Chapter VI: Testing the Issue (2)

The majority of those who refused to accept it--and the number was large--retired, with saddened hearts for the most part, into the ranks of the British Loyalists; only a few, with John Dickinson at their head, could still visualize the vanishing image of reconciliation. Whether the Prohibitory Act made reconciliation impossible or not, one thing at all events it made clear: if Britain was bent on forcing the colonies to submit by ruining their trade, it could scarcely be good policy for the colonies to help her do it; of which the reasonable conclusion seemed to be that, since the Parliament wished to close the ports of America to the world, Congress would do well to open them to the world. On February 16, 1776, Congress accordingly took into "consideration the propriety of opening the ports." To declare the ports open to the world was no doubt easily done; but the main thing after all was to carry on trade with the world; and this was not so easy since British naval vessels were there to prevent it. "We can't carry on a beneficial trade, as our enemies will take our ships"; so Mr. Sherman said, and of this he thought the obvious inference was that "a treaty with a foreign power is necessary, before we open our trade, to protect it."

"A treaty with a foreign power"--Mr. Wythe also mentioned this as a possible way of reviving the trade of the colonies; but a treaty with a foreign power was easier conceived of than made, and Mr. Wythe thought "other things are to be considered before we adopt such a measure." In considering these "other things," Mr. Wythe asked and answered the fundamental question: "In what character shall we treat?--as subjects of Great Britain--as rebels? ... If we should offer our trade to the court of France, would they take notice of it any more than if Bristol or Liverpool should offer theirs, while we profess to be subjects? No. We must declare ourselves a free people." Thus it appeared that the character of British subjects, no less than the Association, was a stumbling-block in the way of obtaining "the means of carrying on the war." The sword, as an instrument for maintaining rights, could after all not be effectively wielded by America so long as her hand was shackled by even the half-broken ties of a professed allegiance to Britain. Therefore, when the Congress, on the 6th of April, opened the ports of the colonies to the world, the Declaration of Independence was a foregone conclusion.

The idea of independence, for many months past, had hovered like a disembodied hope or menace about the entrance ways of controversy. A few clear-sighted men, such as John Adams and Samuel Seabury, had so long contemplated the idea without blinking that it had taken on familiar form and substance. But the great majority had steadily refused to consider it, except as a possible alternative not needing for the present to be embraced. All these moderate, middle-of-the-way men had now to bring this idea into the focus of attention, for the great illusion that Britain would not push matters to extremities was rapidly dissolving, and the time was come when it was no longer possible for any man to be a British-American and when every man must decide whether it was better to be an American even at the price of rebellion or a Briton even at the price of submission. It is true that many never made up their minds on this point, being quite content to swear allegiance to whichever cause, according to time or place, happened to be in the ascendant. But of all those thinking men whose minds could be made up to stay, perhaps a third--this is the estimate of John Adams--joined the ranks of the British Loyalists; while the rest, with more or less reluctance, gave their support, little or great, to the cause of independence.

When one has made, with whatever reluctance, an irrevocable decision, it is doubtless well to become adjusted to it as rapidly as possible; and this he can best do by thinking of the decision as a wise one--the only one, in fact, which a sensible person could have made. Thus it was that the idea of independence, embraced by most men with reluctance as a last resort and a necessary evil, rapidly lost, in proportion as it seemed necessary, its character of evil, took on the character of the highest wisdom, and so came to be regarded as a predestined event which all honest patriots must rejoice in having had a hand in bringing about.

This change in the point of view would doubtless have been made in any case; but in rapidly investing the idea of independence with the shining virtues of an absolute good to be embraced joyously, a great influence must be ascribed to the little pamphlet entitled Common Sense, written by a man then known to good patriots as Thomas Paine, and printed in January, 1776. Intrinsically considered, Common Sense was indeed no great performance. The matter, thin at best, was neither profoundly nor subtly reasoned; the manner could hardly be described by even the most complacent critic as humane or engaging. Yet Common Sense had its brief hour of fame. Its good fortune was to come at the psychological moment; and being everywhere read during the months from January to July, 1776, it was precisely suited to convince men, not so much that they ought to declare independence, as that they ought to declare it gladly, ought to cast off lightly their former false and mawkish affection for the "mother country" and once for all to make an end of backward yearning looks over the shoulder at this burning Sodom.

To a militant patriot like Thomas Paine it was profoundly humiliating to recall that for ten years past Americans had professed themselves "humble and loyal subjects" and "dutiful children," yielding to none in "admiration" for the "excellent British Constitution," desiring only to live and die as free citizens under the protecting wing of the mother country. Recalling all this sickening sentimentalism, Mr. Paine uttered a loud and ringing Bosh! Let us clear our minds of cant, he said in effect, and ask ourselves what is the nature of government in general and of the famous British Constitution in particular. Like the Abbé Sieyès, Mr. Paine had completely mastered the science of government, which was in fact extremely simple. Men form societies, he said, to satisfy their wants, and then find that governments have to be established to restrain their wickedness; and therefore, since government is obviously a necessary evil, that government is best which is simplest.

Just consider then this "excellent British Constitution," and say whether it is simple. On the contrary, it is the most complicated, irrational, and ridiculous contrivance ever devised as a government of enlightened men. Its admirers say that this complexity is a virtue, on account of the nice balance of powers between King, Lords, and Commons, which guarantees a kind of liberty through the resulting inertia of the whole. The Lords check the Commons and the Commons check the King. But how comes it that the King needs to be checked? Can he not be trusted? This is really the secret of the whole business--that Monarchy naturally tends to despotism; so that the complication of the British Constitution is a virtue only because its basic principle is false and vicious. If Americans still accept the doctrine of the Divine Right of Kings, well and good; if not, then in Heaven's name let them cease to bow down in abject admiration of the British Constitution!

And in ceasing to admire the British Constitution, Americans should also, Thomas Paine thought, give up that other fatal error, the superstition that up to the present unhappy moment the colonies had derived great benefits from living under the protecting wing of the mother country. Protection! "We have boasted the protection of Great Britain, without considering that her motive was interest not attachment; and that she did not protect us from our enemies on our own account, but from her enemies on her own account, from those who have no quarrel with us on any other account, and who will always be our enemies on the same account." An odd sort of protection that, which served only to entangle the colonies in the toils of European intrigues and rivalries, and to make enemies of those who would otherwise be friends! "Our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instructs us to renounce the alliance: because, any submission to, or dependence upon, Great Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels, and set us at variance with nations who would otherwise seek our friendship and against whom we have neither anger nor complaint."

What foolishness then to seek reconciliation, even if it were possible! Reconciliation at this stage would be the ruin of America. If King George were indeed clever, he would eagerly repeal all the obnoxious acts and make every concession; for when the colonies had once become reconciled he could accomplish by "craft and subtlety, in the long run, what he cannot do by force and violence in the short one." The colonies, having come to maturity, cannot always remain subject to tutelage; like the youth who has reached his majority, they must sooner or later go their own way. Why not now? Beware of reconciliation and of all those who advocate it, for they are either "interested men, who are not to be trusted, weak men who cannot see, prejudiced men who will not see, or a certain set of moderate men who think better of the European world than it deserves."

Such arguments were indeed precisely suited to convince men that independence, so far from being an event in which they had become entangled by the fatal network of circumstance, was an event which they freely willed. "Read by almost every American, and recommended as a work replete with truth, against which none but the partial and prejudiced can form any objection, ... it satisfied multitudes that it is their true interest immediately to cut the Gordian knot by which the ... colonists have been bound to Great Britain, and to open their commerce, as an independent people, to all the nations of the world." In April and May, after the Congress had opened the ports, the tide set strongly and irresistibly in the direction of the formal declaration. "Every post and every day rolls in upon us," John Adams said, "Independence like a torrent." It was on the 7th of June that Richard Henry Lee, in behalf of the Virginia delegation and in obedience to the instructions from the Virginia Convention, moved "that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States ...; that it is expedient forthwith to take the most effectual measures for forming foreign Alliances; ... and that a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective Colonies for their consideration and approbation."

The "resolution respecting independency," debated at length, was postponed till the 1st of July, when it was again brought up for consideration. It was still, on that day, opposed by many, chiefly by John Dickinson, who now said that he should not be against independence ultimately, but that he could not consent to it at the present moment because it would serve to divide rather than to unite the colonies. At the close of the debate on the 1st of July, there seemed little prospect of carrying the resolution by a unanimous vote. The Delaware deputies were evenly divided, the third member, Cæsar Rodney, not being at the moment in Philadelphia; the Pennsylvania deputies were opposed to the resolution, three against two; while the New York and South Carolina deputies were not in a position to vote at all, having, as they said, no instructions. The final vote was therefore again postponed until the following day.

Which of the deputies slept this night is not known. But it is known that Cæsar Rodney, hastily summoned, mounted his horse and rode post-haste to Philadelphia, arriving in time to cast the vote of Delaware in favor of independence; it is known that John Dickinson and Robert Morris remained away from Independence Hall, and that James Wilson changed his mind and voted with Franklin and Morton; and it is known that the South Carolina deputies came somehow to the conclusion, over night, that their instructions were after all sufficient. Thus it was that on July 2, 1776, twelve colonies voted that "these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, Free and Independent States." One week later, the New York deputies, having been properly instructed, cast the vote of their colony for the resolution also.

Meanwhile, a committee had been appointed to prepare a formal declaration, setting forth the circumstances and the motives which might justify them, in the judgment of mankind, in taking this momentous step. The committee had many meetings to discuss the matter, and, when the main points had been agreed upon, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were instructed to "draw them up in form, and clothe them in a proper dress." Many years afterwards, in 1822, John Adams related, as accurately as he could, the conversation which took place when these two met to perform the task assigned them. "Jefferson proposed to me to make the draught. I said, 'I will not.' 'You should do it.' 'Oh! no.' 'Why will you not? You ought to do it.' 'I will not.' 'Why?' 'Reasons enough.' 'What can be your reasons?' 'Reason first--You are a Virginian, and a Virginian ought to appear at the head of this business. Reason second--I am obnoxious, suspected, and unpopular. You are very much otherwise. Reason third--You can write ten times better than I can.' 'Well,' said Jefferson, 'if you are decided, I will do as well as I can.'" In some such manner as this it came about that Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence, no doubt doing, as he said, the best he could.

It is the judgment of posterity that Mr. Jefferson did very well--which was doubtless due partly to the fact that he could write, if not ten times better, at least better than John Adams. Yet the happy phrasing of a brief paragraph or two could scarcely by itself have won so much fame for the author; and perhaps much of the success of this famous paper came from the circumstance that ten years of controversy over the question of political rights had forced Americans to abandon, step by step, the restricted ground of the positive and prescriptive rights of Englishmen and to take their stand on the broader ground of the natural and inherent rights of man. To have said, "We hold this truth to be self-evident: that all Englishmen are endowed by the British Constitution with the customary right of taxing themselves internally" would probably have made no great impression on the sophisticated European mind. It was Thomas Jefferson's good fortune, in voicing the prevailing sentiment in America, to give classic expression to those fundamental principles of a political faith which was destined, in the course of a hundred years, to win the allegiance of the greater part of the western world.

"We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these, are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the consent of the governed. That, whenever any form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such Principles and organizing its Powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness."

It is to these principles--for a generation somewhat obscured, it must be confessed, by the Shining Sword and the Almighty Dollar, by the lengthening shadow of Imperialism and the soporific haze of Historic Rights and the Survival of the Fittest--it is to these principles, these "glittering generalities," that the minds of men are turning again in this day of desolation as a refuge from the cult of efficiency and from faith in "that which is just by the judgment of experience."

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

Contemporary Writings; Many of the most important documents for this period are in the following brief collections: W. Macdonald, Select Charters and Other Documents, 1906; H. W. Preston, Documents Illustrative of American History, 5th ed., 1900; H. Niles, Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America, 1822; J. Almon, Collection of Papers Relative to the Dispute between Great Britain and America, 1777 (commonly cited as Prior Documents). The spirit of the times is best seen in the contemporary newspapers, many extracts from which are printed in F. Moore, Diary of the American Revolution from the Newspapers and Original Documents, 1863. Of the numberless controversial pamphlets, the following are noteworthy: J. Otis, Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved, 1764; D. Dulaney, Considerations on the Propriety of Imposing Taxes on the British Colonies, 1765; J. Dickinson, Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies, 1768 (also in Writings of John Dickinson, 3 vols. 1895); W. Knox, The Controversy between Great Britain and her Colonies Reviewed, 1769 (excellent pro-British reply to Dickinson); S. Jenyns, The Objections to the Taxation of Our American Colonies ... Briefly Considered, 1765; J. Wilson, Considerations on the Nature and Extent of the Legislative Authority of the British Parliament, 1774 (also in The Works of James Wilson, 2 vols. 1896); S. Seabury, Free Thoughts on the Proceedings of the Continental Congress, 1774; T. Paine, Common Sense, 1776 (also in Writings of Thomas Paine, 4 vols. 1894-96). These pamphlets are not available to most readers, but all of them, together with many others, have been admirably described and summarized in M. C. Tyler, The Literary History of the American Revolution, 2 vols. 1897. The letters and public papers of the leaders of the Revolution have been mostly printed, among which some of the most valuable and interesting collections are: C. F. Adams, The Works of John Adams, 10 vols. 1856 (vol. II); J. Adams, Familiar Letters of John Adams and his Wife Abigail Adams, 1875; W. C. Ford, The Warren-Adams Letters, 1917 (vol. I); A. H. Smyth, The Writing's of Benjamin Franklin, 10 vols. 1905-1907 (vols. IV-VI); P. L. Ford, The Writings of John Dickinson, 3 vols. 1895; H. A. Cushing, The Writings of Samuel Adams, 4 vols. 1904-1908; P. O. Hutchinson, Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson, 2 vols. 1884. The following works give the history of the time as it appeared to various contemporaries: W. Gordon, History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of American Independence, 4 vols. 1788 (parts of the work taken bodily from the Annual Register); D. Ramsey, History of the Revolution of South Carolina, 2 vols. 1785; A. Graydon, Memoirs of His Own Times, 1846; T. Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts Bay, 3 vols. 1795-1828 (based on documents collected by the author, some of which were destroyed in the Stamp Act riots); Mercy Warren, History of the American Revolution, 3 vols. 1805 (author was a sister of James Otis); W. Moultrie, Memoirs of the American Revolution so far as it Related to North and South Carolina, 2 vols. 1802; J. Drayton, Memoirs of the American Revolution, 2 vols. 1821; T. Jones, History of New York in the Revolutionary War, 2 vols. 1879 (by a prominent New York Loyalist); The Annual Register, 1765-1776 (an English annual giving summaries of political events supposed to have been prepared by Edmund Burke); H. Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of George the Third, 4 vols. 1894.

Secondary Works: The best single volume on the Revolution is W. E. H. Lecky, The American Revolution, 1912. Other good accounts: E. Charming, History of the United States, vol. III, 1912; G. Howard, Preliminaries of the American Revolution, 1905; S. G. Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, 2 vols. 1908 (controverts many traditional ideas. Interesting book by a man who has been bored by the laudation of the heroic and patriotic side of the Revolution). Of the more detailed histories, the best are: G. Bancroft, History of the United States, 10 vols. 1834-1874 (vols. V-VIII deal with the period 1765-1776. Strongly prejudiced but accurate as to facts; based on documents collected in European archives, some of which are not easily obtainable elsewhere. Revised ed., 6 vols. 1885, omits notes and references, and therefore not so valuable as the original edition); G. O. Trevelyan, The American Revolution, 6 vols. 1899-1914 (brilliantly written by an Englishman of Liberal sympathies. On the whole the work on the Revolution best worth reading). Studies of the beginnings of the Revolution in particular colonies: C. H. Lincoln, Revolutionary Movement in Pennsylvania, 1901; H. J. Eckenrode, The Revolution in Virginia, 1916; C. L. Becker, History of Political Parties in New York, 1760-1776, 1909. The best account of the British policy leading up to the Grenville measures is G. L. Beer, British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765, 1907. The interesting and important subject of the Loyalists is sketched in C. H. Van Tyne, The Loyalists of the American Revolution, 1902. Interesting biographies well worth reading: W. W. Henry, Patrick Henry: Life, Correspondence, and Speeches, 3 vols. 1891; J. K. Hosmer, Life of Thomas Hutchinson, 1896; J. K. Hosmer, Samuel Adams, 1893; M. Chamberlin, John Adams, 1884; C. J. Stillé, The Life and Times of John Dickinson, 1891; D. D. Wallace, Life of Henry Laurens, 1915; P. L. Ford, The Many-Sided Franklin, 1899; J. Parton, Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin, 2 vols. 1867.

INDEX A Adams, John, on Virginia Resolutions, 77; attitude on Stamp Act question, 90, 91; defends soldiers, 129; incurs popular displeasure, 129, 152; retires from public affairs, 152; part in Mass. controversy, 185; journeys to first Continental Congress, 200, 208-212; at first Continental Congress, 203, 212-213, 233-234, 235, 236-237; on Prohibitory Act, 242-243; idea of Independence, 245; to draft Declaration of Independence with Jefferson, 253; urges Jefferson to write Declaration, 254. Adams, Samuel, Sugar Act protest, 63; abhorrence of Boston riots, 85; attitude on Stamp Act question, 91; assembles town meeting, 128; drafts circular letter, 134-136; on Hutchinson, 150; Otis suspicious of, 152; life and character, 153-158, 160-163; portrait by Copley, 159; leader in crisis, 163-165; 175; controversy with Hutchinson, 176 et seq.; goes to first Continental Congress, 200. Adams, Samuel, the elder, 154. Alsop, John, 211, 232. Amherst, Jeffrey, General, 36. Annual Register, 150. Army, Continental, Congress decides to raise, 235. Association of 1774, 219-220, 225-226, 241. B Barré, Isaac, Colonel, quoted, 47, 82. Beckford, Alderman, quoted, 41. Bedford, Duke of, 121. Bedford, Grosvenor, Collector of Customs at port of Philadelphia, 13-17. Bernard, Francis, Governor of Mass., corruption, 20; changes in colonial government, 21, 22; and finance, 76; unable to protect Customs Commissioners, 126; succeeded by Hutchinson, 152; letters to England, 191, 192. Bernard, Nat, Captain of the Liberty, 124. Billeting Act, see Mutiny Act. Blainville, see Céloron de Blainville. Bland, Richard, 66, 71, 74. Boston, Stamp Act riots, 83-86; Customs Commissioners at, 124; Liberty sloop riot, 124-126; regiments active in (1768), 126-127; Massacre (1770), 127-128; town meeting demands removal of troops, 128; merchants enter non-importation agreement, 39; Hutchinson's account of government, 173-174; town meeting, 174-175; tea party, 199, 206; Port Bill, 207, 222. Boston Gazette, 81, 182. Brattle, James, 233. "British-American Parliament," plan for, 216. Burke, Edmund, on passing Stamp Act, 48-49; opinion of Townshend, 118. Bute, Lord, resignation as premier, 16 (note). C Camden, Lord, 103. Canada, Franklin urges England to retain, 5; question of retaining, 53, 54. "Caucus Club," 159. "Caulkers' Club," 158. Céloron de Blainville, 32-33. Chase, Samuel, 237. Chase, Thomas, 83. Chatham, Earl of, see Pitt. Cockle, James, Collector of Customs for the port of Salem, 20. Coercive Acts, 207, 222. Colden, Cadwallader, Lieutenant-Governor of N. Y., 87-88. Colonies, governors urge reforms, 21-22; defense of, 29 et seq.; lack of coöperation among, 37; relation of assemblies and governors, 38; population, 50-51; wealth, 51-52; trade, 53-55; governors, 58-61; legislative independence, 131; see also Army, Commerce, Conciliation, Taxation, and colonies by name. Commerce, trade with West Indies, 26, 28; increase (1748-1760), 54; colonial merchants agree to non-importation, 139-140; London merchants petition Parliament, 141; effects of non-importation agreement, 143-147. Conciliation, Galloway's plan, 216; Pitt's plan, 221-222; North's plan, 223-224; 231; Dickinson advises petition, 233-235; Great Britain to make concessions, 239. Concord (Mass.), battle, 229-230. Continental Congress, first, Mass. delegates, 201; reasons for calling, 201-208; non-importation question, 213-215; question of authority, 214; "Suffolk Resolves," 215-216, 217; conciliation plan rejected, 216; dissensions in, 217; Declaration of Rights, 218; Association, 219-220; accomplishments, 220; adjourns, 220. Continental Congress, second, meets, 225; moderate men in, 231; Dickinson's petition, 233-235; raises army, 235; Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking up Arms, 235-236; question of war or reconciliation, 237 et seq.; opens ports, 243-244; idea of independence, 245-246. Conway, H. S., presents bill for repeal of Stamp Act, 108. Curling, Captain, 205. Cushing, Thomas, 200. Customs, colonial duties, 24 et seq.; Townshend duties, 123; Board of Commissioners, 124; Liberty sloop riot, 124-126; protest against Townshend duties, 131 et seq.; duties repealed except on tea, 142-143, 148-149. D Dartmouth, Earl of, opinion of first Continental Congress, 220; petition presented to, 242. Dawes, William, 229. De Berdt, Dennys, 134. Declaration of Independence, 245, 253-256. Declaration of Rights, 218. Declaratory Act, 114. Delaware, on question of independence, 252, 253. Dickinson, John, quoted, 98; Farmer's Letters, 131-134; on conduct of East India Company, 204-205; advises conciliation petition to King, 233-235; for conciliation, 243; attitude toward independence, 252, 253. Dowdeswell, William, 120. Duane, James, 211, 214, 232. Dulaney, Daniel, Considerations on the Propriety of Imposing Taxes on the British Colonies, 108 (note), 113-114. E East Indian Company, Government suggests taking over possessions, 117; sends tea to colonies, 199, 202-206. England, of Franklin's day, 4-5, 7; sinecures in, 12 et seq. F Finance, revenues from America, 16; debt of England, 18, 23; taxes, 23-24; colonial customs, 24 et seq.; Stamp Tax, 39 et seq.; plan to take over possessions of East India Company, 117; land tax, 120; Townshend duties, 123-124; Dickinson distinguishes between kinds of duties, 131-134; reasons for decay of business in New York, 144-146; see also Customs, Taxation. Fleming, John, 70. Fox, C. J., quoted, 208. France cedes possessions to England, 30. Franklin, Benjamin, commissioned to London by Assembly of Pa. (1757), 1-2; delays going to accommodate Loudoun, 2-3; journeys to London, 4; pamphlet urging retention of Canada, 5; opinion of colonial loyalty, 5; life in England, 6-7; returns to Philadelphia, 8; desired to return to England, 8-10; opinion as to relations between Britain and colonies, 10-11; Plan of Union rejected, 37; description of American attitude toward defense, 38; as colonial agent, 44-45; on rights of colonies, 50; The Increase of Mankind ..., 51; The Interest of Great Britain Considered, 54; opinion of Stamp Act, 65; opinion as to union of colonies, 78; examined in Parliament on tax question, 104-107; opinion of rights of Parliament in the colonies, 137-138; letters to first Continental Congress, 215, 217; Pitt discusses conciliation plan with, 221; consulted as to North's conciliation plan, 222-223; votes for independence, 253. Friends of Liberty and Trade, 147. Fur-trade, 27. G Gadsden, Christopher, quoted, 80. Gage, Thomas, General, 199, 207, 208, 229, 230. Galloway, Joseph, at first Continental Congress, 214, 215; conciliation plan, 216; in second Continental Congress, 232. George III, attitude toward Stamp Act, 99 et seq.; quoted, 200. Georgia, unrepresented in Stamp Act congress, 79. Gordon, William, quoted, 74. Grenville, George, Premier, 13; character, 15; letter to Walpole, 16; government efficiency, 17; interest in revenue, 19-20; content with colonial government, 22; budget, 23-29; plan of colonial defense, 39; plans stamp tax, 40-41; answers colonial agents concerning stamp tax, 42; postpones stamp tax, 43; consults Franklin, 44-45; perfects stamp tax plan, 45-46; quoted, 98; dismissed from ministry, 100, 101; leader of Opposition, 102-103, 119. Gridley, Jeremiah, 91, 167. Guadeloupe, 5, 53, 54. H Halifax, Earl of, Colonial Secretary, 21, 22. Hallowell, Benjamin, 84. Hancock, John, defies Stamp Act, 95; celebrates repeal of Stamp Act, 98; Liberty sloop riot, 124-126; during period of waning enthusiasm, 152, 153; relations with Samuel Adams, 179; in Mass. Assembly, 193, 196; violation of non-importation agreement, 203. Hawley, Major, 185, 213. Henry, Patrick, in House of Burgesses (1765), 67; personal characteristics, 69-70; for Virginia Resolutions, 71, 72, 73; in first Continental Congress, 212, 214. Hillsborough, Earl of, advises against Stamp Act, 40; censures Mass. circular letter, 131, 142, 164-165. Howe, Richard, Earl, Admiral, 222. Hughes, John, 65. Hume, David, Franklin corresponds with, 6; quoted, 7. Hutchinson, Anne, 165. Hutchinson, Thomas, on colonial rights, 56-58; in Stamp Act riot, 84-85; adjourns Boston superior court, 91; orders troops to retire from Boston, 128-129; made Governor of Mass., 152-153; quoted, 150; life and character, 165-170; ideas of liberty, 170-174; relations with Samuel Adams, 175 et seq.; letters, 193-195, 196-198; History of Massachusetts Bay, 195; leaves for England, 199. I Indians, side with big battalions, 33-34; reservations, 35-36. Ingersoll, Jared, 65, 82, 98. J Jackson, Grenville's secretary, 40, 46. John Jay, 210, 233, 240. Jefferson, Thomas, in House of Burgesses, 71; quoted, 200; drafts Declaration of Independence, 253-256. Jenkinson, Charles, British Secretary of the Treasury, 39. Jenyns, Soame, on Stamp Act, 109-113. Johnson, Conn. agent, 151, 176. Johnston, George, 70, 71. K Kames, Lord, Franklin corresponds with, 6. Kirk, Thomas, 124, 125. L La Galissonière, Marquis de, acting Governor of Canada, 32. Lamb, John, 94, 146. Lee, Arthur, 187, 242. Lee, R. H., 65-66, 212, 251. Lexington, Battle of, 229-230. Liberty sloop riot, 124-126. Livingston, Philip, 87-90, 211, 239. Loudoun, Earl of, commander of forces in America, 2, 3, 4. Low, Isaac, N. Y. deputy to Continental Congress, 210, 215. M M'Culloh, of North Carolina, 39. MacDougall, Alexander, 146, 147, 210. Mansfield, Lord, 103, 107, 109. Marshall, James, 124, 125. Marshall, Thomas, 67. Maryland, effect of non-importation agreement, 140. Massachusetts, protests against Sugar Act and Stamp Act, 61-64; yields to acts granting duties, 65; proposes Stamp Act Congress, 78-79; censured for circular letter by Hillsborough, 130-131; Suffolk Resolves, 215-216; Parliament claims right to alter charter, 222-223; Provincial Congress, 228; see also Boston. Mauduit, Jasper, Mass. agent, 24. Mayhew, Jonathan, 85. Minerva, The (ship), 199. Molasses Act (1733), 26. Morris, Robert, 253. Morton, 253. Mutiny Act, 239. N Navigation and Trade acts, 28-29. New Jersey declines to send delegate to Stamp Act Congress, 79. New York, Stamp Act Congress, 79-80; stamp riots in, 87-90; Assembly refuses to abide by Quartering Act, 122; merchants agree on non-importation, 139; effect of non-importation agreement, 140; decay of business, 144-146; permitted to issue Bills of Credit, 148; non-importation agreement set aside, 148; tea not to be imported, 148-149; vote for independence, 252, 253. Newfoundland fisheries prohibited to colonies, 224. Newport Mercury, 75. Nicholas, R. C., 66, 76. Non-importation, agreements, 139; results, 140-141, 144-146; London merchants protest, 141; discontinued, 148-149; Association of 1774, 219-220, 225-226, 241. Non-intercourse, 239. North, Lord, sought by Pitt to replace Townshend, 121; proposes partial repeal of Townshend duties, 129; Resolution on Conciliation, 223 et seq.. North Carolina, effect of non-importation agreement, 140. O Ohio Company, 32, 34. Oliver, Andrew, 82-84, 91, 198. Otis, James Jr., on parliamentary rights, 65; on Virginia Resolutions, 77; and Stamp Act question, 91; Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved, 113; in 1770, 152; aids father in soliciting chief-justiceship, 167; a leader in Boston, 175; deserts Adams, 179. Otis, James, Sr., and chief-justiceship, 167. P Paine, R. T., 200. Paine, Thomas, Common Sense, 247-251. Paris, Peace of, 10. Parson's Cause, 69. Pendleton, Edmund, 66, 71, 74. Penn, Richard, 242. Pennsylvania, effect of non-importation agreements, 140; on question of independence, 252. Philadelphia merchants' attitude toward non-importation, 139. Pitt, William, ministry, 5; and colonies, 30, 38, 40; refuses to succeed Granville, 101; in behalf of America, 103-104; refers to Dulaney's pamphlet, 108 (note); becomes Earl of Chatham and Prime Minister, 115-121; conciliation plan, 221-222. Pontiac uprising, 36. Pownall, Thomas, Administration of the Colonies, 49. Preparedness, policy of, 31. Preston, Thomas, Captain, 129. Proclamation of 1763, 35. Prohibitory Act, 242, 243. Q Quartering Act, 39, 114. Quincy, Josiah, 129. R Randolph, Peter, Colonel, 72. Randolph, Peyton, in House of Burgesses, 66; and Virginia Resolutions, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76. Revere, Paul, 229. Rigby, Master of the Rolls in Ireland, 18-19. Robinson, John, 66, 69. Rockingham, Marquis of, Prime Minister, 101, 102; and repeal of Stamp Act, 107-108; Pitt succeeds, 115. Rodney, Cæsar, 252. Romney, The (ship), 125, 126. Rutledge, Edward, 213, 214, 220. S Sandwich, Lord, 222. Seabury, Samuel, Westchester Farmer, 226, 227, 245. Seville, Sir George, 104. Sewell, Jonathan, opinion of Virginia Resolutions, 76, 77. Shelburne, Earl of, 107, 119. Sherman, Roger, 244. Smith, Francis, Colonel, 229, 230. Smith, William, of N.Y., quoted, 52. Sons of Liberty, 82, 92, 93-97, 146, 151. South Carolina, unrepresented in Stamp Act Congress, 79; effect of non-importation agreement, 140. Stamp Act, proposed, 39-41; reception of proposal, 41; Grenville argues for, 42; postponement of, 43; Franklin consulted, 44-45; provisions, 45; discussion in Parliament, 46-48; passed, 48; Virginia Resolutions, 70-77; Congress, 78-81, 88; resisted in Boston, 82-86; rioting in N. Y., 87-90; Sons of Liberty, 92-95; repealed, 98 et seq. Stevenson, Mary, 8. Story, William, 84. Strahan, William, 7, 8. Suffolk Resolves, 215-216, 217, 227. Sugar Act (1764), 28; burdensome to colonies, 56; protest in Mass., 61-64; memorial against, 67; modified, 114. T Taxation, on colonies, 24-25, 27-29; 39 et seq.; parliamentary right, 56-58, 65, 106, 130; and representation, 81, 110-111; internal and external, 106, 109, 119, 123; see also Customs, Stamp Act, Sugar Act, Townshend duties. Temple, Earl, 101. Toovey, Samson, statement of, 20. Townshend, Charles, Lord of the Treasury, 21, 39; speech on Stamp Act, 47; questions Franklin, 106; opinion of internal and external taxes, 109, 130; Paymaster of the Forces, 115; as Chancellor of Exchequer, 116, 117; Stamp Act, 118-119; with Opposition, 120-121; colonial policy, 122-124, 130. Townshend duties, 123; opposition to, 124 et seq.; partial repeal, 142-143. Tucker, Josiah, 206. Tudor, Deacon, quoted, 84, 86. V Virginia, aristocracy of, 66; Burgesses protest against Sugar Act, 67; against Stamp Act, 70-76; unrepresented in Stamp Act Congress, 79; effect of non-importation agreement, 140. Virginia Resolutions, 71-77. W Walpole, Horace, quoted, 5, 12; patron of Bedford, 13-15; optimism of, 150. Walpole, Robert, 13, 32. Warren, James, 236. Warren, Dr. Joseph, 185, 229. Washington, George, 235. West Indies, sugar plantations represented in Parliament, 26. Wilson, James, 253. Writs of assistance, 77 (note). Wythe, George, 66, 71, 74, 76, 244. Z Zubly, J. J., 237-239.

The Chronicles of America Series

1. The Red Man's Continent by Ellsworth Huntington 2. The Spanish Conquerors by Irving Berdine Richman 3. Elizabethan Sea-Dogs by William Charles Henry Wood 4. The Crusaders of New France by William Bennett Munro 5. Pioneers of the Old South by Mary Johnson 6. The Fathers of New England by Charles McLean Andrews 7. Dutch and English on the Hudson by Maud Wilder Goodwin 8. The Quaker Colonies by Sydney George Fisher 9. Colonial Folkways by Charles McLean Andrews 10. The Conquest of New France by George McKinnon Wrong 11. The Eve of the Revolution by Carl Lotus Becker 12. Washington and His Comrades in Arms by George McKinnon Wrong 13. The Fathers of the Constitution by Max Farrand 14. Washington and His Colleagues by Henry Jones Ford 15. Jefferson and his Colleagues by Allen Johnson 16. John Marshall and the Constitution by Edward Samuel Corwin 17. The Fight for a Free Sea by Ralph Delahaye Paine 18. Pioneers of the Old Southwest by Constance Lindsay Skinner 19. The Old Northwest by Frederic Austin Ogg 20. The Reign of Andrew Jackson by Frederic Austin Ogg 21. The Paths of Inland Commerce by Archer Butler Hulbert 22. Adventurers of Oregon by Constance Lindsay Skinner 23. The Spanish Borderlands by Herbert Eugene Bolton 24. Texas and the Mexican War by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson 25. The Forty-Niners by Stewart Edward White 26. The Passing of the Frontier by Emerson Hough 27. The Cotton Kingdom by William E. Dodd 28. The Anti-Slavery Crusade by Jesse Macy 29. Abraham Lincoln and the Union by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson 30. The Day of the Confederacy by Nathaniel Wright Stephenson 31. Captains of the Civil War by William Charles Henry Wood 32. The Sequel of Appomattox by Walter Lynwood Fleming 33. The American Spirit in Education by Edwin E. Slosson 34. The American Spirit in Literature by Bliss Perry 35. Our Foreigners by Samuel Peter Orth 36. The Old Merchant Marine by Ralph Delahaye Paine 37. The Age of Invention by Holland Thompson 38. The Railroad Builders by John Moody 39. The Age of Big Business by Burton Jesse Hendrick 40. The Armies of Labor by Samuel Peter Orth 41. The Masters of Capital by John Moody 42. The New South by Holland Thompson 43. The Boss and the Machine by Samuel Peter Orth 44. The Cleveland Era by Henry Jones Ford 45. The Agrarian Crusade by Solon Justus Buck 46. The Path of Empire by Carl Russell Fish 47. Theodore Roosevelt and His Times by Harold Howland 48. Woodrow Wilson and the World War by Charles Seymour 49. The Canadian Dominion by Oscar D. Skelton 50. The Hispanic Nations of the New World by William R. Shepherd

Transcriber's Notes

Introduction: The Chronicles of America Series has two similar editions of each volume in the series. One version is the Abraham Lincoln edition of the series, a premium version which includes pictures. A textbook edition was also produced, which does not contain the pictures and captions associated with the pictures, but is otherwise the same book. This book was produced to match the textbook edition of the book. We have retained the original punctuation and spelling in the book, but there are a few exceptions. Obvious errors were corrected--and all of these changes can be found in the Detailed Notes Section of these notes. The Detailed Notes Section also includes issues that have come up during the transcription process. One common issue is that words are sometimes split into two lines for spacing purposes. These words are hyphenated in the physical book, but there is a question sometimes as to whether the hyphen should be retained in transcription. The reasons behind some of these decisions are itemized.

Detailed Notes Section: