Chapter VIII: Part 8

[7] Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 87. Baltimore, 1855.

[8] Voyage to Georgia, &c., p. 23. London, 1741.

In reporting this change of location to the Trustees, Mr. Oglethorpe, on the 13th of February, wrote as follows: “The people at Ebenezer are very discontented and Mr. VonReck and they that come with him, refuse to settle to the Southward. I was forced to go to Ebenezer to quiet things there and have taken all the proceedings in writing. Finding the people were only ignorant and obstinate, but without any ill intention, I consented to the changing of their Town. They leave a sweet place where they had made great improvements, to go into a wood.” Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 13. Savannah, 1873.

Compare Harris’ Biographical Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 130, 132. Boston, 1841. Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 113. London, 1867.

[9] Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 89. Baltimore, 1855.

[10] Reverend Mr. John Wesley, writing in 1737, records in his Journal the following description of this abandoned settlement: “_Old Ebenezer_, where the _Saltzburghers_ settled at first, lies twenty-five miles west of _Savannah_. A small Creek runs by the Town, down to the River, and many Brooks run between the little Hills: But the soil is a hungry, barren sand; and upon any sudden Shower, the Brooks rise several Feet perpendicular, and overflow whatever is near them. Since the _Saltzburghers_ remov’d, two _English_ Families have been placed there; but these too say, _That the Land is good for nothing; and that the Creek is of little Use; it being by Water twenty miles to the River; and the Water generally so low in Summer-time, that a Boat cannot come within six or seven miles of the Town_.” An Extract of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley’s Journal, &c., &c., pp. 59, 60. Bristol, n. d.

[11] Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia, vol. I, pp. 226, 227. London, 1742.

In 1740 this Cow-Pen was still in existence at Old Ebenezer, the Trustees having a great number of cattle there. “But,” continues the narrative, “they were much neglected, there not being Horses or Men sufficient to drive up the young and outlying cattle.” A State of the Province attested upon Oath in the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740, p. 9. London, 1742.

Compare An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, p. 48. London, 1741. Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, &c., vol. II, p. 337. London, 1748.

[12] Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 91. Baltimore, 1855.

[13] History of the Province of Georgia, &c., Plan facing p. 24. Wormsloe, 1849.

[14] An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, p. 47. London, 1741.

Another contemporaneous account is almost identical; “On the _Georgia_ side [of the Savannah river], twelve miles from _Purysburg_, is the Town of _Ebenezer_, which thrives very much; there are very good Houses built for each of the Ministers, and an Orphan House; and they have partly framed Houses and partly Huts, neatly built, and formed into regular streets; they have a great deal of Cattle and Corn-Ground, so that they sell Provisions at _Savannah_; for they raise much more than they can consume.” A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath in the Court of Savannah, November 10, 1740, p. 5, London, 1742. See also idem, pp. 29, 31. “An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia,” p. 13. London, 1741.

Compare Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, &c., vol. II, p. 337. London, 1748.

The Rev. Mr. John Wesley’s description is as follows: “_New Ebenezer_, to which the _Saltzburghers_ removed in _March, 1736_, lies six Miles Eastward from the _Old_, on a high bluff, near the _Savannah_ River. Here are some Tracts of Fruitful Land, tho’ the greatest Part of that adjoining to the Town, is Pine-barren. The Huts, 60 in number, are neatly and regularly built; the little Piece of Ground allotted to each for a Garden, is everywhere put to the best Use, no spot being left unplanted. Nay, even one of the main Streets, being one more than was as yet wanted, bore them this year a crop of _Indian Corn_.” An Extract of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley’s Journal, &c., p. 60. Bristol, n. d.

[15] An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, pp. 69, 72. London, 1741.

Compare A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath, &c., pp. 5, 29, 30, 32. London, 1742. An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, &c., pp. 66, 69. London, 1741.

[16] See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, p. 199. Savannah, 1811.

[17] See Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 123. Baltimore, 1855.

[18] An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, &c., pp. 39, 40. London, 1741.

[19] Chapter V, pp. 55, 59. London, 1733.

[20] An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, p. 13. London, 1741.

[21] Martyn’s Reasons for establishing the Colony of Georgia with regard to the Trade of Great Britain, p. 9. London, 1733.

[22] An Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, &c., p. 32. London, 1741.

[23] Gentleman’s Magazine for 1755, p. 185. London Magazine for 1755, p. 186.

[24] Silk Culture in Georgia, by Dr. Stevens. Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 410, 411. Boston, 1841.

[25] History of the Province of Georgia, &c., p. 20. Wormsloe, 1749.

[26] History of the Province of Georgia, &c., pp. 21, 22. Wormsloe, 1849.

[27] The Saltzburgers and their Descendants, &c., p. 149. Baltimore, 1855.

[28] History of the Province of Georgia, &c., p. 24. Wormsloe, 1849.

[29] Marbury and Crawford’s Digest, pp. 150, 151.

Under the Writs of Election issued by Sir James Wright in 1761, the following gentlemen were returned as members from St. Matthew’s Parish:

Abercorn and Goshen—William Francis.

Ebenezer—William Ewen, N. W. Jones, and James de Veaux.

McCall’s History of Georgia, vol I, p. 285.

[30] Watkins’ Digest, p. 8.

[31] See Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 194. Baltimore, 1855.

[32] In 1776, Ebenezer had been partially fortified by the Revolutionists. See letter of Sir James Wright to Lord George Germain under date March 20, 1776. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 239. Savannah, 1873.

[33] Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, pp. 203, 207. Baltimore, 1855.

[34] Ebenezer is not mentioned among the principal towns of Georgia enumerated by George Sibbald in 1801.

See “Notes and Observations on the Pine Lands of Georgia,” &c., pp. 58 to 66. Augusta, 1801.

[35] Watkins’ Digest, p. 298.

[36] Marbury and Crawford’s Digest, pp. 154, 155.

