Chapter VII: Part 7
Respecting the remonstrances for peace,--the king has always shown the sincerest wish to obtain so desirable an object by every reasonable and just means, and this the said nobles must have well known. Considering the very many advances he has made to this effect, he holds himself acquitted in this matter before God and before the world. It is notorious, that when the treaty of Arras was concluded, the king, by the advice of the duke of Burgundy, who was anxious to promote an union between the kingdoms of France and England, made greater offers than was becoming him to the english ministers sent thither by their king to treat of a peace,--but which offers were by them refused. It seemed, therefore, just, to the cardinals who had been deputed by our holy father the pope and the sacred council of Basil, and likewise to the relatives and allies of the duke of Burgundy, who were there assembled in great numbers, that from the unreasonableness of the English in refusing such offers, the duke of Burgundy, was no longer bound in loyalty to them,--but that, for this and other causes, he was at liberty to quit their party, and unite himself in peace with the king of France, his natural sovereign.
Since then the king, at the request of the duke of Orleans and of the duke of Brittany, and with the consent of the duke of Burgundy, without whom he would never have listened to the treaty of Arras, nor to any overtures of peace with the English, although on their part some had been made, but simply to perform his duty, he sent a solemn embassy to the duke of Brittany to fix on a spot for the holding of a conference between commissioners to negotiate a peace, from the kings of France and England, and whither the duke of Orleans was to be conducted. Cherbourg was the place appointed, although this conference never took effect.
The king again, at the solicitations of the duke of Orleans and the duchess of Burgundy, consented to another conference being held on the subject of peace, between Gravelines and Calais. To this place he sent ambassadors with full powers to treat, notwithstanding that Gravelines and Calais were far distant, and the last in the hands of his enemies. But this he did in favour to the duke of Orleans, who was to be brought thither,--for the king was desirous that he should be present at or near to the place of conference, to give his advice and opinion on the terms that should be proposed, considering how nearly connected he was in blood with the king, and also that he might endeavour to obtain his deliverance from England. Had it not been for these reasons, the king would never have assented to the conferences being held at Gravelines.
At this conference, a schedule, containing many articles respecting a peace, was delivered to the duchess of Burgundy by the duke of Orleans, and which was transmitted to the king of France, then holding the three estates of the realm, to have their opinions thereon: but from the absence of the dauphin, whom it more immediately concerned after the king, as must be known to all, and of many of the great barons from Languedoc and Vienne, another conference was appointed to be held at Bourges in Berry in the ensuing month of February, and which the king proposed personally to attend, but was prevented by other important matters intervening.
Nevertheless, a solemn embassy was sent to this conference in the month of May, in compliance with the appointment of the said duke of Orleans and duchess of Burgundy, with full powers to treat of peace; but they remained there for the space of seven or eight months without coming to any final conclusions,--except, indeed, appointing another meeting for the month of May in the year 1442, when the king again sent thither his ambassadors. Nothing, however, was done, through the fault of the English, who only sent a simple clerk, a very insufficient person to treat of and discuss such various and weighty matters.
The lord chancellor, in consequence of fresh overtures made him by the duchess of Burgundy, appointed another conference on the first days of this present month of May, at any place in the countries of Beauvais, Senlis, or Chartres,--which appointment the duchess made known to the king of England, but he sent for answer, (which letter she transmitted to the king of France) that he would not consent to hold any conference but at Gravelines, a place which the king had especially objected to. Considering that the king had consented to three conferences being held in places under the subjection of his adversaries, the English ought not to have refused meeting for once within his territories, where they might conveniently have assembled; and the king had not consented to a congress so often meeting at Gravelines, except in the hope that it would expedite the deliverance of the duke of Orleans.
The king, notwithstanding, to show further his great willingness and anxiety for peace, has, through his chancellor, made known to the duchess of Burgundy, that he is content that another conference should be holden on the 25th of next October in the parts before named, either between Pontoise and Mantes, between Chartres and Vernueil, or between Sablé and le Mans, wheresoever the commissioners on both sides shall fix on as most agreeable to themselves for a place of meeting.
The king cannot propose any earlier day than the 25th of next October, for two very substantial reasons. In the first place, he should wish to be returned from the relief of Tartas, to attend this meeting in company with the princes of his blood, and such of the nobility of his kingdom as might choose to be present, more particularly the lords and prelates of Normandy, without whose presence, and that of those before specified, the king will not agree to any negotiations being carried on; for they have most loyally served both him and his father, and have suffered so much in their cause that they are well deserving of being called to this congress, and having their opinions asked--and also because the negotiations for peace affect them more than any others.
Secondly, in regard to the ancient alliances still maintained between France and the kingdoms of Spain and Scotland, there must be time allowed for the king to send information thither of the time of meeting of this congress, to them and to their allies, that they may send ambassadors with their consents thereto; for, by the articles of alliance, neither party can conclude a final peace with England without their being parties, or at least consenting thereto,--and the king would not on any account infringe these alliances, which have been most advantageously maintained respecting France,--for the subjects of these respective kingdoms have done him and his predecessors the most essential services.
The king therefore most anxiously desires that these his reasons may be publicly known, (which all men must think satisfactory and reasonable for his acquittal toward God and man); and he declares his willingness that a congress should be holden at any of the places aforesaid, for treating of a general and lasting peace with his adversaries, who may have assurances of safety from our holy father the pope, the kings of Spain and Scotland, and their allies.
The king will make known these his intentions to his adversary the king of England, that he may send thither sufficient ambassadors. The king also requires from the duke of Orleans, the dukes of Burgundy and Brittany, and the duchess of Burgundy, who have exerted themselves in the business, that they also send proper notice of this conference to England, that efficient ambassadors may meet them to negotiate the terms of a peace on the appointed day; at which time the king will not fail to send thither men of note, with-full powers to bring this matter to a conclusion.
The king is desirous, at this moment, to open his mind fully to his nobles, as to those on whose attachment he depends,--being assured that they can only wish to support his honour and that of his crown,--and to those who are so nearly allied to him by blood, touching certain expressions which the king has been informed were used respecting the terms of a peace. At the first conference, held between Calais and Gravelines, present the duchess of Burgundy and the cardinal of England, the archbishop of York said, that the whole english nation would never suffer or consent _usque in ultimo flatu_, that their king should hold any lands in homage, or dependant on other sovereign than himself, which expression would not accelerate a peace; for the king was determined not to concede any thing to the English but under similar terms with his other subjects and vassals, by doing homage and service. He will not that what has been gained or augmented by the valour and good conduct of his ancestors should be thus lost; and the king cannot believe that any of the princes of his blood, or the gallant nobles of his realm, would suffer such act to be done, or consent thereto, considering the superiority and excellence of the crown of France.
In order that no blame may attach to the king respecting the non-accomplishment of peace, he will cause an account of the different efforts he has made to effect it to be drawn up and enregistered with a copy of this answer in his chamber of accounts, for the perpetual remembrance of what he has done.
Item, as the nobles have required that proper provision be made against the enterprises of the English in the countries of Chartrain and Beauce, prior to the king's departure for the relief of Tartas, the king will provide a remedy, and send thither the bastard of Orleans, whom these nobles cannot object to, with sufficient powers to resist the further enterprises of the English.
Item, as these nobles are soon to assemble at Nevers, and as their ambassadors have notified the same to the king, requesting also, that as the king was contented that the duke of Brittany should there join them, he would be pleased to write again to the said duke of Brittany his consent to his meeting the other nobles at Nevers, sending him passports for his personal security, should there be occasion.
Item, the king makes known to his nobles by the lord chancellor and sir Louis de Beaumont, that he is contented with their assembling, in the hope of seeing them in his good town of Bourges, or in any other place, where he would have given them good cheer, and received them kindly as his near relatives, and discussed openly with them the affairs of the realm. With regard to the duke of Brittany going to Nevers, the king is surprised that any complaint or doubt should be made concerning it,--for the king was so well inclined toward him that, had he travelled by land, it was his intention to have invited him to pass through Tours and accompany him to Bourges, to meet the said nobles, if the duke could have done so with convenience to himself,--otherwise, the duke might have thought that he had estranged himself from him. The king, nevertheless, sent the lord de Gaucourt to him with letters patent, which he has, and, should he travel by water through Blois and Orleans, to accompany him, that he might afford an opportunity to the duke to open his mind to him, as if the king had personally been present. But to write again to the duke of Brittany, to repair to the assembly at Nevers, does not seem to the king a proper or reasonable request,--nor is it very decent that the nobles should hold any meetings to treat of the affairs of the nation, except in the king's presence or by his commands. The king, on his return from Tartas, intends calling on them for their aid and advice, and to lead as large an army as possible into Normandy, as the surest means of obtaining a better peace, or with the aid of God and their support to recover his lost territories.
Item, in answer to their complaints of the want of justice being duly administered, as well in the parliaments as in the other jurisdictions of the realm,--and their requests to the king that he would be pleased to nominate only such as have experience and knowledge in the laws, and that suitable persons be appointed to the different offices without favour or affection,--
The king has ever filled up the places in his parliaments with the most learned and intelligent lawyers he could find; and it now consists of the most experienced and of those most versed in the laws of the realm. At the solicitations of and to please the duke of Burgundy, the king has nominated twelve persons whom he recommended as judges in parliament; and when other lords have applied, the king has attended to their recommendations, and appointed such as were said to be fully competent to discharge faithfully the several duties of their respective offices, in the administration of justice throughout the realm.
Item, the king has been requested to shorten the proceedings of the courts at law, as well in respect to the subjects of these nobles as of all the king's subjects, without partiality as in former times, and that indiscriminate justice may be had.
In reply to this request,--the king has been much grieved at the delays of the courts of law, and earnestly desires the due administering of justice with as little delay as possible, and will punish such as may act to the contrary. It is the king's intention to write to his courts of parliament, and to his other law-officers, that henceforth they abridge all suits at law more than they have hitherto done, and that they do strict justice to all without the least partiality.
Item, in respect to the complaints made to the king of the robberies, crimes, and abuses committed by many soldiers under the king's name, and calling themselves the king's men, whether they be the king's or the nobles' subjects, a remedy is demanded for such abuses, not by letters but by effectual measures,--and it has been remonstrated, that it would be proper that only those who are well known, and have loyally served the king, should have the command of these companies of soldiers: likewise, that all soldiers should be well and regularly paid, and quartered on the frontiers, which they were not to leave and harrass the country people without being severely punished; that the king should only keep near his person those experienced in war, and not a multitude of indisciplined men; and that all of low degree, idlers, and ignorant of war, should be constrained to return to their trades and labour.
The king, in answer, says, that such robberies have always gone to his heart,--and he has made frequent attempts to rid the kingdom of such pillagers. With regard to quartering his soldiers on the frontiers, when the king was last at Angers, he had settled this business; but the new levies that have been raised have alone caused a renewal of these abuses,--and other causes have arisen to prevent the proper notice being taken of these pillagers, as was intended to have been done. The king, in consequence of the complaint from his nobles, will issue ordinances to put an end to them, and to dismiss all that are useless in war: he therefore requires these said nobles not to countenance or support any one who shall act contrary to these proposed regulations.
Item, respecting their request to the king, that he would be pleased to take measures that the poorer ranks be not unnecessarily vexed or harrassed, from the excessive taxes that are now raised on salt and other articles,--the king replies, that he is extremely affected at the poverty of his people, for that his interest is connected with theirs, and it is his meaning to relieve them as soon and as much as he conveniently can. He last year put an end to the vexations they suffered in Champagne, and will not cease, doing the same in the other parts of his realm as speedily as may be.
The king has also taken measures for the regular supply of provision and pay to the troops on the frontier, otherwise he knows what destruction and ruin will ensue to his subjects. But with regard to the excessive taxes which these nobles complain their vassals are aggrieved with, the king has shown far greater indulgence to them than to his own; and it will be found that in the course of a year, when two taxes have been raised on the king's subjects, the vassals of these lords have paid but one, or that these nobles themselves have laid hands on the greater part of what should have been paid to the king. It is clear that the king must have the aid of his subjects for the support of the war and the maintenance of his crown and dignity.
Item, it has been advanced, that before any taxes be laid, the king should call together the three estates of the realm, to consult with them and have their opinions thereon. In reply to this: the taxes have been laid on the lands of these lords with their consent,--and, as for the other impositions, the king, when there has been an opportunity, has called them together, and shown them, of his royal authority, the urgent state of his kingdom, when great part was occupied by his enemies. There can be no need for calling the three estates to lay on taxes,--for this would only add to the expenses of the poorer people in paying the deputies' charges for coming and going; and many lords of great weight have, in consequence, required that such convocations should cease, and were satisfied that proper warrants should be issued in the king's name for the raising of these taxes. In respect, however, to the affairs of the nation, the king is bounden to consult with the princes of his blood in preference to all others, considering how much they are interested in its welfare,--and this has been usually done by the most Christian kings, his predecessors.
Item, the nobles have requested the king to preserve to them their prerogatives and authorities, which they hold, as well from their peerage as from the other lordships they possess within the realm of of France. The king in reply says, that he has never treated on any affairs of consequence without their knowledge, or at least that of the greater part of them,--and it his intention not to do otherwise. It is his pleasure, as well as his will, to preserve to them all their prerogatives and authorities, and in no way to act contrary to them: they will therefore govern their vassals and lands in the manner in which they are bounden to do.
Item, the king is requested that he would be pleased to select, as members of his great council, men of knowledge, fearing God, and who have not been partisans in the late disturbances; and likewise that he would be pleased to elect a sufficient number, so that the weight of the business of the kingdom may not be intrusted to two or three, as has been hitherto the case.
The king replies, that he has always selected for his council the most able men of his realm, without thinking on what may have passed during the late disturbances, which he has put clean out of his remembrance, and in such numbers as the state of public affairs at different periods may have required.
Item, the nobles request the king to receive favourably these remonstrances, in consideration of the four reasons already laid before him, which have induced them thus to make them. They also remonstrate with him on the case of the lord duke of Alençon, required that he should be restored to his town of Niort, or that payment be promptly made him in money for the loss of it; that he should be re-established in his lieutenancy and pension; and that his place of Sainte Susanne, should be delivered up to him, together with an Englishman whom he had made prisoner, and that speedy and equitable justice be done him.
The king makes answer to these demands, that when he was in Poitou, putting an end to the pillaging and robberies that were going on there, and taking possession of several towns and castles the resort of the robbers, he was suspicious, that during his absence for the relief of Tartas, the town and castle of Niort would continue these evil practices as it had been accustomed to do, and consequently laid hands on it with the intent of paying its full value. But though the whole amount was not at that time paid, he had given to the lord d'Alençon six thousand crowns, with an engagement to that lord to make the remainder of the payments punctually at the time specified in writing, without making any deductions for the rents which the lord d'Alençon had continued to receive since the first payment had been made.
In regard to re-establishing him in his lieutenancy and pension, when the lord d'Alençon shall conduct himself in a becoming manner toward his sovereign, the king will treat him as a relative and subject, holding in his mind the nearness of their kindred, and the services which he and his ancestors may have rendered to the king and the realm. This the king continued to do, until he was obliged to change his behaviour from the fault of the lord d'Alençon.
In respect to the place of Sainte Susanne[103], the king has not given it to the lord de Bueil, nor is it held by him by the king's orders. The lord de Bueil is fully able to answer the lord d'Alençon's accusation respecting his holding this place wrongfully. Whenever the lord d'Alençon shall appeal to the king's justice, it shall be willingly and duly administered; and in like manner shall he have justice done him in regard to the prisoner whom he demands.
Item, the nobles also made a requisition that the duke of Bourbon should have his pension restored to him, for that it was not excessive. The king replied that he had regularly continued the payments of this pension and nothing was now due. Of fourteen thousand and four hundred francs, the whole amount of this pension, the king had ordered nine thousand francs to be paid to the duke's servants at Bressure[104], in the month of January last, but which they refused to receive; and the king wonders greatly how this matter has been, at this moment, introduced.
Item, they likewise mention the case of the lord de Vendôme,--and supplicate the king that he would be pleased to continue to him his former pensions, of which he has great need, as there were not sufficient grounds for striking them off; and that it would please the king to permit him to exercise his office of grand master of the household, as he had usually done in former times.
The king answers, that he did not dismiss the lord de Vendôme from his household, but that he dismissed himself; and when the lord de Vendôme shall conduct himself toward the king in a proper manner the king will do on his part all that shall be thought right.
Item, the nobles beg leave to state the case of the lord de Nevers; and, considering how near a-kin he is to the king, and that the lord his father died in his service, and also the services the present lord may render to his majesty to solicit that all opposition to his establishing a warehouse for salt, at the town of Arcy-sur-Aube, may be removed, and that he may receive the accustomed payment of his pension.
The king makes for answer, that, notwithstanding the very heavy charges he is now at for the expenses of the war, out of favour, and in kindness to the lord de Nevers, he consents to his having his former pension,--for the payment of which he will receive the protection-money of the Rethelois, as far as it shall go; and the balance shall be paid from the amount of the taxes on the lands of the said lord de Nevers, until he shall have received the whole sum. But the king is much dissatisfied that the lord de Nevers should suffer his vassals, and those of others, to overrun and despoil the country of Champagne, by means of the country of the Rethelois, to which they retreat, and expects that such measures will be taken to prevent it in future as will satisfy him. In regard to the salt-warehouse at Arcy-sur-Aube, the king wishes that the matter be laid before his court of exchequer, for them to decide whether the lord de Nevers be entitled or not to have a warehouse for salt at that place,--and whatever their decision may be, the king will conform to it.
The nobles remonstrate also on the case of the duke of Burgundy, not by way of complaint, but in the manner he had desired them, namely, to make the king acquainted that many articles of the treaty of peace between them had not been fulfilled on the part of the king,--and that several were daily attempted to be infringed contrary to the intent of the peace, and to the great loss of the duke of Burgundy.
The king replies, that he always most ardently wished for peace with the duke of Burgundy, and to obtain it has nothing spared. The king has hitherto maintained the peace inviolate, and has the intention of ever doing so. For the better establishing of this peace, the king gave his daughter in marriage to the duke's son the lord de Charolois. As for the non-performance of some of the articles, the duke has seen what weighty affairs the king has had on his hands to prevent its being done,--but he has the will and inclination to have the remaining articles fulfilled as speedily as he possibly can, and in such wise that the duke of Burgundy shall be satisfied. As for the daily attempts to infringe the peace, the king is perfectly ignorant of any such being made, for he has never given the least encouragement to them, but the king has great cause for grief at the business which is now carrying forward.
When the ambassadors from the nobles had remained some days at the king's palace, where they were very honourably entertained, and had discussed at length the subjects of complaint in the remonstrance they had brought, as well as the answers thereto from the king as well in writing as verbally, they took leave, and returned to their lords.
The king however, was very uneasy at his nobles thus assembling without his being present,--for they were daily attended by some of the greatest lords in the realm; and his ministers reported to him, that these meetings were not for his welfare; that the nobles were endeavouring to gain to their party the barons of his realm, the churchmen, and the common people, to make great reforms, and to place the government of the kingdom in the three estates,--which must turn out to his destruction; for, if they succeeded in their plans, he would possess no other authority than the three estates should be pleased to allow him. The king said, that he could not believe that his nobles would be desirous to do any thing to his prejudice, or to the prejudice of his crown,--and more especially that the duke of Burgundy, with whom he had so lately made peace would interfere or consent to any thing so destructive to the royal authority. He added, that if he were assured they intended to bring forward such measures to his prejudice, he would lay all other matters aside, and instantly attack them with his forces.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 103: Sainte Susanne,--a village in Normandy, election of St Lo: or it may be a city in Maine, nine leagues from Mans.]
[Footnote 104: Bressure. Q. Bressolles? a village in the Bourbonnois, near Moulins.]
[A.D. 1442.]
CHAP. LV.
KING CHARLES ASSEMBLES A LARGE BODY OF MEN AT ARMS, AND MARCHES THEM TO TARTAS, WHERE, HOWEVER, THE ENGLISH DO NOT APPEAR.
At the beginning of this year, the king of France issued his summonses throughout his realm, for the assembly of a very large force to carry on his warlike enterprises, and to relieve the town of Tartas, whither he intended marching in consequence of a time being fixed for its surrender, unless relieved by the king. He was determined now to have the greatest army that had been raised during his reign: indeed, there was much necessity for it,--for, had he neglected this business, he ran great risk of losing all Gascony and Guienne, and the obedience of the greater part of the lords in those countries.
This army was collected with all diligence in the different parts of the kingdom, and ordered to march by various roads, and rendezvous at Toulouse. The day of relief had been fixed for the first of May,--but at the request of the english captains who had signed the capitulation at Tartas, it was prolonged to the ensuing feast of St John Baptist, and during this time, the king continued his preparations.
At length, the king marched from Toulouse,--and for a truth, when he, his great lords and all the captains, with their men, were assembled, there were four score thousand horse, and carts and cars without number to carry artillery, provision, and stores of all descriptions. Almost all the principal nobility came thither,--among whom were the dauphin, the count de Richemont constable of France, the lord Charles d'Anjou, the count d'Eu, the count de Foix, the viscount de Helman[105], son to the count d'Armagnac, the lord d'Albreth, the count de Comminges, the two marshals, namely, the lords de Lohéac and de Jaloignes, who commanded the vanguard with the constable, the lord de Coetivy admiral of France, the lord de Villars, the lord de Mongascon, the lord de St Priath, the lord de Chalenton[106], the lord de St Valier, the lord de Videmont and many more great lords.
The king was also accompanied by numbers of adventurous men at arms, the flower of french chivalry, who had for a long while followed warlike enterprises,--such as La Hire, Poton de Saintrailles, Anthony de Chabannes, Olivier de Coetivy, the lord de Blainville, and his brother sir Robert Blanchefort, Pennesach[107], Floquet, Joachim Rohault, Pierre Rohault, Mathelin de l'Escouan, Dominic de Court, and many others of renown.
On the king's arrival at Toulouse, he was informed by the lords of Gascony, that the English were not in force sufficient to oppose him on the day appointed for the relief of Tartas. Having called a council, it was therefore determined to advance thither with only part of the army, that they might more easily obtain provisions. The king marched from Toulouse with but sixteen thousand horse,--among whom, however, were most of the lords and captains above named. He was lodged at a small town called Meillan[108], two leagues from Tartas, belonging to the count d'Albreth, but in the possession of the count de Foix, and his men were quartered round about.
On the morrow, which was the day fixed on for the surrender of Tartas unless relieved by the king of France, the king drew up his men in battle-array before the town, and thus remained from early morn until ten or eleven o'clock in the forenoon,--when the lords de Coignac and Enguerrot de Sainct Per, who had the command of the place appeared before him, and brought with them the young Charles d'Albret, who had remained in the town as an hostage. They surrendered the keys of Tartas into the king's hands,--and at the same time, the lord de Coignac did him homage, but Enguerrot retired to the city of Dax. The lord d'Albret now entered Tartas,--and the king went to sleep at Coignac, which is a pretty good town, about two leagues distant from Tartas, where he remained on St John's day and the ensuing one.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 105: Helman. Lomaigne.--Du Cange.]
[Footnote 106: Chalenton. Chalencon.--Du Cange.]
[Footnote 107: Pennesach. Vennensach.--Du Cange.]
[Footnote 108: Meillan,--a small town in Gascony, near Tartas.]
CHAP. LVI.
THE KING OF FRANCE, AFTER GAINING TARTAS, COMES BEFORE SAINT SEVERE, AND CONQUERS THAT TOWN AND CASTLE, WITH SOME OTHERS IN GASCONY.
On the Wednesday following the surrender of Tartas, the king of France marched his army before the town of Saint Severe[109], whither, as it was very strongly fortified with five bastions, the whole country had withdrawn with their cattle and effects. The dauphin's men, on their arrival, made an attack on two of these bastions with such success that they gained them, and lodged themselves therein.
Within a few days, another was won by the king's division, who ordered an immediate attack on the fourth: the English made a vigorous defence, but were driven thence, and pursued as far as the gate of the principal bastion. The French continued their attacks on this place, without having had any orders from the king or his captains,--and they lasted for a long time with great valour on both sides; but at length the French gained the victory, and conquered the place by storm, putting to death about eight hundred English, with the loss of from twenty to thirty of their own men, but in that number was the little Blanchefort.
The town was won on the side where the constable attacked it, when on the part of the English, sir Thomas Rampstone and a few more were made prisoners. The king after this conquest, remained there for twelve days, and thence marched to besiege the town of Dax, which occupied him for the space of five weeks, as there was a strong fortification in front of one of the gates. When the battering cannon had partly demolished the walls of the town, orders were given for storming this fortification which held out most obstinately for five hours, but was at last won about nightfall. Ten or twelve English were killed and very many of the French wounded.
The king withdrew his men after this event, with the exception of those who had the guard of it. On the ensuing day, the townsmen of Dax, fearing that a stronger attack would now be made on their town, surrendered themselves to the king except the lord de Montferrand, governor of the town for the English, and the before-mentioned Enguerrot de St Per, who were permitted to march out in safety, but with staves in their hands.
The lord de Montferrand also promised to surrender into the king's hands two castles which he held near to Bourdeaux,--for the due performance of which he gave his son in hostage. He remained a prisoner a long time, because the lord de Montferrand, refused to keep his promise of surrendering these two castles.
Gascony and Guienne were at this time governed, for the king of England by the captal de Buch, the lord de Montferrand and sir Thomas Rampstone, seneschal of Bourdeaux. In the absence of the king of France, the English reconquered the town and castles of Saint Severe; but the king shortly after, marched back his army thither, retook it by storm, and put numbers of English to death. At this time, all the towns and castles of the lord de la Rochetaillade turned, and did homage to the king of France.
The king of France next marched to Marmonde[110], which opened its gates to him, and thence to La Réole[111]. It was vigorously besieged and the town was taken by storm; but the castle held out for about six weeks, when it surrendered on the garrison being allowed to march away in safety. Olivier de Cointiny was appointed by the king governor of this and of other places that had been conquered in the course of the expedition. The baron of Dax commanded in La Réole for the king of England,--but he afterward turned to the french interest.
While these conquests were making, the English much distressed the French particularly by encouraging their peasantry to harrass their scouting parties, so that, from the multitudes in the french army they frequently suffered famine. Great numbers of their horses died; a severe loss to those adventurers who had been accustomed to keep the field all the year round. Many of them, in consequence, quitted the army in search of provision for themselves and horses, and advanced as far as Navarre, where they committed all sorts of mischief on the poor farmers.
In another quarter, the English collected a body of men, and through friends in the town, regained the city of Dax from the French. The governor, Regnault Guillaume le Bourguignon, was made prisoner, and most part of his garrison put to the sword. The king of France was much vexed at thus loosing a place, through the neglect of the governor, which had cost him so long a time and such an expense to conquer.
When the king of France had remained for seven or eight months in Gascony, where he had made such valuable conquests, he considered the dreadful state of his army, and the danger it was daily exposed to from want of provision, and resolved to direct his march toward Montauban. He staid at Montauban about two months, whence he issued his orders for the defence of the country, and then, by slow marches, returned to Poitiers.
Shortly after the king had left Montauban, La Hire, who had suffered extremely in this expedition, and was advanced in years, died in the castle of that town. The king on hearing of his death, was much affected, and ordered that his widow should possess the lands he had given to him for his life.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 109: Saint Severe,--near to Coignac.]
[Footnote 110: Marmonde,--a town on the Garonne, between Bourdeaux and Toulouse.]
[Footnote 111: La Réole,--on the road between Bourdeaux and Toulouse.]
CHAP. LVII.
PIERRE DE REGNAULT IS FORCED TO DISLODGE FROM THE CASTLE OF MAILLY[112].
I have before noticed how Pierre de Regnault had taken possession of the castle of Mailly, two leagues distant from Beauvais, which he had repaired and refortified. He had with him about two hundred determined combatants, with whom he overran the countries round, seizing and carrying off to his fort all he could find, as well from those dependant on the king of France as from others. He overran, in particular, the dependances of the duke of Burgundy, the count d'Estampes, and other great lords of that party: he even at times crossed the river Somme, and advanced into Artois, twelve or fifteen leagues from his castle. He acted in like manner within the castlewicks of Peronne, Roye, and Mondidier, where he made some capital prisoners, who paid large sums for their ransoms, just the same as an enemy would have done in time of war, so that the country was grievously harrassed,--and heavy complaints were made frequently to the superior lords, who were much vexed at this conduct. The duke of Burgundy at last sent to remonstrate with the king of France on this destruction of his country, and to require that a remedy be applied.
The king gave a similar answer to what he had done before: that he was much concerned at what had happened, and would be well pleased if the duke should conquer Pierre de Regnault whenever he found him marauding on his territories, or that he would besiege him in his castle of Mailly, and drive him thence; that he would send positive orders to all his captains in that part of the country not to give him the smallest aid against the troops of the duke of Burgundy, under pain of incurring his highest indignation.
The duke was satisfied with this answer, and began to arrange his plans accordingly. He concluded a treaty with some of the english captains on the frontier of Normandy, that they should give security not to molest his men nor aid the enemy; and when he was assured that neither French nor English would take part against him in this business, he sent orders from Burgundy, where he then was, to the count d'Estampes, who had the government of Picardy, to collect as many men as he could raise, and march against the castle of Mailly. The count on this made great diligence, and assembled in a short time twelve hundred combatants, knights, esquires, and others, the most expert warriors in Picardy and in the adjoining parts. In the number were Waleran de Moreul, Guy de Roye, Jean d'Ange, the lord de Saveuses, Simon de Lalain, Jean de Haplaincourt, Charles de Rochefort, sir Colart de Mailly, and many more great lords and gentlemen.
The rendezvous was in the town of Amiens, whence they marched with a numerous train of artillery, stores, and baggage, to Beauvais. The count and great lords were handsomely received in that town, and their men were quartered in the villages round. The count d'Estampes lost no time in advancing to the castle of Mailly, and posted his men as near as he could to the gate, the strongest part of the castle, and to the lower court, which had been newly strengthened with casks and beams of timber. The garrison defended themselves courageously with cannons and other engines of war, and killed many of the count's men: among the slain was sir Matthew de Humieres. The besiegers had left the greater part of their horses in the town of Beauvais, whence and from Orleans they were daily supplied with provision.
When the artillery had made a breach in the walls of the lower court, a general and very sharp assault was made, in which great prowess was displayed on both sides; but the lord de Saveuses and his men gained the most renown. The besieged defended themselves with such obstinacy that the count, finding the conquest would be attended with too much loss, ordered a retreat, leaving behind from eight to ten dead: of the besieged, only a few were wounded.
The besieged, perceiving that they could not hold out much longer, and that they had no great hopes of succour, capitulated with the commissaries of the count to surrender the place, on being allowed to march away in safety with their arms and baggage. On the surrender of the castle, it was set on fire, and razed to the ground, and the count marched his army during Passion-week to the places they had come from. This siege of Mailly had lasted upwards of three weeks,--and the whole country that had been laid under contributions by the garrison were greatly rejoiced when it was known for certain that the castle was demolished and the garrison driven thence.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 112: Mailly,--a town in Picardy, near Peronne.]
[A.D. 1443.]
CHAP. LVIII.
THE KING OF FRANCE ASSEMBLES A LARGE ARMY TO MARCH INTO NORMANDY.--THE EARL OF SOMERSET[113] MAKES SOME CONQUESTS FROM THE FRENCH IN ANJOU AND ELSEWHERE.
At the beginning of this year, the king of France assembled a numerous body of men at arms, with the intent of marching them into Normandy the ensuing summer to relieve Dieppe, which was hardly pressed by a very strong blockhouse the English had raised against it. The king meant, under escort of this succour, to revictual the town; and consequently the men at arms conducted thither numbers of cattle and other stores, which they drove forcibly into the town, notwithstanding the severe skirmishes that took place, when many were killed and wounded on both sides.
About this time, the earl of Somerset had collected a body of six thousand combatants, or thereabout, and marched them into the province of Anjou, committing great waste with fire and sword; after which, he advanced toward Brittany, and took by storm La Guerche[114], belonging to the duke of Alençon, which town was plundered by the English. He thence advanced to Ponsay[115], where he remained upwards of two months, but detached parties of men, who overran the countries of Anjou, Touraine, and near to Chartres, where at times they were attacked and defeated by peasants.
The marshal de Lohéac had the defence of this part of the kingdom intrusted to him by king Charles, and to oppose the English with the men of the duke of Alençon. They formed a plan to attack the English camp by night; but the earl of Somerset, having had intelligence thereof, advanced to meet them, and fell on them unawares. The French were thrown into confusion, and from twenty to thirty were killed or taken: the rest saved themselves by flight as well as they could. Among the prisoners were the lord d'Assigny, Louis de Beuil, and many other gentlemen.
The earl of Somerset now dislodged from before Pouencé, and took the castle of Beaumont le Vicomte[116]. Having posted garrisons along the frontier, he returned to Rouen.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 113: John earl of Somerset succeeded to the earldom of Somerset in 1443: he was created duke of Somerset and earl of Kendal, &c. in the 21st year of Henry VI. Dying without male issue, he was succeeded by his brother Edmund, earl of Mortain, in Normandy, and marquis of Dorset. He was slain at the battle of St Alban's.
See Collins' Peerage,--Scudamore Beaufort,--and also sir William Paston's letters, wherein are many curious particulars relating to him. Sir William married into that family.]
[Footnote 114: La Guerche,--a town in Brittany, near Vitré.]
[Footnote 115: Ponsay, Pouencé.--Du Cange.]
[Footnote 116: Beaumont-le-Vicomte,--a town in Maine, near Fresnay.]
CHAP. LIX.
SOME KNIGHTS AND GENTLEMEN OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY'S COURT HOLD A TOURNAMENT NEAR TO DIJON.
During the duke of Burgundy's residence in that duchy, several gentlemen of his household, with his permission, and for his amusement, had it proclaimed throughout Burgundy, and in other countries, that if there were any men of name desirous of gaining honour and renown by deeds of arms, there were gentlemen, whose names shall be presently declared, who offered to receive and furnish them with arms suitable for the enterprise. The challenges shall likewise be mentioned that were dispersed through divers countries for this purpose, by sir Pierre de Bauffremont lord of Chargny, who was the chief of the enterprise.
CHAP. LX.
THE CHALLENGES FOR THIS TOURNAMENT AND THE NAMES OF THE CHAMPIONS.
'In honour of our Lord, and of his most glorious mother, of my lady Sainte Anne, and of my lord St George, I, Pierre de Bauffremnont lord of Chargny, of Monliet and of Montfort, knight, counsellor and chamberlain, to the most high, most puissant and excellent prince the duke of Burgundy, make known to all princes, barons, knights and esquires, without reproach, with the exception of those of the kingdom of France and of the countries in alliance, or subjects to my said sovereign lord, that for the augmentation and extension of the most noble profession and exercise of arms, my will and intention is, in conjunction with twelve knights, esquires and gentlemen, of four quartering, whose names follow,--Thibault lord of Rougemont and Mussy, sir William de Bresremont lord of Sees and of Sonnegnon, William de Brene lord of Mombis and of Gilly, John lord of Valengon, John lord of Rap and of Tirecourt, William de Champdivers lord of Chevigny, John de Chiron lord Rancheineres, Anthony de Vaudray, lord of Aille, William de Vaudray lord of Collaon, James de Challant lord of Ainville, sir Amey lord of Espirey, and John de Chavigny,--to guard and defend a pass d'armes, situated on the great road leading from Dijon toward Exonne, at the end of the causeway from the said town of Dijon, at a great tree called the Hermit's Tree, in the form and manner following.
'In the first place, two shields (one black, besprinkled with tears of gold,--the other violet, having tears of sable,) shall be suspended on the tree of the hermit, and all those who shall, by a king at arms or pursuivant, touch the first shield, shall be bounden to perform twelve courses on horseback with me, or with one of my aforesaid knights or esquires, with blunted lances.
'Item, if either of the champions, during their twelve courses, be unhorsed by a direct blow with the lance on his armour, such person, thus unhorsed, shall present to his adversary a diamond of whatever value he please.
'Item, the champions may arm themselves according to their pleasure, double or single, but without any wicked intentions, having their rest similar to the usual custom in war.
'Item, each person shall make provision of lances,--but the rondelle, which lies on the hands, shall be only four fingers broad, and no more.[117]
'Item, the lances shall be all of similar length, from the point to the rest.
'Item, for the accomplishment of these feats of arms on horseback, I will supply all who may come without lances, precisely like to my own and to those of my companions.
'Item, these deeds of arms on horseback shall be performed _à la toille_, which shall be six feet high.'
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 117: This article I do not understand. In the original it is _tondelle_,--altered by Du Cange to _rondelle_, which is translated by Cotgrave, 'a small target;' but four fingers wide would be too insignificant for any defence. I have, therefore, left it for better antiquaries to explain.]
CHAP. LXI.
HERE FOLLOW THE ARTICLES FOR THE DEEDS OF ARMS ON FOOT.
'Those princes, barons, knights and esquires, of the rank before mentioned, who shall rather take their pleasure in performing feats of arms on foot, shall touch the violet shield, and shall perform fifteen courses with battle-axes or swords, as may be most agreeable to them.
'Item, if, during these courses, any champion shall touch the ground with his hand or knees, he shall be bounden to present his adversary with a ruby of whatever value he please.
'Item, each champion shall be armed with the accustomed armour for combating in lists.
'Item, should any person be unprovided with battle-axe or sword, I will furnish him with the same, similar to my own or to those of my companions. These axes and swords are not to have any thing extraordinary in their make, but such as are usual in these kind of combats.
'Item, he that shall have engaged himself to fight with me, or either of us, and shall throw the other to the ground, the person so thrown shall be obliged to surrender himself a prisoner whithersoever the conqueror shall order him.
'Item, the person thus made prisoner shall pay for his immediate ransom, to whomsoever the conqueror shall direct, any sum above five hundred crowns.
'Item, foreigners need not seek for particulars from me, or from my companions, for they will find persons ready to deliver such at the usual hours and places.
'Item, no stranger will be permitted to enter the lists with me or with any one of my companions, for more than one course at arms, namely, once on horseback and once on foot,--and no one can require more of any of us during the present undertaking.
'Item, the aforesaid feats of arms, on horseback and on foot, shall be performed on the following days: those on horseback on Mondays, Tuesdays, and Wednesdays,--those on foot, Thursdays, Fridays, and Saturdays.
'Item, this pass d'armes shall commence on the first-day of July, in the year 1443, and shall last forty days, exclusive of feast-days and Sundays, and the feasts commanded to be kept by the court of Rome.
'Item, no prince, baron, knight or esquire shall pass within a quarter of a league of the spot assigned for these combats without entering the lists and taking part, or otherwise leaving as pledges his sword or spurs according to his pleasure.
'Item, for the accomplishment of these feats of arms, as well on horseback as on foot, according to the articles above specified, I have most humbly supplicated and entreated my aforesaid sovereign lord, that he would grant me his licence and permission to perform them, which he has most benignantly assented to. He has likewise most graciously appointed, as judge of the lists, that puissant prince and my most redoubted lord the count of Nevers and of Rethel,--and, in his absence, the lord marshal count of Fribourg and of Neufchâtel.
'In order that this my intention of performing these deeds of arms in the manner before specified may be more fully declared, I have affixed my seal to these presents, and signed them with my own hand, this 8th day of March, in the year 1442.
'Item, I beseech all princes, barons, knights and esquires, not to construe this my intention as proceeding from any presumption on my part; for my sole motive is to exalt the noble profession of arms, and to extend the exercise of it,--and also to make acquaintance by arms with such renowned and valiant princes and nobles as may be pleased to honour me with their company.
'Item, all noble foreigners shall have sure and loyal passports from my aforesaid sovereign lord, or, in his absence, from his marshal.'
CHAP. LXII.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS THE COUNT D'ESTAMPES, WITH A LARGE BODY OF MEN AT ARMS, INTO THE DUCHY OF LUXEMBOURG.
Comments
Log in to leave a comment.
The chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Vol. 08 [of 13]Chapter VII: Part 7
0%37 min left in chapter