Chapter VII: Part 2: )

Footnote 16:

_Records of the Past_, new ser., iii. p. xvi.

Footnote 17:

Hommel, _Geschichte des alten Morgenlandes_, p. 62, _The Ancient
Hebrew Tradition as illustrated by the Monuments_, p. 96.

Footnote 18:

Published by Budge, _Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, iii. 3, pp. 229,
230.

Footnote 19:

The text, which is on a stela found in the ruined temple of Isis at
the south-east corner of the great pyramid of Gizeh, is now in the
Cairo Museum. It has been published by M. Daressy in the _Recueil des
Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie égyptiennes et
assyriennes_ (xvi. 3, 4, 1894), and is dated in the third year of king
Ai. It follows from the inscription that ‘the domain called that of
the Hittites’ lay to the north of the great temple of Ptah, and
immediately to the south of two smaller temples built by Thothmes I.
and Thothmes IV. In the time of Herodotos there was a similar district
assigned to the Phœnicians, and known as ‘the Camp of the Tyrians,’ on
the south side of the temple of Ptah (see my _Egypt of the Hebrews and
Herodotos_, p. 251).

Footnote 20:

Amurru, ‘the Amorite god,’ was a name which had been given by the
Sumerians, the earlier population of Chaldæa, to the Syrian Hadad whom
the Babylonians identified with their Ramman or Rimmon (cf. Zech. xii.
11). A cuneiform text published by Reisner (_Sumerisch-babylonische
Hymnen nach Thontafeln griechischer Zeit_, p. 139, lines 141-144)
couples Amurru, ‘the lord of the mountains,’ with Asratu, the
Canaanitish Asherah, ‘the lady of the plain.’ Asratu is identified
with the Babylonian Gubarra.

Footnote 21:

W. A. I. v. 12, 47.

Footnote 22:

W. A. I. v. 33, i. 37.

Footnote 23:

_Padanu_ also had the meaning of ‘path.’ Whether this is derived from
the other or belongs to a different root is questionable. But in the
sense of ‘path,’ _padanu_ was a synonym of Kharran.

Footnote 24:

This does not imply that the population which founded the kingdom of
Mitanni, and probably came from the mountains of Komagênê or of Ararat
in the north, was unknown in early Babylonia. In fact, one of the
_Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets_, published by the British
Museum in 1896 (Bu. 91-5-9, 296), contains the names of ‘the governor’
Akhsir-Babu and other witnesses to a contract, most of which are
Mitannian.

Footnote 25:

I have given the tablet in transliteration in the _Proceedings_ of the
Society of Biblical Archæology, Nov. 1883, p. 18. The passage reads:
‘14-½ shekels of lead we have weighed in _nakhur_.’

Footnote 26:

See Sachau, _Die altaramäische Inschrift auf der Statue des Königs
Panammu von Sam-al_ and _Aramäische Inschriften_ in the _Mittheilungen
aus den orientalischen Sammlungen d. K. Museums zu Berlin_, ix., and
the _Sitzungsberichte der K. preussischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften_, xli. (1896).

Footnote 27:

See my _Races of the Old Testament_, pp. 110-117, and H. G. Tomkins in
the _Journal_ of the Anthropological Institute, Feb. 1889.

Footnote 28:

In a report of an eclipse of the moon sent to an Assyrian king in the
eighth century B.C., the countries of ‘the Amorites and the Hittites’
represent the whole of Western Asia (R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and
Babylonian Letters_, Part iv. p. 345).

Footnote 29:

The discovery of the name of Shakama or Shechem in the _Travels of the
Mohar_ is due to Dr. W. Max Müller (_Asien und Europa_, p. 394).

Footnote 30:

Or II., according to Maspero, who makes three Hyksos sovereigns of
this name.

Footnote 31:

It is in the possession of Mr. John Ward.

Footnote 32:

See my _Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monument_, pp. 160,
161.

Footnote 33:

Recent discoveries have made it clear that the Amraphel of Genesis is
the Khammu-rabi of the cuneiform texts. Khammu-rabi is also written
Ammu-rabi (Bu. 88-5-12, 199, l. 17), and Dr. Lindl has pointed out
that the final syllable of Amraphel is the Babylonian _ilu_, ‘god,’ a
title which is frequently attached to the name of Khammu-rabi. We
learn from the Tel el-Amarna tablets that in the pronunciation of
Western Asia a Babylonian _b_ often became _p_.

Footnote 34:

Pinches, _Certain Inscriptions and Records referring to Babylonia and
Elam_, a paper read before the Victoria Institute, Jan. 7, 1896; see
also Hommel, _The Ancient Hebrew Tradition_, pp. 180 _sqq._

Footnote 35:

Some Assyriologists interpret Manda as ‘much’ or ‘many’; in this case
Umman Manda, ‘much people,’ will be still more literally the Hebrew
_Goyyim_.

Footnote 36:

Dr. Scheil, the discoverer of the letters of Khammu-rabi to
Sin-idinnam which are now in the Museum at Constantinople, gives the
following translations of them (_Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la
Philologie et à l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes_, xix. 1, 2,
pp. 40-44): (1) ‘To Sin-idinnam Khammu-rabi says: I send you as a
present (the images of) the goddesses of the land of Emutbalum as a
reward for your valour on the day (of the defeat) of Kudur-Laghghamar.
If (the enemy) trouble you, destroy their forces with the troops at
your disposal, and let the images be restored in safety to their (old)
habitations.’ (2) ‘To Sin-idinnam Khammu-rabi says: When you have seen
this letter, you will understand in regard to Amil-Samas and
Nur-Nintu, the sons of Gisdubba, that if they are in Larsa, or in the
territory of Larsa, you will order them to be sent away, and that a
trusty official shall take them and bring them to Babylon.’ (3) ‘To
Sin-idinnam Khammu-rabi says: As to the officials who have resisted
you in the accomplishment of their work, do not impose upon them any
additional task, but oblige them to do what they ought to have done,
and then remove them from the influence of him who has brought them.’
All three letters were found at Senkereh, the ancient Larsa. Fragments
of some other letters of Khammu-rabi are in the possession of Lord
Amherst of Hackney. See above, p. 12.

Footnote 37:

Nicolaus of Damascus, in Josephus _Antiq._ i. 7, 2.

Footnote 38:

See my _Patriarchal Palestine_, pp. 160, 165. The figure and name of
the god Salimmu, written in cuneiform characters, are on a gem now in
the Hermitage at St. Petersburg. The same god, under the name of
Shalman, is mentioned on a stela discovered at Sidon, and under that
of Selamanês in the inscriptions of Shêkh Barakât, north-west of
Aleppo (Clermont-Ganneau, _Études d’Archéologie orientale_ in the
_Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études_, cxiii. vol. ii. pp. 36,
48; Sayce in the _Proceedings_ of the Society of Biblical Archeology,
xix. 2. p. 74).

Footnote 39:

As Professor Hommel says (_Expository Times_, Nov. 1896, p. 95), ‘The
“Mighty King” cannot possibly be the Pharaoh.’ But he seems to me to
introduce an unnecessary element of complication into the subject by
supposing that in the Tel el-Amarna letters the epithet has been
transferred to the king of the Hittites from the supreme god of
Jerusalem, to whom it properly belonged. It is true that in a letter
of the governor of Phœnicia (Winckler und Abel, No. 76, l. 66) the
title is given to the king of the Hittites, but it does not follow
that the king of Jerusalem employs it in the same way.

Footnote 40:

It should be noticed that, according to Hesykhios (_s. v._), ‘the most
high God’ of the Syrians was Ramas, that is, Ramman or Rimmon, who was
identified with the sun-god Hadad, the supreme deity of Syria. The
Babylonians called him Amurru ‘the Amorite.’

Footnote 41:

Pietschmann, _Geschichte der Phönizier_, p. 115. The suggestion was
first made by von Bunsen.

Footnote 42:

For a possible explanation of the origin of the practice, see H. N.
Moseley in the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, vi. 4, p.
396. Bastian gives another in his description of the practice among
the Polynesians (_Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, vi. pp. 40, 41).

Footnote 43:

A brilliant suggestion of Professor Hommel, however, may prove to be
the true explanation of the mysterious name. In the Minæan
inscriptions of Southern Arabia a long _â_ is constantly denoted in
writing by _h_; and Abraham, therefore, may be merely the Minæan mode
of writing Abram. If so, this would show that the Hebrew scribes were
once under the influence of the Minæan script, and that portions of
the Pentateuch itself may have been written in the letters of the
Minæan alphabet (Hommel, _The Ancient Hebrew Tradition_, pp. 275-277).
Dr. Neubauer has suggested to me that this also may be the explanation
of the name of Aaron (_Aharôn_), which, like Ab-raham, has no
etymology. Aaron would be the graphic form of Âron, an Arabic name
which appears as Aran in the genealogy of the Horites (Gen. xxxvi.
28).

Footnote 44:

See Berger, _L’Arabie avant Mahomet d’après les Inscriptions_ (1885),
pp. 27, 28.

Footnote 45:

D. H. Müller, _Epigraphische Denkmäler aus Arabien_ (1889), p. 13.

Footnote 46:

Thus we have _anuki_ ‘I,’ Heb. _anochi_; _badiu_ ‘in his hand,’ Heb.
_b’yado_; _akharunu_ ‘after him,’ Heb. _akharono_; _rusu_ ‘head,’ Heb.
_rosh_; _kilubi_ ‘cage,’ Heb. _chelûb_; _har_ ‘mountain,’ Heb. _har_.

See my _Patriarchal Palestine_, p. 247.

Footnote 47:

On the question of the site of Mizpah of Gilead, see G. A. Smith, _The
Historical Geography of the Holy Land_, pp. 586, 587.

Footnote 48:

_Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli_ in _Mittheilungen aus den orientalischen
Sammlungen_, xi. (1893).

Footnote 49:

_Records of the Past_, new ser., v. pp. vi, vii.

Footnote 50:

Dussaud (_Revue Archéologique_, iii. xxx. p. 346) states that
according to the Ansarîyeh of the Gulf of Antioch the ‘Yudi’ or
Hebrews formerly occupied their country, and constructed the ancient
monuments found in it, one of which is called after the name of
Solomon. For Neubauer’s suggestion that the Dinhabah of Gen. xxxvi. 32
is identical in name with the Dunip or Tunip of Northern Syria, see
further on.

Hoffmann (_Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, xi. p. 210) maintains that
the origin of the Aramaic dialects is to be sought in a Bedâwin
language allied to that of the Arabs and Sabæans, which underwent
intermixture with Canaanitish (or Phœnician) through the settlement of
its speakers in a Canaanitish country.

Footnote 51:

In Assyrian letters of the Second Empire mention is made of the
Nabathean Â-kamaru, the son of Amme’te’, and the Arabian Ami-li’ti,
the son of Ameri or Omar (Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Letters_,
iii. p. 262; iv. p. 437).

Footnote 52:

It is stated in Deut. xxiii. 4 that Balaam was hired from ‘Pethor of
Aram Naharaim,’ not only by the Moabites, but by the Ammonites as well
(though it is true that in the Hebrew text the word _sâkar_, ‘hired,’
is in the singular). It may be noted that the mother of Rehoboam,
whose name is compounded with that of Am or Ammi (compare Rehab-iah, 1
Chron. xxiii. 17), was an Ammonitess (1 Kings xiv. 21). For a full
discussion of the name of ’Ammi or ’Ammu, and the historical
conclusions which may be deduced from it, see Hommel, _The Ancient
Hebrew Tradition_, pp. 89 _sqq._

Footnote 53:

The name of Carchemish is usually written Gargamis in the cuneiform
inscriptions (Qarqamish in the Egyptian hieroglyphs), but
Tiglath-pileser I. (W. A. I. i. 13, 49) calls it ‘Kar-Gamis’ (the
Fortified Wall of Gamis) ‘in the land of the Hittites,’ and from the
Hebrew spelling in the Old Testament we may gather that Gamis was
identified with the Moabite Chemosh. In Babylonian tablets of the age
of Ammi-zadoq mention is made of a wood Karkamisû or ‘Carchemishian’
(Bu. 88-5-12, 163, line 11; 88-5-12, 19, line 8). It may be noted that
the name ‘Jerabîs,’ sometimes assigned to the site of Carchemish
instead of Jerablûs, is, according to the unanimous testimony of
English and American residents in the neighbourhood, erroneous.

Footnote 54:

See _Records of the Past_, new ser., v. p. 45.

Footnote 55:

For the identity of the Zuzim with the Babylonian Zavzala, see my note
in the _Proceedings_ of the Society of Biblical Archæology, xix. 2,
pp. 74, 75.

Footnote 56:

See above, p. 21.

Footnote 57:

See above, p. 20.

Footnote 58:

We owe the term ‘Eurafrican’ to Dr. Brinton (see his _Races and
Peoples_, 1890, Lecture iv.). For the relationship of the Libyan and
the Kelt, see my Address to the Anthropological Section of the British
Association, 1887.

Footnote 59:

The expression ‘mountain of the Amorites,’ which we meet with in Deut.
i. 7, 19, takes us back to Abrahamic times. One of the campaigns of
Samsu-iluna, the son and successor of Khammu-rabi or Amraphel, was
against ‘the great mountain of the land of the Amorites’ (_kharsag gal
mad Martu-ki_, Bu. 91-5-9, 333; _Rev._ 19).

Footnote 60:

See my _Higher Criticism and the Verdict of the Monuments_, p. 41; D.
H. Müller, _Epigraphische Denkmäler aus Arabien_, p. 8 (the Minæan
inscriptions of El-Oela, south of Teima, are given pp. 21 _sqq._).

Footnote 61:

Philo Byblius in his work ‘On the Jews,’ as quoted by Eusebius (_Præp.
Evang._ i, 10), stated that ‘Kronos, whom the Phœnicians call El, the
king of the country, who was afterwards deified in the planet Saturn,
had an only son by a nymph of the country called Anôbret. This son was
named Yeud, which signifies in Phœnician an only son. His country
having fallen into distress during a war, Kronos clothed his son in
royal robes, raised an altar, and sacrificed him upon it.’ In his
account of the Phœnician mythology, the same writer describes the
sacrifice a little differently: ‘A plague and a famine having
occurred, Kronos sacrificed his only son to his father the Sky,
circumcised himself, and obliged his companions to do the same’
(Euseb. _l. c._).

Footnote 62:

_Records of the Past_, new ser., v. p. 49, No. 81.

Footnote 63:

_L’Imagerie Phénicienne_ (1880), p. 105.

Footnote 64:

Which may also be read _ayyal_ or ‘hart.’

Footnote 65:

See my _Races of the Old Testament_, pp. 130 _sq._

Footnote 66:

See my _Races of the Old Testament_, pp. 127, 132, where a photograph
is given of Professor Flinders Petrie’s cast of the Ashkelon profiles.

Footnote 67:

_Black Obelisk_, lines 60, 61, compared with _Monolith Inscription_,
ll. 90-95.

Footnote 68:

One _feddan_ or acre contained 1800 _sari_ (Reisner in the
_Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, xi. 4, p. 421). The area was not
great, though it was calculated that not more than 120 _sari_ could be
ploughed by a single ox.

Footnote 69:

Published by Strassmaier in the Transactions of the Fifth Oriental
Congress, ii. 1, _Append._ pp. 14, 15; a translation will be found in
Peiser’s _Altbabylonische Urkunden in the Keilschriftliche
Bibliothek_, iv. p. 7. The tablet was found at Tel-Sifr.

Footnote 70:

Published by Meissner, _Beiträge zum altbabylonischen Privatrecht_,
No. 43 (with corrections by Pinches); a translation is given by
Peiser, _Keilschriftliche Bibliothek_, iv. pp. 23-25.

Footnote 71:

Gen. xxiii. 18. The Hebrew expression ‘In the presence of’ is the same
as that which is translated ‘Witnessed by’ in the Babylonian
documents.

Footnote 72:

Babylonian _shaqâlu kaspa_, Hebrew _shâqal [eth-hak-] keseph_.

Footnote 73:

According to Professor Flinders Petrie, the heavy maneh or mina as
fixed by Dungi and restored by Nebuchadrezzar weighed 978,309 grammes.
An example of it is now in the British Museum. See Lehmann in the
_Verhandlungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft_, 1893, p. 27.

Footnote 74:

The identification is, however, doubtful, since only potsherds of the
Roman period are visible at Umm Jerâr, which, moreover, according to
Palmer (_Name-lists_ in the _Survey of Western Palestine_, p. 420), is
merely Umm el-Jerrâr, ‘the mother of water-pots.’

Footnote 75:

Beti-ilu (Winckler’s _Tel el-Amarna Letters_, Nos. 51, 125) is
associated with Tunip and the country of Nukhassê. The reading of the
name is not quite certain, however, as it may be transcribed Batti-ilu
or Mitti-ilu. A Babylonian of the Abrahamic age also has the name of
Beta-ili.

Footnote 76:

The title seems to have been of Horite origin (see Gen. xxxvi. 21, 29,
30).

Footnote 77:

It is noticeable that the Edomite leader who was carried captive to
Egypt by Ramses III. after he had destroyed ‘the tents’ of ‘the Shasu
in Seir,’ is entitled ‘chieftain,’ and not ‘king.’ There is a portrait
of him on the walls of Medînet Habu at Thebes.

Footnote 78:

For another explanation of the name, see Gen. xxv. 26; Hos. xii. 3.

Footnote 79:

Jacob-el is written Ya’akub-ilu; Joseph-el, Yasupu-ilu and Yasup-il,
which is found in a list of slaves of the same early age (Bu. 91-5-9,
324). In the same list mention is made of land belonging to Adunum,
the Heb. _adon_, and to Nakha-ya, which is a parallel formation to the
Heb. Noah. In a tablet dated in the reign of Zabium, the founder of
the dynasty to which Khammu-rabi or Amraphel belonged, we find the
name of Ya-kh-ku-ub-il, _i.e._ Ya’qub-il (Bu. 91-5-9, 387).

Footnote 80:

Iqib-ilu and Asupi-ilu.

Footnote 81:

See _Records of the Past_, new ser., v. pp. 48, 51.

Footnote 82:

One of the scarabs of Ya’qob-el is in the Egyptian Museum of
University College, London. _El_ is written _h(a)l_.

Footnote 83:

On the summit of the hill above Beitîn, the ancient Beth-On or
Beth-el, the strata of limestone rock take the form of vast steps
rising one above the other.

Footnote 84:

Cf. the article of Mr. Pinches on ‘Gifts to a Babylonian Bit-ili’ in
the _Babylonian and Oriental Record_, ii. 6.

Footnote 85:

See, for example, Peiser, _Texte juristischen und geschäftlichen
Inhalts_ (_Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek_, iv.), p. 49, No. iii.,
where Ubarum hires himself out to Ana-Samas-litsi for a month, for
half a shekel of silver.

Footnote 86:

_Records of the Past_, new ser., v. p. 169.

Footnote 87:

Deut. xxxii. 15. See also Deut. xxxiii. 5, 26; Isa. xliv. 2.

Footnote 88:

According to immemorial tradition, the site of the field is marked by
Jacob’s Well (S. John iv. 6). Dr. Masterman in the _Quarterly
Statement_ of the Palestine Exploration Fund, April 1897, gives for
the first time a satisfactory explanation why this deep well, which is
often dry in summer, should have been sunk in the neighbourhood of a
number of springs:—‘The springs have probably always belonged to the
townsfolk (since they became settled); and, in the case of any
wandering tribes with considerable flocks among them, it is
exceedingly probable that the more settled inhabitants would first
resent and then resist the new-comers marching twice daily into their
midst to water their flocks at their springs, Probably any experienced
nomad with such flocks, accustomed to such a country as this, would
know pretty surely where he might, from the conformation of the hills,
expect to find water. If, then, a quarrel arose, what more probable
than that he should seek to make himself independent of these
disagreeable neighbours. Further, if we can accept the tradition, we
have, in the story of Jacob, two special facts connected with this:
firstly, he bought a piece of ground on which he could make a well for
himself; and then we gather from Genesis xxxiv. that his family made
themselves sufficiently obnoxious to the Shechemites to make it very
necessary for Jacob to be independent of their permission to use their
springs.’

Footnote 89:

Cf. Gen. xlix. 14, 15. The Hebrew word rendered ‘two burdens’ by the
Authorised Version in v. 14 should be translated ‘sheepfolds,’ as it
is in Judg. v. 16.

Footnote 90:

Thus the ancient Abshek, the Abokkis of classical geography, has
become Abu Simbel, or ‘father of an ear of corn’; and Silsila is said
to have derived its name from a ‘chain’ or _silsila_ stretched across
the Nile from the rocks on either bank, though it really has its
origin in the classical Silsilis, the Coptic Joljel or ‘barrier.’

Footnote 91:

In the list of Thothmes III. the name of Nekeb of Galilee (Josh. xix.
33) is followed by that of Ashushkhen, which may be compared with
Issachar, since the interchange of final _n_ and _r_ is not uncommon.
But the substitution of _kh_ for _k_ (_ch_) is difficult to account
for.

Footnote 92:

Shmâna is the thirty-fifth name in the Palestine list of Thothmes, and
follows the name of Chinnereth (Josh. xix. 35; comp. also Shmânau, No.
18. See Tomkins in _Records of the Past_, new series, v. pp. 44, 46).
One of the Tel el-Amarna tablets (W. and A. ii., No. 39) mentions ‘the
Yaudu’ in the neighbourhood of Tunip, now Tennib, north-west of
Aleppo. The name of the Jews is written in the same way in the
cuneiform texts, though the Yaudu of the Tel el-Amarna tablets are
probably to be identified with the land of Ya’di, which the
inscriptions of Sinjerli place in Northern Syria. But it is noticeable
that the Tel el-Amarna correspondence makes Kinza a district near
Kadesh on the Orontes, close to the Lake of Homs, and Kinza is letter
for letter the Biblical Kenaz. The Kenizzites, it will be remembered,
formed an integral part of the later tribe of Judah.

Footnote 93:

Hommel, _Aufsätze und Abhandlungen sur Kunde der Sprachen, Literaturen
und der Geschichte des vorderen Orients_ (1890), p. 31.

Footnote 94:

The Rev. H. G. Tomkins (_Quarterly Statement_ of the Palestine
Exploration Fund, April 1885) first pointed out the true signification
of the name of Beth-lehem, Lakhmu was one of the primeval gods of
Chaldæan religion.

Footnote 95:

The village of Rachel, which was probably where the stone stood, is
referred to in 1 Sam. xxx. 29.

Footnote 96:

_E.g._ _Yeôr_, ‘river,’ Egyptian _aur_; _akhu_, ‘herbage on the river
bank’ (Gen. xli. 2), Egyptian _akhu_; _rebid_, ‘collar,’ Egyptian
_repit_. See Ebers, _Aegypten und die Bücher Mose’s_, pp. 337-339.

Footnote 97:

See my _Egypt of the Hebrews and Herodotos_, pp. 25 _sq._

Footnote 98:

See Tomkins, _Life and Times of Joseph_, p. 184.

Footnote 99:

Asenath is probably Nes-Nit, ‘Attached to Neith,’ as Subanda is
Nes-Bandid, ‘Attached to Bandid.’

Footnote 100:

Mattan-Baal. The corresponding Hebrew name is Mattaniah.

Footnote 101:

A translation of the Sallier Papyrus is given by Maspero in the
_Records of the Past_, new series, ii. pp. 37 _sq._ For the scarab of
‘Sutekh-Apopi’ see Maspero’s _Struggle of the Nations_ (Eng. tr.), p.
vii. The names of Beth-On or Beth-el in Canaan, and of On near
Damascus (Amos i. 5), indicate a connection with the cult of the
Sun-god at On in Egypt. On in the ‘Beka’’ of Damascus is probably the
Heliopolis of Syria, to which the worship of Ra of Heliopolis of Egypt
was brought in the reign of the Pharaoh Senemures (Macrobius,
_Saturnal._ i. 23, 10).

Footnote 102:

_Aegypten und die Bücher Mose’s_, p. 299.

Footnote 103:

Maspero, _The Struggle of the Nations_, p. 271, note 5.

Footnote 104:

Cf. Brugsch, _Aegyptologie_, pp. 218 _sq._

Footnote 105:

Ebers, _Aegypten und die Bücher Mose’s_, pp. 323-333.

Footnote 106:

Ebers, _l.c._, pp. 335, 336.

Footnote 107:

See Wiedemann, _Religion der alten Aegypter_, pp. 142-144. The
_khartummîm_ and _khakâmîm_ (Authorised Version, ‘magicians’ and ‘wise
men’) seem to correspond with the Egyptian _kherhebu_, ‘interpreters
of the sacred books,’ and _rekhu khetu_, ‘wise men.’

Footnote 108:

See Tomkins, _Life and Times of Joseph_, p. 44; Erman, _Life in
Ancient Egypt_ (Eng. tr.), p. 439.

Footnote 109:

Mariette, _Abydos_, p. 421 (Ben-Mazan from Bashan becomes
Ramses-em-per-Ra); Daninos-Pasha and Maspero in the _Recueil de
Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’ Archéologie égyptienne et
assyrienne_, xii. p. 214; and Sayce in the _Academy_, 1891, p. 461.

Footnote 110:

See Erman, _Life in Ancient Egypt_ (Eng. tr.), p. 439.

Footnote 111:

See Erman, _Life in Ancient Egypt_ (Eng. tr.), pp. 102, 103.

Footnote 112:

Thus ‘Captain’ Ahmes had land given him according to his biographical
inscription, ll. 22, 24; see Brugsch, _Egypt under the Pharaohs_ (Eng.
tr.), second edit. i. p. 249.

Footnote 113:

See Virey in _Records of the Past_, new ser., iii. pp. 7 _sqq._ There
were similar public granaries in Babylonia called _sutummi_, under the
charge of an officer who bore the title of _satammu_, and the
institution was probably introduced into Egypt from Asia.

Footnote 114:

Erman, _Life in Ancient Egypt_ (Eng. tr.), p. 108.

Footnote 115:

See Brugsch’s translation of the inscription in his _Die biblischen
sieben Jahre der Hungersnoth_ (1891).

Footnote 116:

See Brugsch, _Egypt under the Pharaohs_ (Eng. tr.), 2nd edit., i. pp.
262, 263. ‘Captain’ Ahmes, who took part in the War of Independence
under Ahmes I., calls himself the son of Abana, and traces his descent
to his ‘forefather Baba.’ In Abana, Maspero (_The Struggle of the
Nations_, p. 85) sees the Semitic Abîna, ‘Our father.’

Footnote 117:

Thus in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, Rib-Hadad, the governor of
Phœnicia, asks the Pharaoh to send corn to Gebal, as the crops there
had failed (Winckler and Abel, No. 48, ll. 8-19), and Meneptah sent
corn to the Hittites when they suffered from a famine (Brugsch, _Egypt
under the Pharaohs_, Eng. tr., 2nd edit., ii. p. 119).

Footnote 118:

According to Abulfarag (_Chron._ p. 14), Joseph became Vizier in the
seventeenth year of the reign of Apopi. Maspero (_Struggle of the
Nations_, pp. 59, 107) makes Apopi Ra-aa-kenen the third of the name.

Footnote 119:

See Maspero’s translation in _Records of the Past_, new ser., ii. pp.
37 _sq._

Footnote 120:

E. Naville, _Goshen and the Shrine of Saft el-Hennah_, Fourth Memoir
of the Egypt Exploration Fund (1887), pp. 14 _sq._

Footnote 121:

See Naville, _Goshen_, p. 26.

Footnote 122:

_Bibl. Hist._, i. 91.

Footnote 123:

N. H. xix. 5.

Footnote 124:

Abel-Mizraim may be the Abel that is mentioned in connection with the
‘gardens,’ the ‘tilth,’ and the ‘spring’ of Carmel of Judah in the
list of places in Canaan conquered by Thothmes III. (No. 92). Another
Abel is mentioned two names earlier (No. 90).

Footnote 125:

See Virey’s translation in _Records of the Past_, new ser., iii. p.
34.