[37] Marbury and Crawford’s Digest, p. 158.

[38] See Strobel’s Saltzburgers and their Descendants, p. 234. Baltimore, 1855.

[39] Rev’d P. A. Strobel.

[40] Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia with regard to the Trade of Great Britain, &c., pp. 38-41. London, 1733.

[41] A New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia, &c. London, 1733.

[42] See Copy of Charter, McCall’s History of Georgia, Vol. I, p. 329 et seq.: Savannah, 1811. Reasons for establishing the Colony of Georgia, &c., p. 29. London, 1733. A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon oath, &c., p. 1. London, 1742.

[43] See Letter of Gen’l Oglethorpe to the Trustees under date February 27th, 1735-6. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, Vol. III, p. 15. Savannah, 1873.

[44] A Voyage to Georgia, begun in the year 1735 by Francis Moore, p. 17. London, 1744.

Compare Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II, p. 330. London, 1748. An Account Showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, &c., p. 20. London, 1741.

[45] Moore’s Voyage to Georgia, &c., p. 44. London, 1744.

[46] Named by Oglethorpe after _Frederick_, Prince of Wales.

[47] These are “long flat-bottomed boats carrying from 20 to 35 Tons. They have a kind of a Forecastle and a Cabbin; but the rest open, and no Deck. They have two Masts, which they can strike, and Sails like Schooners. They row generally with two Oars only.”

[48] The Aborigines cleared considerable spaces on the Sea Islands along the Georgia Coast, planting them with maize, pumpkins, gourds, beans, melons, &c. These indications of early agriculture were not infrequent in various portions of the State. The richest localities were selected by the Aborigines for cultivation: their principal towns and maize-fields being generally found in rich valleys where a generous soil yielded, with least labor, the most remunerative harvest. The trees were killed by girdling them by means of stone axes. They then decayed and fell piecemeal. So old were these Indian fields that in them no traces appeared of the roots and stumps even of the most durable trees. The occupancy of these islands by the Red race was general and of long duration. Prominent bluffs are to this day marked by their refuse heaps, composed chiefly of the shells of oysters, conchs, and clams, and the bones of the animals, reptiles, birds, and fishes upon which they subsisted, intermingled with sherds of pottery, and broken articles, and relics of various sorts. Many localities are hoary with ancient shell-mounds, while sepulchral tumuli of earth are not infrequent. Besides the primitive population permanently domiciled on these islands, at certain seasons of the year, large numbers of Indians from the main here congregated and spent much time in hunting and fishing.

[49] An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, pp. 40 and 41. London, 1741.

[50] Buffalo and quail were found on the Main.

[51] State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath, &c., p. 25. London, 1742.

Compare Affidavits of Lieut. Raymond Demare, Hugh MacKay, and John Cuthbert, to same effect. An Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, pp. 61, 63, 64. London, 1741.

[52] Francis Moore, Voyage to Georgia, &c., p. 57. London, 1744.

[53] Moore says April. See A Voyage to Georgia, p. 63. London, 1744.

[54] Oglethorpe’s letter to the Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 28. Savannah, 1873.

[55] This island was named _Wissoo_ by the Indians, signifying _Sassafras_. It was called Cumberland in memory of his Royal Highness, the Duke of Cumberland, at the suggestion of Toonahowi,—nephew of Tomo-chi-chi,—to whom, during his visit to England, the Duke had given a gold repeating watch, that he “might know how the time went.” “We will remember him at all times,” said Toonahowi, “and therefore will give this Island this name.”

[56] Called by the Spaniards _Santa Maria_.

[57] Moore’s Voyage to Georgia, p. 71. London, 1744.

[58] On the South-west side of Cumberland island, and upon a high neck of land commanding the water approaches each way, Fort St. Andrews was subsequently built. “Its walls were of wood, filled in with earth. Round about were a ditch and a palisade.” Wesley’s Journal, p. 61. Bristol, n. d.

[59] See Wright’s Memoir of Gen’l James Oglethorpe, p. 167. London, 1867.

[60] See A Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia, &c., vol. I, p. 98. London, 1742.

[61] See one of the Memorials of the Trustees in “An Account Shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia,” &c., p. 58. London, 1741.

[62] See Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 191. London, 1867.

[63] See Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 188, 189. Boston, 1841. Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 191. London, 1867. Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. VIII, p. 164.

[64] Stephens’ Journal of Proceedings, vol. I, pp. 294, 295. London, 1742.

[65] Gentleman’s Magazine for January, 1739, p. 22.

[66] Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 48. Savannah, 1873.

[67] Sketch of the Life of General James Oglethorpe. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, p. 261. Savannah, 1840.

[68] Vol. II, p. 332. London, 1748.

[69] Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 62. Savannah, 1873.

[70] Idem, p. 94.

[71] See Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 97, 101. Savannah, 1873.

[72] Compare Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. II, p. 337. London, 1748.

[73] Compare Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. IX, pp. 214, 215. Stephens’ Journal of Proceedings, vol. I, p. 326. London, 1742. McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 124, 125. Savannah, 1811. Hewitt’s Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, vol. II, pp. 70, 71. London, 1779. Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 154, 155. New York, 1847. Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, pp. 204, 205. London, 1867. Harris’ Biographical Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 194, 195, 369. Boston, 1841.

[74] See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 125, 126. Savannah, 1811.

[75] Hewitt’s Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, vol. II, pp. 72-74. London, 1779.

[76] Sketch of the Life of General James Oglethorpe. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, p. 263. Savannah, 1840.

[77] See Stephens’ Journal of Proceedings, etc., vol. II, p. 153. London, 1742. Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. X, p. 129. Historical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, C. C. Jones, Jr., p. 120, _et seq._ Albany, 1868.

For the precise location of Tomo-chi-chi’s grave, see Plan of the City of Savannah and its Fortifications by John Gerar William DeBrahm, History of the Province of Georgia, etc., p. 36. Wormsloe, 1849.

[78] See Jones’ Historical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, pp. 107, 108. Albany, 1868. Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. XII, p. 497. Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 256, 257. Boston, 1841.

[79] In the account of this transaction contained in the Gentleman’s Magazine for 1740, (volume X, page 129,) it is stated that after they were shot, the heads of these two Highlanders were cut off and their bodies cruelly mangled by the enemy. The perpetrators of this outrage consisted of Spaniards, negroes, and Indians. See Letter of General Oglethorpe to the Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, dated November 16th, 1739. “The Spanish Hireling detected,” etc., pp. 50, 51. London, 1743.

[80] For full details of these incursions see letter of Gen. Oglethorpe to Col. Stephens, dated Frederica, 1st February, 1740. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 105-108. Savannah, 1873.

[81] In a letter dated Frederica, December 29th, 1739, General Oglethorpe explained to the Carolina authorities his designs against St. Augustine, and the assistance he desired to receive from that Province. A requisition was therein made for twelve 18-pounder guns with two hundred rounds of ammunition for each piece, one mortar with proper complement of powder and bombs, eight hundred pioneers, either negroes or white men, and the requisite tools “such as spades, hoes, axes, and hatchets to dig trenches, make gabelines, and fascines.” Vessels and boats sufficient to transport the artillery, men, and provisions, and six thousand bushels of corn or rice to feed the thousand Indians who were to unite in the expedition, were also demanded. He also desired that as many horsemen as could be collected, should, under the guidance of Mr. McPherson or Mr. Jones, cross the Savannah and rendezvous at the ferry on the “Alata” river, from which point they would be conducted into “Spanish Florida.” It was suggested that fifty good horsemen might be raised at “Purrisburg,” and that four months’ provisions for four hundred men of his regiment should be contributed, and also boats sufficient to transport them. Of artillery on hand the General reported thirty-six coehorns and about eighteen hundred shells. In addition to the four hundred men drawn from his regiment, and the Indians whom he had engaged, he expected to be able to arm and utilize for the expedition about two hundred men of the Georgia Colony, if arrangements could be made for paying and feeding them. For this letter in full, see Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. II, pp. 338, 339. London, 1748.

See also “The Spanish Hireling detected,” etc., pp. 52-57. London, 1743.

[82] See Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 378, 380. Boston, 1841.

[83] The object of this fort was to guard the passage of the St. Johns river and maintain communication with St. Marks and Pensacola. It was a place of some strength, and the traces of the earth-works there thrown up may still be seen about a fourth of a mile north of the termination of the Bellamy road. Fairbanks’ History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, pp. 144, 145. New York, 1858.

[84] This work had been erected by Don Diego de Spinosa upon his own estate. Its remains, with one or two cannon, are still visible. Idem, p. 144.

[85] See Letter of General Oglethorpe to the Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, under date December 29, 1739. “The Spanish Hireling detected,” etc., pp. 57, 58. London, 1743. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 108, 109. Savannah, 1873.

[86] “Spanish Hireling detected,” etc., pp. 59-61. London, 1743.

[87] Of South Carolina.

[88] This was an out-post on the North river, about two miles north of St. Augustine. A fortified line,—a considerable portion of which may now be traced,—extended across from the stoccades on the St. Sebastian to Fort Moosa. A communication by a tide creek existed through the marshes, between the Castle at St. Augustine and Fort Moosa. Fairbanks’ History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, p. 144. New York, 1858.

[89] The main battery on Anastasia island, called the Poza, was armed with four eighteen pounders and one nine pounder. Two eighteen pounders were mounted on the point of the wood of the island. The remains of the Poza battery are still to be seen, almost as distinctly marked as on the day of its erection. Four mortars and forty cohorns were employed in the siege. See Fairbanks’ History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, p. 146. New York, 1868.

[90] The light guns, from their long range, caused trifling effect upon the strong walls of the castle. When struck, they received the balls in their spongy, infrangible embrace, and sustained comparatively little injury. The marks of their impact may be noted to this day.

[91] Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, vol. II, p. 81. London, 1779.

[92] Stephens says, ... Most of the gay Volunteers run away by small Parties, basely and cowardly, as they could get Boats to carry them off during the Time of greatest Action; and Capt. _Bull_, (a son of the Lieutenant-Governor) who had the Command of a Company in that Regiment, most scandalously deserted his Post when upon Duty, and not staying to be relieved regularly, made his Flight privately, carrying off four Men of his Guard with him, and escaped to _Charles Town_; for which he ought in Justice to have been tried as a Deserter; but he was well received at home. Journal of Proceedings, &c., vol. II, p. 462. London, 1742.

Compare Ramsay’s History of South Carolina, vol. I, p. 143. Charleston, 1809.

[93] Wright’s Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, p. 254. London, 1867.

[94] See Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 239, 240. Boston, 1841, quoting from the Gentleman’s Magazine.

[95] See “An Impartial Account of the late Expedition against St. Augustine under General Oglethorpe,” &c., London, 1742, which called forth “The Spanish Hireling detected,” &c., London, 1743.

[96] For fuller account of this demonstration against St. Augustine see Harris’ “Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels,” &c., pp. 339, 340. London, 1748. “An Impartial Account of the late Expedition against St. Augustine,” &c. London, 1742. “The Spanish Hireling detected,” &c. London, 1743. Stephens’ “Journal of Proceedings,” &c., vol. II, pp. 438, 444-448, 461 et aliter. London, 1742. Hewitt’s “Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia,” vol. II, chap. viii, pp. 65-82. London, 1770. McCall’s “History of Georgia,” vol. I, pp. 143-151. Savannah, 1811. Stevens’ “History of Georgia,” vol. I, pp. 167-179. New York, 1847. Spalding’s “Sketch of the Life of General James Oglethorpe,” Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, pp. 265-272. Savannah, 1840. Harris’ “Biographical Memorials of James Oglethorpe,” pp. 222-242. Boston, 1841. Wright’s “Memoir of General James Oglethorpe,” &c., pp. 235-255. London, 1867. Ramsay’s “History of South Carolina,” vol. I, pp. 140-144. Charleston, 1809, &c., &c., &c. Fairbanks’ History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, pp. 141-152. New York, 1858.

[97] Stephens’ “Journal of Proceedings,” &c., vol. II, pp. 467-468, 494-495. London, 1742.

[98] Idem, p. 496.

[99] Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, p. 273. Savannah, 1840.

[100] Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, p. 274. Savannah, 1840. Bancroft’s History of the United States, vol. III, p. 434. Boston, 1852.

In this estimate may properly be included such officers and men of Oglethorpe’s regiment as were there stationed.

[101] Page 106. Charles-Town, South Carolina, 1741.

[102] Pages 51 and 52. London, 1741.

Compare “A State of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath,” &c., p. 11. London, 1742. “An Account Shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia,” &c., p. 36. London, 1741. Wright’s Memoir of Gen’l James Oglethorpe, pp. 263, 264. London, 1867.

[103] See an Impartial Enquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia, &c., p. 53. London, 1743. Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 264. London, 1867.

[104] Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, p. 258. Savannah, 1840.

[105] London, 1741.

[106] London, 1742.

[107] London, 1743.

[108] A Brief Account of the Causes that have retarded the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, &c., Appendix, pp. 1-19. London, 1743.

[109] See Letter of General Oglethorpe, dated Frederica, June 8th, 1742. Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 298. London, 1867.

[110] For 1742. Vol. XII, p. 694.

[111] See Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 133 et seq. Savannah, 1873.

[112] Consisting of fifty-six sail, and between seven and eight thousand men.

[113] This was a large Settee having one hundred and fifty men on board. A few days afterwards the fleet was dispersed by a storm so that all the shipping did not arrive at St. Augustine.

[114] These he attacked, driving some of them ashore.

[115] “Never did the Carolineans,” says Mr. Hewitt, “make so bad a figure in the defence of their country. When union, activity and dispatch were so requisite, they ingloriously stood at a distance, and suffering private pique to prevail over public spirit, seemed determined to risk the safety of their country, rather than General Oglethorpe by their help should gain the smallest degree of honour and reputation.... The Georgians with justice blamed their more powerful neighbors, who, by keeping at a distance in the day of danger, had almost hazarded the loss of both provinces.” Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, vol. II, pp. 119, 120. London, 1779.

[116] This was on the 21st of June. Most of the accounts place the number of Spanish vessels, then attempting to enter Amelia Sound, at _nine_, instead of _fourteen_.

[117] In endeavoring to reach St. Augustine for repairs, four of their vessels foundered at sea.

[118] This was the merchant ship “_Success_,” mounting twenty guns. The General sent one hundred soldiers on board of her and filled her with necessary military stores. Thus she became, in the language of one of her crew, “ready for twice the number of Spaniards.”

[119] For their passage and outfit, they had agreed to labor for the Trust for a given period.

[120] This little fleet consisted of the “Success,” Captain Thompson, of twenty guns and one hundred and ten men, with springs upon her cables,—General Oglethorpe’s schooner of fourteen guns and eighty men,—and the sloop “St. Philip,” of fourteen guns and eighty men. Eight York sloops were close in shore, with one man on board each of them, whose instructions were, in case the enemy were about to capture, to sink or run them on shore. Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. XII, p. 495.

[121] This attempt was made by the Spanish Commodore with a ship of twenty-two guns, and a settee with an eighteen pounder and two nine pounders in her bow. So stout was the resistance offered by Captain Thompson with the great guns of his ship, by Captain Carr and his company of Marines, and by Lieutenant Wall and Ensign Otterbridge in charge of a detachment from Oglethorpe’s Regiment, that the Spaniards were obliged to retire with loss. A snow of sixteen guns at the same time attempted to board the Guard Schooner, but was repulsed by Captain Dunbar.

See Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. II, p. 341. London, 1748.

[122] From the statement made by live Spanish prisoners captured and brought in by the Creek Indians, it appeared that Don Manuel de Monteano, Governor of St. Augustine, was the Commander in Chief of the Expedition, and that Major General Antonio de Redondo was Chief Engineer. He and two Brigadier Generals accompanied the forces which came from Cuba. The aggregate strength of the expedition was about five thousand men, of whom four thousand three hundred were landed on St. Simons.

Heavy scouting parties were sent out in every direction by General Oglethorpe to observe the movements of the enemy and retard any advance in the direction of Frederica, the defences of which were being strengthened as rapidly and as thoroughly as time and the forces at command would permit.

[123] In this charge Oglethorpe encountered one hundred and twenty Spanish Pioneers, forty Yamassee Indians, and an equal number of negroes. So violent was the onslaught that nearly the whole party was either captured or slain. With his own hands the General captured two prisoners. Captain Sanchio commanding this advance, was taken prisoner by Lieut. Scroggs of the Rangers, and Toonahowi, although shot through the right arm by a Spanish officer, drew his pistol with his left and killed his antagonist on the spot.

See Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 305. McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, p. 181.

[124] After locating his troops, Oglethorpe hastened back to Frederica to prepare the Rangers and the Marine Company for action at a moments warning.

[125] Captain McCall furnishes the following account of this affair:

Captain Noble Jones, with a detachment of regulars and Indians,
being out on a scouting party, fell in with a small detachment
in the enemy’s advance, who were surprised and made prisoners,
not deeming themselves so far in front of the main army. From
these prisoners information was received that the whole Spanish
army was advancing: this was immediately communicated by an
Indian runner to the General who detached Captain Dunbar with
a company of grenadiers to join the regulars and Indians, with
orders to harrass the enemy on their advance. These detachments
having formed a junction, observed at a distance the Spanish
army on the march: and taking a favorable position near a
marsh, formed an ambuscade. The enemy fortunately halted within
a hundred paces of this position, stacked their arms, made
fires, and were preparing their kettles for cooking, when a
horse observed some of the party in ambuscade, and, frightened
at the uniform of the regulars, began to snort, and gave the
alarm. The Spaniards ran to their arms, but were shot down
in great numbers by Oglethorpe’s detachment, who continued
invisible to the enemy; and after repeated attempts to form,
in which some of their principal officers fell, they fled
with the utmost precipitation, leaving their camp equipage
on the field, and never halted until they got under cover of
the guns of their battery and ships. General Oglethorpe had
detached Major Horton with a reinforcement, who arrived only
in time to join in the pursuit. So complete was the surprise
of the enemy, that many fled without their arms; others in a
rapid retreat discharged their muskets over their shoulders at
their pursuers; and many were killed by the loaded arms which
were left on the ground; generally the Spaniards fired so much
at random that the trees were pruned by the balls from their
muskets; their loss in killed, wounded and prisoners, was
estimated at five hundred. The loss in Oglethorpe’s detachment
was very inconsiderable. From the signal victory obtained
over the enemy, and the great slaughter amongst the Spanish
troops, the scene of action just described has ever since been
denominated the _bloody marsh_.

History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 185, 187. Savannah, 1811.

Compare Spalding’s Life of Oglethorpe, Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, pp. 281-284. Savannah, 1840.

[126] The Spaniards regarded the loss of this officer as more severe than that of a thousand men.

[127] In these two engagements the enemy had sustained a loss of two Captains, one Lieutenant, two Sergeants, two Drummers, and one hundred and sixty privates killed; and one Captain and nineteen men captured.

[128] This was on the 8th of July.

[129] During the 9th and 10th of July all hands were employed on the works at Frederica, except the scouts and Indians; the latter brought in some scalps and prisoners.

[130] July 13th.

[131] St. Simon’s town was destroyed by the Spaniards prior to their evacuation of the island. To a writer in the London Magazine for 1745, who made his observations in the early part of 1743, are we indebted for the following notice of this place:—“At the South Point of this Island of _St. Simon_, are the Ruins of the Town of _St. Simons_ destroyed by the _Spaniards_ at their Invasion. By the remaining Vestiges it must have been a very uniform Place; and the Situation is quite charming, tho’ it now makes one melancholy to see such a Desolation in so new a Country. The only Building they left standing was one House which they had consecrated for a Chapel. How different the Proceedings of the more generous _English_ even in their Parts who never leave behind them such direful Remembrances; but here religious Fury goes Hand in Hand with Conquest, resolv’d to ruin whom they can’t convert. The Fort has some Remains still, and seems to have been no extraordinary affair; tho’ no Place was ever better defended, and the Enemies seem, by their Works and Intrenchments to have thought themselves sure of keeping the Town, but found themselves wofully mistaken. Down the Beach to the westward is a Look-out of Tappy-work which is a very good Mark for standing over the Bar into the Harbour; and on the opposite Point of Jekyl Island is a very remarkable Hammock of Trees much taken notice of by Seamen on the same Account. Somewhat lower and more Northerly is the Plantation call’d Gascoign’s which underwent the same Fate with St. Simons. An Officer’s Command is station’d at South Point, who disposes his Centries so as to discover Vessels some Leagues at Sea, and upon any such Discovery an Alarm-Gun is fir’d, and an Horseman sent up with Notice to the Head-Quarters which is nine miles from this Place. If they appear to make for the Harbour, a perpendicular mounted Gun is fir’d as a Signal, which, by the Ascent of the Smoke is a Direction to a Ship a long Way in the Offing, and is a most lucky Contrivance. The road from hence to Frederica is cut through the Woods, and through the Marshes rais’d upon a Causeway.” Page 549.

[132] July 16th.

[133] For further account of this memorable defence, see—Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. II, pp. 340, 342. London, 1748. McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 170, 190. Savannah, 1811. Hewitt’s Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, vol. II, pp. 114, 119. London, 1779. Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 180, 196. New York, 1847. Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 250, 268. Boston, 1840. Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, pp. 299, 317. London, 1867. Spalding’s Life of Oglethorpe, Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, pp. 275, 284. Savannah, 1840. Ramsay’s History of South Carolina, vol. I, pp. 144, 147. Charleston, 1809. London Magazine, vol. XI, pp. 515, 516, 568. Gentleman’s Magazine for 1742, vol. XII, pp. 494, 496, 550, 561, 693, 694. Gentleman’s Magazine for 1743, vol. XIII, pp. 84, 638, 639.

[134] The following estimate was made of the forces engaged:

SPANISH TROOPS.

One regiment of dismounted Dragoons 400
Havanna Regiment 500
Havanna Militia 1,000
Regiment of Artillery 400
Florida Militia 400
Battalion of Mulattoes 300
Black Regiment 400
Indians 90
Marines 600
Seamen 1,000
-----
Total 5,090

GENERAL OGLETHORPE’S COMMAND.

His Regiment 472
Company of Rangers 30
Highlanders 50
Armed Militia 40
Indians 60
---
Total 652

See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol I, p. 196. Savannah, 1811.

[135] Of the condition of this town in 1743 we find the following account in the London Magazine for 1745: “Our first Stage we made _New Inverness_, or the _Darien_, on the Continent near 20 miles from _Frederica_; which is a Settlement of Highlanders living and dressing in their own Country Fashion, very happily and contentedly. There is an Independent Company of Foot of them, consisting of 70 men who have been of good service. The Town is regularly laid out, and built of Wood mostly, divided into Streets and Squares; before the Town is the Parade, and a Fort not yet finish’d. It is situated upon a very high Bluff, or Point of Land, from whence, with a few cannon, they can scour the River, otherwise it is surrounded by Pine-barrens, and Woods, and there is a Rout by Land to _Savannah_ and _Fort Argyle_, which is statedly reconnoitred by a Troop of Highland Rangers who do duty here. The Company and Troop, armed in the Highland manner, make an extreme good appearance under arms. The whole Settlement may be said to be a brave and industrious People; but were more numerous, planted more, and raised more cattle before the Invasion, with which they drove a good Trade to the Southward; but Things seem daily mending with them. They are forc’d to keep a very good Guard in this Place, it lies so open to the Insults of the _French_ and _Spanish Indians_, who once or twice have shewn Straglers some very bloody Tricks.” Page 551.

[136] Samuel Cloake,—who was a prisoner on board the “Pretty Nancy” taken by the Spaniards from the English, and fitted out for the invasion of Georgia,—made oath that during the time they lay off the bar the Spaniards often “whetted their swords and held their knives to this deponent’s and other English prisoners’ throats, saying they would cut the throats of those they should take at Georgia.” Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, pp. 342, 343. London, 1748.

[137] The governor of South Carolina did not unite in these congratulations and thanks; but the people of Port Royal did, much to his chagrin.

[138] In the language of General Oglethorpe, “_they were so meek there was no provoking them_.”

[139] See General Oglethorpe’s letters of the 12th and 21st of March, 1743. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 149, 151. Savannah, 1873. London Magazine for 1743, vol. XII, pp. 356, 357. London Gazette, July 9, 1743.

[140] This demonstration had the effect of restraining the Enemy within the lines of St. Augustine; and the active cruizing of the English Guard Schooner and Scout Boats held in check the privateers which were in the habit of annoying the navigation to the southward. “In fine,” writes a Charles-Town merchant to his correspondent in London, under date August 10, 1743, “_Georgia_ is a Gibraltar to this Province and _North America_, however insignificant some People may make it.” London Magazine for 1743, vol. XII, p. 567.

[141] See McCall’s Georgia, vol. I, p. 203. Savannah, 1811. Gentleman’s Magazine for 1744, vol. XIV, p. 393. London Magazine for 1744, vol. XIII, p. 359.

[142] London Magazine for 1743, vol. XII, p. 305.

[143] A mixture of lime made of Oyster-shells, with Sand, Small Shells, &c., which, when harden’d, is as firm as Stone. I have observ’d prodigious Quantities of Salt Petre to issue from Walls of this Cement.

[144] See Lond: Mag: 1742, p. 461, 515, 516, 567.

[145] Shingles are split out of many Sorts of Wood, in the shape of Tiles, which, when they have been some Time expos’d to the Weather, appear of the Colour of Slate, and have a very pretty Look; the Houses in America are mostly Shingled.

[146] See Lond. Mag. 1744, p. 359.

[147] I have been told that in this Explosion near 3,000 Bombs burst, which, had they not been well bedded, would have done much Mischief.

[148] The Inhabitants begin to plant this charming Fruit very much, and ’tis to be hop’d will banish their numerous Peach Trees to their Country Settlements, which are Nurseries of _Muskettos_ and other _Vermin_. The Season I was there, they had Oranges enough of their own Growth for Home Consumption.

[149] This was written in the beginning of 1743. See London Magazine for 1745, vol. XIV, pp. 395, 396.

Compare notice in “The North-American and the West-Indian Gazetteer.” London, 1778.

[150] Volume XVI, p. 484.

[151] A destructive fire had consumed nearly all the houses which time had spared. See Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. I, p. 446. New York, 1847.

[152] Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 168, 169. Savannah, 1873.

[153] Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, &c., pp. 55-60. London, 1792.

[154] MS. Order-Book of Col. S. Elbert.

[155] Marbury and Crawford’s Digest, p. 151.

[156] See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 131, 132. Savannah, 1811.

[157] See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. II, pp. 137-139. Savannah, 1811. Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. II, pp. 161-162. Philadelphia, 1859. White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, p. 468. New York, 1855.

[158] Watkins’ Digest, p. 470.

[159] Watkins’ Digest, pp. 598, 599.

[160] “Notes and Observations on the Pine Lands of Georgia,” &c. Augusta, 1801.

[161] Clayton’s Digest, p. 63.

[162] Lamar’s Digest, pp. 902, 978.

[163] Alluding to Frederica, in 1829, Sherwood says: “The Fort is gone to decay, but there are ten houses in the village.” Gazetteer of Georgia, p. 111.

[164] Frances Anne Kemble, who visited Frederica in the spring of 1839, thus records her impressions of the deserted spot: “This Frederica is a very strange place; it was once a town,—_the_ town, the metropolis of the island. The English, when they landed on the coast of Georgia in the war, destroyed this tiny place, and it has never been built up again. Mrs. A.’s and one other house, are the only dwellings that remain in this curious wilderness of dismantled crumbling gray walls compassionately cloaked with a thousand profuse and graceful creepers. These are the only ruins, properly so called, except those of Fort Putnam, that I have ever seen in this land of contemptuous youth. I hailed these picturesque groups and masses with the feelings of a European, to whom ruins are like a sort of relations. In my country, ruins are like a minor chord in music; here they are like a discord; they are not the relics of time, but the results of violence; they recall no valuable memories of a remote past, and are mere encumbrances to the busy present. Evidently they are out of place in America except on St. Simon’s island, between this savage selvage of civilization and the great Atlantic deep. These heaps of rubbish and roses would have made the fortune of a sketcher; but I imagine the snakes have it all to themselves here, and are undisturbed by camp-stools, white umbrellas, and ejaculatory young ladies.” Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation, &c., p. 285. New York, 1863.

[165] A Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia, &c., vol. II, pp. 215, 216. London, 1742.

[166] For notices of Abercorn, see—“An Extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary Von Beck, &c., and of the Reverend Mr. Bolzius,” pp. 18, 20, 54, 66, 69. London, 1734. “An Account Shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, in America,” &c., p. 35. London, 1741. Stephens’ “Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia,” &c., vol. I, p. 230. Vol. II, pp. 215, 216. London, 1742. “An Extract of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley’s Journal,” &c., p. 60. Bristol, n. d. “A State of the Province of Georgia, attested upon oath,” &c., p. 5. London, 1742. “A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia,” &c., by Tailfer, Anderson, and Douglas, p. 108. Charles-Town, 1741.

[167] See Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, by Robert Wright, p. 74. London, 1857.

[168] Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, by Robert Wright, pp. 284, 285. London, 1867.

[169] See A Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia, &c., by William Stephens, pp. 160, 161. London, MDCCXLII.

[170] See An Account Shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, &c., pp. 48, 49. London, 1741.

[171] History of Georgia, vol. I, p. 255. Savannah, 1811.

[172] The following members of that Congress came from the Parish of St. John: James Screven, Nathan Brownson, Daniel Roberts, John Baker, Sr., John Bacon, Sr., James Maxwell, Edward Ball, William Baker, Sr., William Bacon, Jr., John Stevens, and John Winn, Sr. Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 106.

[173] See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 7. Savannah, 1816.

[174] The Medway, in the county of Kent, is a noble stream. Its trunk and branches cover thirty square miles of the surface of the county, and its length is nearly sixty miles,—of which forty are navigable. This river well deserves the name of _Vaga_, by which the Britons described its wanderings. The Saxons added the syllable _Med_, the sign of middle, because the river runs through the centre of the county, and thus gets its present name of _Medway_. Encyclopædia Britannica, 8th Edition, vol. XIII, Article Kent, p. 65. See also vol. VIII, p. 716.

[175] Marbury and Crawford’s Digest, pp. 150, 152.

[176] Under the writs of election issued by Sir James Wright in 1761, Thomas Carter, Parmenus Way and John Winn were returned as members from Midway and Sunbury in St. John’s Parish. McCall’s Georgia, vol. I, p. 286.

[177] DeBrahm says: “The Beach-Hill Congregation settled upon the Heads of the two Newport Rivers early in the year 1752, when they left Carolina in a great Body, they continued drawing their Effects and Cattle after settling all other Concerns in their native Province until 1755, many rich Carolina Planters followed the Example of that Congregation, and came with all their Families and Negroes to settle in Georgia in 1752: the Spirit of Emigration out of South Carolina into Georgia became so universal that year, that this and the following year near one thousand Negroes was brought in Georgia, where in 1751 were scarce above three dozen.” History of the Province of Georgia, &c., p. 21. Wormsloe, 1849.

[178] See Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 21. Philadelphia, 1859.

In his letter to Lord Halifax, written in 1763, Sir James Wright says: “I judged it necessary for his Majesty’s service that Sunbury,—a well settled place, having an exceeding good harbour and inlet from the sea,—should be made a Port of Entry; and I have appointed Thomas Carr, Collector, and John Martin, Naval Officer for the same. There are eighty dwelling houses in the place: three considerable merchant stores for supplying the town and planters in the neighborhood with all kinds of necessary goods; and around it for about fifteen miles is one of the best settled parts of the country.”

[179] When visited by an English traveller in 1743, this island was inhabited by eight or ten families of _Indians_, who had considerable tracts of open land, and were largely engaged in the cultivation of corn. It abounded with game, “on which,” says the writer, “the good Indians regaled us, and for Greens boiled us the Tops of China Briars, which eat almost as well as Asparagus.” London Magazine for 1745, pp. 551, 552.

[180] McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 214, 215. Savannah, 1811.

[181] See Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 453, 454.

[182] See Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers, vol. III, p. 120. Philadelphia, 1823.

[183] McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 255, 256. Savannah, 1811.

[184] See Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 161, et seq. Savannah, 1873.

[185] Travels Through North and South Carolina, Georgia, &c., p. 5. London, 1792.

[186] His Observations were published in 1792.

[187] Idem, pp. 9, 10.

[188] See Watkins’ Digest, p. 144.

[189] See Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 92. Philadelphia, 1859.

[190] See Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers, vol. III, p. 55. Philadelphia, 1823. McCall’s Georgia, vol. II, p. 41. Savannah, 1816.

[191] Sir Thomas Browne’s Hydriotaphia.

[192] See Letter of the 9th of February, 1775, signed by Lyman Hall, Chairman. White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, pp. 520, 521. New York, 1855. Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers, vol. III, p. 54. Philadelphia, 1823.

[193] The apparent tardiness and hesitancy on the part of the Colony of Georgia in casting her lot with her Sister Colonies at the inception of those movements which culminated in a declaration of independence, may be excused or accounted for when we remember that she was the youngest and the least prepared of all the Colonies, and recall the fact that Schovilites, leagued with Indians, were scourging her borders and awakening in the breasts even of the most patriotic and daring, gravest apprehensions for the safety of their wives and children. “The charge of inactivity vanishes,” says Captain McCall, “when the sword and hatchet are held over the heads of the actors to compel them to lie still.”

During the progress of the Revolution the term Schovilite which, at first, was used to designate not only the bandit follower of Schovil, but also every adherent of the Crown in the Southern provinces, was dropped, and that of Loyalist and Tory substituted. The Revolutionists were known as Whigs, Rebels, and Patriots. Many Loyalists who had fled from the Carolinas and Georgia secured a retreat in East Florida whence, having associated with themselves parties of Indians, under the name of Florida Rangers, they indulged in predatory incursions into Georgia to the great loss and disquietude of the southern portions of the Province.

History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 4. Savannah, 1816.

[194] See White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, pp. 517, 518. New York, 1855.

[195] Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 445, 446. New York, 1847.

[196] Journal of Congress, vol. I, p. 375. Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 151. Philadelphia, 1859.

Three days afterwards Congress appropriated $60,000 for the support of the battalions thus ordered to be raised.

[197] It is not improbable that some of these guns may have been brought from Frederica; for the Council of Safety had ordered all warlike stores at that place to be secured.

[198] In compliment to Captain Morris, commanding a company of Continental Artillery raised for coast defence. By this company was the fort garrisoned upon its completion.

[199] For the accompanying plan of Fort Morris, I am indebted to a recent survey made at my suggestion by Sam’l L. Fleming, Esq., of Liberty County.

[200] The following orders were issued by Colonel S. Elbert, for the fuller instruction of the Artillerists stationed at Sunbury. See MS. Order Book of Col. Elbert.

“HEADQUARTERS SAVANNAH, 5th Dec’r, 1777.

“ORDERS TO CAPTAIN DEFATT OF THE ARTILLERY.

“You are to proceed immediately to the Town of Sunbury, in
this State, where are a corps of Continental Artillery posted,
which you are constantly to be employed in teaching the perfect
use of Artillery, particularly in the Field. Both Officers and
Men are hereby strictly ordered to attend on you for the above
purpose, at such times, and in such places as you may direct;
and the Commanding Officer of the Troops in that place on your
shewing him these Orders, will furnish Men to do the necessary
duty in the Town & Fort; so that there will be nothing to
prevent Captain Morris and his Company from being perfected
in the Business for which they were raised. Such pieces of
Artillery as you approve of, have mounted on Field-Carriages;
and for this purpose you are empowered to employ the necessary
Workmen, and procure Materials. Your drafts on me for every
necessary Expense, accompanying the Vouchers, will be duly
honored.

“I am, Sir, your most Obdt Servt,

“S. ELBERT, Col. Commd’g.”

[201] McCall’s Georgia, vol. II, p. 96. Savannah, 1816.

[202] See McCall’s Georgia, vol. II, p. 153. Savannah, 1816.

[203] During the year 1777 American privateers were busy off the Georgia coast and among the inland passages. They cruised as far south as St. Augustine and made frequent captures. In his communication of the 8th of October, Sir James Wright informs Lord George Germain that a short time previous a privateer from Sunbury, mounting ten guns, had taken five prizes; two of which were safely carried in. He urges upon the Secretary of War the expediency of stationing a twenty-gun ship or a frigate at Cockspur, two sloops of war in the Savannah river, and one at Sunbury.

From Sunbury, on the 1st of May, 1777, did Col. Elbert embark in transports his troops destined for the expedition against Florida undertaken at the instance of Governor Button Gwinnett.

Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 246, 248. Savannah, 1873.

[204] He had been for some time stationed at Sunbury, and commanded not only the Continental troops there concentrated, but also all detached companies operating to the southward. Captain Morris’ artillery company constituted the permanent garrison of the Fort.

[205] The following lines descriptive of the desolations wrought by this invading force, are extracted from a quaint old-fashioned poem composed by John Baker, a son of Colonel John Baker, and found among the MSS of the latter:

“Where’er they march, the buildings burn,
Large stacks of rice to ashes turn:
And me [Midway] a pile of ruin made
Before their hellish malice staid.

“Nor did their boundless fury spare
The house devote to God and prayer:
Brick, coal, and ashes shew the place
Which once that sacred house did grace.

“The churchyard, too, no better sped,
The rabble so against the dead
Transported were with direful fumes,
They tore up and uncover’d tombs.”

[206] Bancroft’s History of the United States, vol. X, p. 294. Boston, 1874.

[207] Mr. John Couper, in a letter dated St. Simon’s, 16th April, 1842, and written when he was eighty-three years of age, gives the following anecdote of the famous and eccentric Captain Rory McIntosh who, at the time, had attached himself in a volunteer capacity to the infantry company commanded by Captain Murray, forming part of the 4th Battalion of the 60th Regiment. Captain Murray’s company was in the lines which Colonel Fuser had developed around Sunbury and its Fort. “Early one morning,” writes Mr. Couper, “when Rory had made rather free with the ‘mountain dew,’ he insisted on sallying out to summons the fort to surrender. His friends could not restrain him, so out he strutted, claymore in hand, followed by his faithful slave Jim, and approached the fort, roaring out, “Surrender, you miscreants! How dare you presume to resist his Majesty’s arms?” Captain McIntosh knew him, and, seeing his situation, forbid any one firing, threw open the gate, and said “Walk in, Mr. McIntosh, and take possession.” “No,” said Rory, “I will not trust myself among such vermin; but I order you to surrender.” A rifle was fired, the ball from which passed through his face, sideways, under his eyes. He stumbled and fell backwards, but immediately recovered and retreated backwards, flourishing his sword. Several dropping shots followed. Jim called out, “Run, massa—de kill you.” “Run, poor slave,” says Rory. “Thou mayest run, but I am of a race that never runs.” In rising from the ground, Jim stated to me, his master, first putting his hand to one cheek, looked at his bloody hand, and then raising it to the other, perceived it also covered with blood. He backed safely into the lines.” White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, p. 472. New York, 1855.

[208] The Legislature of Georgia, in acknowledgment of the conspicuous gallantry of Colonel McIntosh on this occasion, voted him a sword with the words _Come and take it_, engraven thereon.

[209] See White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, pp. 523, 524. New York, 1855. McCall’s Georgia, vol. II, pp. 155, 161. Savannah, 1816. Moultrie’s Memoirs of the American Revolution, &c., vol. I, p. 189. New York, 1802.

[210] The inhabitants of Sunbury seem, at times, to have been considerably annoyed by the lawless conduct of the troops quartered in their midst. So marked were these violations of good order, that General Howe on the 16th of January, 1778, deemed it proper to call attention to them in a General Order, from which we make the following extract: