad historiam Serborum_, XXV-XXVII.

[171] I find no documentary authority for the often repeated statement that this coronation took place at Skoplje (Uskub or Scopia). At the time of the recent Balkan War, the Serbians, in order to preserve their friendly relations with Greece, supported the Uskub theory. But see Ljubić, _Monumenta spectantia ad hist. Slavorum meridionalium_, ii. 278, 279, 326; _Commemorialia_, IV; _Secreta Rog._, A. 33.

[172] ‘Stephanus, D. G. Serviae ... Albaniae, maritimae regionis rex, Bulgariae imperii princeps et fere totius imperii Romaniae dominus’: Ljubić, ii. 278.

[173] Ibid., ii. 326.

[174] Ibid., loc. cit.

[175] _Secr. Rog._, A. 33.

[176] _Misti_, xxiv. 12.

[177] Ibid., xxiv. 110.

[178] _Secr. Rog._, II, B. 4; _Misti_, xxiv. 103.

[179] Cf. _Misti_, xxv. 7, 10. Fiorinsky, _The South Slavs and Byzantium in the second quarter of the Fourteenth Century_, quoted by Borchgrave in _Bulletin de l’Académie royale de Belgique_ for 1884, 8e série, iv. 429-30.

[180] _Commem._ iv. 172.

[181] _Misti_, xxvi. 16-22; _Commem._ iv. 157.

[182] MS. Vatican 3765, quoted by Raynaldus, ann. 1347, XXX.

[183] Fiorinsky, p. 207.

[184] Engel, _Geschichte von Serbien_, 285-6; Müller, _Beiträge Byz. Chron._, p. 406 _n._

[185] Cant., IV. 43, p. 315; Greg., XXVII. 50, p. 557; von Kállay, i. 69.

[186] Cant., II. 9, pp. 363-70; Greg., XII. 3, p. 582; Ducas, p. 6.

[187] Cant., II. 1, pp. 14-18; 40, p. 560; and III. 4, p. 91; Greg., IX. 11, pp. 560-8; XII. 2, p. 576.

[188] Cant., II. 24-7, pp. 145-67; Greg., XII. 11-16, pp. 608-26; Phr. I. 9, p. 40; Ducas, 6, p. 24, to 7, p. 26.

[189] Cantacuzenos tries to make out that this was a justifiable arrangement, as this district had already been conquered by Stephen Dushan. But Ducas, 6, p. 26, and 8, p. 30, declares that Cantacuzenos sacrificed the empire to the Serbians.

[190] Cant., III. 57, pp. 347-8; Greg., XIII. 4, pp. 648-52.

[191] _Misti_, xxi. 35.

[192] Greg., XVI. 6, pp. 834-5; Ducas, 7, p. 29; Clement VI, _Epp. Secr._ vii. 99. ’Άμυρ is either ‘Emir’ or ‘Omar’.

[193] Cant., III. 31, p. 498; Ducas 9, pp. 33-4; Chalc., I, p. 24.

[194] Cant., III. 81, pp. 501-2; 84, pp. 518-19; 85, pp. 525-9.

[195] Cant., III. 95, pp. 585-9; Greg., XV. 5, pp. 762-3; Ducas, 9, p. 35.

[196] Greg., XV. 2, p. 749.

[197] For the action against Barlaam spoken of here, see Muralt, ii. 575, No. 17; p. 576, No. 22; p. 578, No. 37.

[198] Cant., III. 98, p. 604, to IV. 4, p. 29; Greg., XV. 9, p. 781, to 11, p. 791; Ducas, 9, p. 37, to 10, p. 38.

[199] Cant., IV. 1, p. 12, to 2, p. 19.

[200] Cant., IV. 4, p. 30; 5, p. 32; 20, p. 147.

[201] Cant., IV. 9, pp. 53-7.

[202] Raynaldus, ann. 1349, XXXI.

[203] Clement VI, _Epp. Secr._ viii. 248-50.

[204] Cant., IV. 13, p. 85.

[205] Marco Guazzo, _Cronica_, p. 269; Stella, _Annales Genuenses_, in Muratori, xvii, col. 1090.

[206] MS. Vatican 2040, cited by Muralt, ii. 618: Petrarch, _Epp. fam._ vii. 7. For historical and medical importance of the black death, see Hecker, _Der schwarze Tod im 14ten Jahrhundert_ (Berlin, 1832). MSS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds latin 8369-70, contain an interesting contemporary account, mostly in hexameter verse, by Symon de Cavino, a Paris physician.

[207] _Breve Chronicon_ at end of Ducas, cited by Finlay, _History of Greece_, iv. 409 _n._

[208] In 1340 Venice had refused a loan of ships and money to Edward III of England on the ground that she needed all her resources ‘to guard against the Turkish danger about to become universal’: Wiel, p. 204.

[209] On March 17, 1351, Petrarch addressed from Padua to Doge Andrea Dandolo a letter of remonstrance and warning against engaging in a war with Genoa. This letter is quoted in Hazlitt, iii. 122.

[210] The Genoese archives contain a treaty between the Byzantine Empire and Genoa, dated May 6, 1352, which says: ‘debbono eziandio ritenersi per valide e ferme le convenzioni e la pace stipulata dai genovesi con Orcan bey.’ Belgrano, _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_, xiii. 124.

[211] The Signory of Genoa, writing to the Podesta of Pera, March 21, 1356, said: ‘Nobis, vobis ac omnibus ianuenibus est notorium et manifestum quantum bonum et gratias habuimus a domino Orchano amirato Turchie ad destructionem et mortem tam venetorum quam grecorum tempore guerre nostre’: ibid., p. 127.

[212] In the treaty of 1387 with Murad, the Genoese said: ‘quam inter recolendam memoriam magnifici domini Orchani patris sui ex una parte et illustrem Commune Ianue ex altera’: ibid., p. 147.

[213] Cant., IV. 11, pp. 68-77; Greg., XVI. 6, p. 835, to XVII. 7, p. 865.

[214] Cant., IV. 16-17, pp. 104-5, 108-11, 114-30; 19, pp. 133-5; 22, p. 156; Greg., XVI. 1, p. 795; XVIII. 2, p. 876. Phr., I. 9, p. 40, gives this as the time Cantacuzenos married his daughter to Orkhan.

[215] Cant., IV. 30, pp. 218-20; Greg., XXVI. 19, p. 86, and 22, p. 88. For explanation of action of Venetian admiral, Pisani, see histories of Daru and Romanin.

[216] Villani, _Historia Venetiana_ (Muratori), xiv. 200; Canale, _Nuova istoria di Genova_, i. 222.

[217] Cant., IV. 33, pp. 246-7; 36, p. 266. Cantacuzenos had tried to get the Bulgarians to attack Stephen Dushan in 1351. Cf. Cant., IV. 22, pp. 162-6.

[218] Greg., XXVII. 30, pp. 150-1.

[219] Cant., IV. 36, pp. 265-6; Greg., XXVII. 55, p. 171, and XXVIII. 3, pp. 177-8; Cant., IV. 34, pp. 247-50; Greg., XXVIII. 7, pp. 181-2.

[220] Cant., IV. 34, pp. 250-3; 36, p. 266; Greg., XXVIII. 19, p. 188.

[221] About two hours on horse from Gallipoli.

[222] Seadeddin, i. 58-63.

[223] Gilbert Cousin, _Opera_, i. 390 (evidently copying Drechsler), and Egnatius, _de Origine Turcarum_ (Paris, 1539), p. 29, give date A.D. 1363. But do they not follow Phr., I. 26, p. 80?

[224] Donado de Lezze, p. 7, and Paolo Giovio, both ardent Venetians, and Rabbi Joseph, i. 245, give the names of these vessels, though differently. Nicolas de Nicolay, who passed through the Hellespont in 1551, says that this story of the Genoese was a tradition of the locality. He locates the castle of Tzympe a few miles from the Aegaean end of the strait! _Les quatre livres des navigations_ (1587 ed.), p. 58. Sauli, _Della Colonia Genovese in Galata_, ii. 44-5, vigorously defends the Genoese against this calumny.

[225] There is no room for doubt about this date. Cf. Cant., IV. 38, pp. 277-80; Greg., XXXIII. 67, p. 220, and XXVIII. 40-2, pp. 202-4; Villani, p. 105; _Byz. Annalen_, ed. Müller, in _Sitzungs-Berichte der Wiener Akademie_, ix. 392; Muralt, _Chronographie Byz._, ii. 643.

[226] This place figured in the recent Balkan War. It was here that the Osmanlis stationed their army for the defence of the Dardanelles.

[227] Greg., XXIX. 26, p. 241.

[228] Greg., XXVIII. 30, pp. 195-201.

[229] Cant., IV. 37, pp. 270-2; 38, p. 276; Greg., XXIX. 17-18, pp. 234-6; 49, p. 257.

[230] At least, Cantacuzenos, IV. 38, p. 276, claims that he ransomed Tzympe.

[231] Cant., IV. 38, p. 283.

[232] Rumanian Chronicle, cited by Gregorović, _Relations of Serbia with her Neighbouring States, principally in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries_, Kazan, 1859, in an appendix.

[233] Cant., IV. 39-43, pp. 284-307; Greg., XXIX. 27-30, pp. 242-3.

[234] Cant., IV. 49, pp. 358-60.

[235] Tchorlu was the head-quarters of the Ottoman General Staff during the first month of the Balkan War. After the battle of Lulé Burgas, it became the head-quarters of the Bulgarians. From here the attack upon the defences of Constantinople was directed.

[236] Muralt, ii. 640, No. 10, _n._

[237] Greg., XXIX. 34, pp. 224-6.

[238] During the five years following the proclamation of the Constitution in 1908, I lived, and travelled extensively, in the Ottoman Empire. Rarely did I meet a foreigner engaged in business there who had the slightest sympathy with the Osmanlis in their aspirations or in their successive crushing misfortunes. This is not a criticism, but merely the record of a fact.

[239] Schafarik, CVII.

[240] The expression ‘la terre que les Turcs tiennent’ is always used to designate Asia Minor in the opinion which the council of the French King Philippe de Valois gave concerning the route to be followed in the abortive crusade of 1332. See Archives Nationales, Paris, P. 2289, pp. 711-12.

[241] See p. 97, and notes 3 and 4 on that page.

[242] Quoted from the Cancelleria Secreta by Romanin, iv. 232.

[243] This letter is reproduced by Jireček, _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, p. 309.

[244] Greg., XXXVII. 52, p. 558; 59-63, pp. 561-3; 67-9, pp. 565-6; XXXVI. 6-8, pp. 504-9; Cant., IV. 44, p. 320.

[245] The generally accepted date of Orkhan’s death is 1359 or 1360, following Ottoman sources. But Jireček, a careful and able scholar, p. 321, n. 10, is inclined to accept March 1362. There is great confusion about this period. I think that the Ottoman date is undoubtedly correct here.

[246] ‘Der eigentliche Begründer der osmanischen Macht war Orchan’, Fessler, _Geschichte von Ungarn_, ii. 151.

[247] Col. Djevad bey, p. 254.

[248] Seadeddin, i. 80.

[249] Seadeddin, i. 82; Hadji Khalfa, _Rumeli_, p. 19.

[250] But Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv. 672, who is followed by Leunclavius, says that Demotika was abandoned to Orkhan in November 1361.

[251] Cf. marginal note in Barberini MS. of Pachymeres, cited by Muralt, ii. 663, No. 9.

[252] Seadeddin, i. 84-5; Hadji Khalfa, _Rumeli_, p. 22.

[253] All the Ottoman historians.

[254] MS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds turc, No. 79, p. 25; Leunclavius, _Annales_, p. 30; Seadeddin, i. 85.

[255] Muklis Abderrahman Efendy, quoted by Schéfer, in his edition of Bertrandon de la Broquière, p. 170, _n._ 3.

[256] Seadeddin, i. 89; Hadji Khalfa, _Rumeli_, p. 52.

[257] Villani tells of its terrible ravages in 1360 ‘ricominciata in diversi paesi del mondo’, Muratori, xiv. 653, 688-90, 727.

[258] Ibid., pp. 649-50. He declares that Murad had been ‘molte volte tentato di vincere Constantinopoli’.

[259] Cf. Finlay, iv. 45, 169.

[260] Seadeddin, i. 42. Hammer, i. 384-5, n. viii, says that Ottoman historians are unanimous in this assertion as against Byzantine sources. Col. Djevad bey, the modern Ottoman authority on military history, is disappointing and unconvincing in his discussion of this question. On p. 25 he gives 726 (1326) for the date, and on p. 78 730 (1329). He cites no sources, for there are none, and has to admit, p. 54, that Murad I made the laws for the janissaries. Among early European historians there is much divergency. Spandugino, p. 185, attributes their origin to Osman, and the name from the village of Sar: they are ‘the young men of Sar’. Ricaut, ed. 1682, p. 357, also attributes to Osman. Reineccius, influencing the Latin editor of Chalcocondylas (see ed. Migne, p. 26, _n._ 11), makes Osman the founder, and derives the name from ‘Januae’: they are the _custodes corporis_. Leuncl., _Pandectes_, p. 129, discusses these theories without coming to any conclusion. Giovio, Geuffraeus, and Nicolay, p. 83, attribute origin to Murad II. Certainly it was not earlier than his day that the janissaries attracted attention in Europe. D’Ohsson, vii. 311, asserts that there was no definite organization until Mohammed II. Mignot, i. 119-20, is in favour of the theory that Murad I created this corps.

[261] Seignobos, in _Hist. générale_, ii. 334.

[262] Col. Djevad bey, p. 251, says that Anatolian Christians were exempt to give time to recuperate ‘after the exhausting struggles of generations’. But exhausting struggles had been no less frequent and no less severe in the Balkan peninsula. Gibbon’s suggestion, that the levies were made in Europe because Moslem and Christian Anatolians were not apt for war, shows how completely the great English historian missed the _raison d’être_ of the janissaries.

[263] Hammer, i. 126.

[264] Col. Djevad bey, p. 90.

[265] Ibid.

[266] Ibid., pp. 55-6; Ducas, p. 16; Leunel., _Annales_, p. 34; Ricaut, pp. 358-9.

[267] Lavallée, i. 190-1.

[268] Phr., I. 26, p. 86; Chalc., I, p. 25. Cf. Michaud, _Hist. des Croisades_, v. 275.

[269] Seadeddin, i. 91.

[270] This colony was at Bigha. See Appendix B, p. 301.

[271] Phr., I. 26, p. 80.

[272] Katona, x. 393.

[273] Chale., I, p. 30, and the chronicle of Rabbi Joseph, i. 240, confuse this battle with that of Cernomen, near the same place and with the same result, in 1370. But there were certainly two distinct battles. Louis of Hungary took part in the first, as is shown by the date recorded at Mariazell and by a diploma in Fejér, _Cod. Dipl. Hung._, 9e partie, vii. 212. Cf. Aschbach, _Geschichte Kaiser Sigmunds_, I. 87. The account in Vambéry’s _Hungary_, Story of Nations Series, p. 171, is wholly wrong.

[274] Seadeddin, i. 94.

[275] Miltitz, ii. I^{ère} partie, 166.

[276] Col. Djevad bey, p. 97, _n._ 1; Engel, _Geschichte Rag._, p. 141; Hammer, i. 231, 405. But this was also Timur’s ordinary method of signing ordinances: cf. Shereffeddin, iv. 55. The document, with the marks of Murad’s hand, is preserved in the museum of the Communal Palace at Ragusa.

[277] Villani, x. 30.

[278] Cf. Hazlitt, iii. 216.

[279] Urban V, _Epp. secr._ iv. 114.

[280] ‘Il le print por prisonnyer, et le destint a cause de ce que le roy de Bourgarye sy sestoit accorde et alyez secrettement avecques le turc’: _Chronicques de Savoye_, col. 300.

[281] Cf. Jireček, _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, p. 325.

[282] Cibrario, _Storia di Savoya_, iii. 193. But I have followed closely the account of the expedition as given in the anonymous French chronicle, cols. 299-319, in _Monumenta Historiae Patriae_, Turin, 1840, vol. i. There is a modern book by Datta. Cf. also Delaville le Roulx, i. 148 f.

[283] Urban V, _Epp. secr._ iv. 124.

[284] Ibid., iv. 240.

[285] Greg., XXV. 17, p. 41.

[286] Urban V, _Epp. secr._ ii. 230; Petrarch, _Senilia_, iv. 2.

[287] ‘Nescio enim an peius sit amisisse Hierusalem an ita Bizantion possidere. Ibi enim non agnoscitur Christus, hic neglegitur dum sic colitur. _Illi_ (Turcae) _hostes, hi scismatici peiores hostibus_: illi aperte nostrum Imperium detractant: hi verbo Romanam ecclesiam matrem dicunt: cui quam devoti filii sint, quam humiliter Romani pontificis iussa suscipiant, tuus a te ille datus patriarcha testabitur. _Illi minus nos oderunt quam minus metuunt. Isti autem totis nos visceribus et metuunt et oderunt._’ _Senilia_, vol. vii.

[288] In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem, and in the Church of the Holy Nativity, Bethlehem, anarchy--even bloodshed--is prevented only by the constant vigilance of the Ottoman military authorities. If one asks the Latin and Greek priests in Jerusalem, they will admit without shame that this statement is true.

[289] Miklositch-Müller, _Acta et diplomata graeca_, CLXXXIV.

[290] _Epistolae secretae_, vi. 1-10.

[291] Ibid., vi. 3.

[292] The date of this visit is certain from the formal act of abjuration, which is given in full in Raynaldus, ann. 1369, XI. Ducas, c. 11, and Chalc., I, p. 25, are in error in placing this voyage later. Berger de Xivrey, _Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscriptions_, xix, 2e partie, p. 35, suggests that the Byzantine historians have confused this voyage with that of Manuel, thirty years later.

[293] _Epp. secr._, viii. 37, 38, 80.

[294] By an encyclical: _Epp. secr._, viii. 4. Cf. also his letters to the doges of Venice and Genoa, ibid., p. 24.

[295] Ibid., viii. 55.

[296] Phr., I. 22, pp. 52-3; Chalc., I, pp. 50-1; Morosini, p. 13.

[297] Phr., I. 11, p. 46.

[298] Gregory XI, _Epp. secr._ iii. 36, 58.

[299] Chalc., I, pp. 51-2.

[300] Raynaldus, ann. 1371, VIII.

[301] _Epp. secr._, ii. 32, 87. Similar letter to Louis in December 1375, ibid. v. 46. Other letters reprinted in Fejér, 9e partie, iv. 583 4; v. 54-6; vi. 155-6.

[302] Bernino, pp. 15-20.

[303] Fejér, 9e partie, iv. 427-8.

[304] Ibid., v. 52-3.

[305] Rymer, _Acta Publica_, III, part 3, pp. 38-40.

[306] On December 12, 1374, Gregory XI wrote to John from Avignon, predicting that his ‘alliance with Murad’ would bring about the destruction of the empire: _Epistolae secretae_, iv. 68.

[307] Raynaldus, ann. 1378, XIX.

[308] Jireček, _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, p. 317.

[309] Cant. IV, 50, pp. 362-3.

[310] Although Engel says 1353, others 1356, and the Rumanian chronicle 1371, there can be no question that 1365 is the correct date; for both Byzantine and Ottoman historians speak of Alexander as Bulgarian Czar in 1364, and do not mention him later, while Sisman and his brothers come immediately into prominence.

[311] Schiltberger, Neumann ed., p. 93.

[312] Orbini, pp. 472-3.

[313] Bonfinius, II. 10.