Chapter VII: “The Books, but especially the Parchments.” (2)

An ancient Irish harp attracts the attention of visitors from the repute attaching to it, of being the harp of Brian Boroimhe (pron. Boru, d. 1014). It is elegantly carved, and in form much resembles the harp of Queen Mary, an engraving of which is exhibited beside it. It had thirty strings. The following is the tradition respecting this harp, as quoted in the _Ulster Journal of Archæology_, vol. vii., p. 99, from a MS. by Ralph Ouseley, 1783.[134] “It had been taken to Rome, and remained there until Innocent XI. sent it as a token of good will to Charles II., who deposited it in the Tower. Soon afterwards, the Earl of Clanricarde, seeing it, assured the King that he knew an Irish nobleman (meaning O’Brien, Earl of Thomond) who would probably give a limb of his estate for this relic of his great ancestor; on which his Majesty made him a present of it. Lord Clanricarde brought the instrument to Ireland; but Lord Thomond, being abroad, never became possessed of it. Some years after, a Lady Henley purchased it by barter, in exchange for twenty rams and as many ewes of English breed, in order to give it to her son-in-law, Henry M‘Mahon, Esq., of Clunagh, County Clare; from whom it passed through other hands to an accomplished gentleman, the Right Hon. William Conyngham,” who presented it to Trinity College. Conyngham seems to have been given the harp by Chevalier O’Gorman, who gave a history of it (published in Vallancey’s _Collectanea_, vol. iv. 7) differing from that just quoted. According to O’Gorman’s story, Brian’s son Donogh, on being deposed, took the harp (with the crown and regalia) to Rome, and gave them to the Pope.[135] He adds the fiction that it was on the ground of possessing these regalia that Pope Adrian claimed the right to dispose of the lordship of Ireland. The story goes on to say that a later Pope gave the harp to Henry VIII., who presented it to the first Earl of Clanricarde.[136] The celebrated antiquary, Dr. George Petrie, considered that our harp dated from about A.D. 1400, and was a portable instrument used for ecclesiastical purposes. One strong objection to the earlier date he based on the fact that it bore a silver badge with the arms of O’Neill, armorial bearings not having been in use much earlier than the date he assigned. This badge disappeared for some time, and fortunately came into the possession of a distinguished antiquary, Mr. Robert Day, of Cork, affixed to a piece of armour found in some recent excavations in the Phœnix Park. As soon as Mr. Day learned the history of the badge, he promptly presented it to the Library. In its absence it was easy to observe that the carving was continuous, so that the badge must have been a later addition. Petrie’s first argument, therefore, fell to the ground. It is true, however, that the figures of two wolf-dogs are carved on the harp itself. His second objection was founded on the occurrence of the letters IHC, which may be traced in a peculiar angular form near the top of the front arm. But this also, in the opinion of good judges, is later than the rest of the carving. The harp, therefore, may possibly be older than Petrie’s date. The sound-board is of oak (as ascertained by microscopical examination), but very much decayed.

The same case which contains the harp contains also a few gold and silver ornaments of elegant workmanship, and a large spear brooch, which, however, has none of the characteristic Irish work, and is in fact very similar to a Scandinavian brooch figured in M. Du Chaillu’s _Viking Age_, vol. ii., p. 329, but has more ornament. It is 13¾ in. long, 5½ wide across the circle, and weighs 18 oz. It is figured in Vallancey’s _Collectanea_, vol. i., where it is stated that it had recently (1786) been found near Cashel.

In the Librarian’s room is the largest of the gold ornaments yet found in Ireland. It is in form like the small fibulae, but weighs 33 oz. 4 dwt. It is adorned with groups of concentric circles and a series of acute angles, with no trace of the spirals so characteristic of Celtic art in Christian times. From this it is inferred that it is of older date. This ornament was found at Clones in 1820, and purchased by the College. The Charter horn of the Kavanaghs, after being in the Library for a century, was a few years ago surrendered to the family. A cast of it is exhibited.

A small bas-relief which hangs on one of the pillars calls for some notice. It represents Demosthenes at the altar of Calaureia, where he took the fatal poison. The whole posture, but especially the head, expresses the utmost dejection. The position of the right hand also should be observed; instead of clasping the knee, it hangs idly on one side. There is an engraving of this work in Winckelmann’s _History of Art_, but the engraver, by raising the chin, has quite lost the aspect of dejection, and rather gives the impression that the orator is meditating a speech. It is also engraved in Allen’s _Demosthenes_ and in Stock’s _Demosthenes_. This relief belonged to Dr. Richard Mead, and is said to have been found in the ruins of Hadrian’s Villa. After Mead’s sale in 1755, where it was purchased by a London dealer, it disappeared from view until about 1885, when I had the good fortune to identify it in the centre ornament of a mantelpiece in the room which formerly contained the Museum (now the Front Hall), and which was built in 1759. Certain errors in the arrangement of the drapery have suggested doubts as to its genuineness.[137] On the other hand, in its favour is the fact that the features resemble those of the bust found in Herculaneum in 1753; but it was known in 1737, before the discovery of that bust, and at a time when a wholly different type of face was accepted as that of Demosthenes. Possibly even ancient artists may have erred sometimes.

Another objection is the misspelling of the name--viz., ΔΗΜΩΣΘΕΝΗΣ. But would not a modern sculptor, who would presumably be too ignorant of Greek to substitute Ω for Ο, be less likely to commit this error than a Roman sculptor of Hadrian’s time, who would probably know a little Greek?

Just inside the entrance to the building are two Medallion Busts which were brought from Smyrna in 1707. They are mentioned by Gudius and Boeckh.[138] They were made the subject of a learned dissertation by Dr. Kennedy Bailie (_Transactions, Royal Irish Academy_, vol. xxii.). He concludes that the larger medallion represents Plautilla, wife of Caracella, deified under the title ΝΕΑ ἩΡΑ, but afterwards deposed and banished.

Our collection of Coins is not very large. Of Roman coins, silver and copper, we have a fairly good collection--about 1,300 silver and a couple of thousand copper. A selection of these is exhibited. The collection ought to be better, but unfortunately, about a hundred years ago (viz., in 1788), the room where the coins were then kept (now the Fagel) was burglariously entered, and the most valuable coins and medals stolen. Recently, the late Rev. Dr. R. F. Littledale bequeathed a small collection of English coins and medals.

An old Minute Book of the Library, chiefly in the handwriting of Dr. Barrett, contains occasional items of interest. Here we read of a ship with books for the Library cast away, the books, however, being recovered, but damaged, some irrecoverably. Again, we find some books which had been stolen restored through the Roman Catholic priest to whom the thief had made confession. On another occasion a parcel of stolen books is thrown into the Provost’s courtyard. An amusing entry occurs, in which Dr. Barrett states his intention to ask permission to lock up a certain _Narrative of a Residence in Ireland_, by Mrs. Anne. Plumptre (1815), stating that it is too silly and too ill-mannered for a public library. “Hospitably entertained by the good-natured, blundering Irish, and introduced (perhaps for the first time in her life) into good company, she takes care to let [the] world know it by publishing all the little tea-table talk they had indulged in to amuse her, and many of whom are probably now blushing at seeing it embodied in a pompous quarto, illustrated with engravings. Travel in savage countries, Mrs. Anne, and publish their conversations if you can, but spare the feelings of those who are accustomed to the rules and decencies of civilised life.”

An account of the Library would be incomplete if the Catalogue were left unnoticed. The first printed Catalogue was issued about 1710 in one thin volume, folio. We have now a printed Catalogue in nine folio volumes, which includes all the printed books in the Library at the end of the year 1872. The first volume of this Catalogue (A and B) was prepared under the direction of Dr. Todd, and issued in 1864. The work was then suspended, and not resumed until 1872, when a special editor, Mr. H. Dix. Hutton, was appointed, the time of the Library staff being fully employed otherwise. The Catalogue was completed Jan. 1, 1887, the expense of printing and paper alone having been £4,500. Since that time Mr. Hutton has been engaged in preparing a Supplementary Catalogue, to contain the subsequent accessions. When this has been completed up to the present time, it is intended to make it a Desk Catalogue, in which all new accessions will be inserted on printed slips. The Catalogue is primarily an author’s catalogue--that is to say, books are arranged under the names of their authors, where known. But by the liberal use of cross references and secondary entries, some of the advantages of a subject catalogue are obtained. In the Desk Catalogue now in preparation, the method adopted by the editor, Mr. Hutton, is as follows:--One copy of the printed slip is taken, and in the upper left-hand corner the proper subject heading is type-written by him, and this slip is then inserted in alphabetical order, according to this heading. This saves the expense of printing a fresh title for the secondary entry.

Of our MSS. the earliest existing catalogue is that of 1688, which was compiled with great care. This is also the only catalogue at present accessible to readers at a distance, having been printed in Bernard’s _Catalogus Manuscriptorum Angliæ et Hiberniæ_. In the Library itself the catalogue most commonly used is one drawn up by Dr. John Lyon about 1745, which, however, only extends to Classis G. A more complete catalogue, extending to Classis M, was prepared by Dr. Henry J. Monck Mason, about the year 1814, for the Irish Commissioners of Public Records, with a view to publication. The terms proposed by Dr. Monck Mason and his specimen of the work were approved, and when the rough copy (in five volumes) was finished he was required to hand it over to the Board. Then the question of remuneration was raised, and it was discovered that no minute had been entered of the original engagement; and as some of the members of the Board had been changed, the engagement, in the absence of a written vote, was not held to be sufficient to outweigh considerations of public economy.

Dr. Monck Mason devoted much conscientious labour and intelligence to the work. He was assisted in the department of Irish MSS. by Edward O’Reilly; in that of Oriental MSS. by Edward Hincks, then sub-librarian; and in the Icelandic MSS. by George Cash. It is much to be lamented that the work was not published as designed. The MSS. in the Irish language have been catalogued by Dr. O’Donovan in one thick folio volume. There exists also a card catalogue, consisting of about 20,000 cards, prepared under the direction of Dr. Benjamin Dickson, assistant librarian. He employed, at his own expense, a person acquainted with the Irish vernacular, but otherwise not as well qualified as might be wished (the inevitable result of want of means to pay a qualified scholar).

It is in contemplation to print a summary catalogue much briefer than Dr. Monck Mason’s, but containing sufficient information about each volume to indicate to students at a distance what they may expect to look for in it. A catalogue of this kind need not occupy more than one volume, and might be sold at such a price as would make it generally accessible.

It may interest librarians to learn how the accommodation has been from time to time enlarged. Up to the end of the eighteenth century, the room in the east wing, now occupied by the Fagel Library, was set apart as the MSS. Room. In the stalls in the Long Room, where the short bookcases are at present, there were seats like settles, the ends of which still remain. From the high cases projected sloping desks, below which there were no books. The engraving in Malton’s _Views of Dublin_ represents this state of things. These seats and desks were removed in 1817. The Reading Room was the upper room in the west wing, now the Clerks’ Room. The whole of the ground floor, except in the wings, was an open ambulatory, divided length-wise by a central wall, the south side being used by the Fellows. The rooms on the ground floor in both wings were Lecture Rooms--that at the west for Law, that at the east end for Divinity. The Law Lecture Room also contained the Lending Library. There were no bookcases in the gallery.

In 1802 the Fagel Library was placed in the East Room, and the MSS. were removed to the room above it. The next step was the erection of the short bookcases in the stalls. In 1844 Dr. Todd introduced the ingenious device of low bookcases in the windows of the gallery, revolving on hinges, and with shelves on both sides. In the central part of the building, where the walls are thicker, there were two of these--one outside the other--so that, with the fixed shelves at the back, there were five shelves in depth and four in height. In the shallower windows these were but three in depth. In 1860 it had become necessary to reconstruct the roof, and then bookcases were placed on the gallery over those below, and reaching to the roof. Most of the revolving cases had then to be removed.

Meantime, in 1848, the room on the ground floor in the east wing had been made a Reading Room, and heated by hot-water pipes. A spiral staircase connected it with the room above. When it became necessary to have a means of communication with the gallery at this end, it was proposed either to continue this staircase, or to construct a similar one at the other end of the room. The objection to this scheme was a remarkable one: it would give too great vent for the heated air, and so cause draughts; in other words, it would help to ventilate the Reading Room--the very thing that was wanted!

When the new Lecture Rooms and Museum were built, the MSS. were removed to their present place on the ground floor near the entrance, and some twenty-five years after that, bookcases were constructed in the upper east room. A few years ago these were in their turn nearly filled, and it became necessary to enclose the ground floor of the Library. This work was completed this year (1892). The western third of this space constitutes the new Reading Room.

Only graduates (of Dublin, Oxford, or Cambridge) have the right of admission to the Library; but the privilege has always been freely granted to persons properly introduced, whether graduates of a university or not, so that it is, in fact, a public library. In 1856 it was resolved by the Board and Visitors to grant admission to students who have entered on their third year, that being the usual period for commencing professional studies; but admission is always granted at an earlier period to a student whose studies are such as to make it desirable.

Previously to 1843, readers were allowed to take books from the shelves themselves, but in that year this privilege was limited to the Fellows and Professors, except in the Reading Room, where books of reference and other books in frequent demand are accessible to all readers. This change caused a considerable diminution in the number of readers. A similar resolution had been passed in 1817, but rescinded a few months after, it being thought to be contrary to the Statutes, which forbade readers to replace a book anywhere except in its place on the shelves. The Provost (Elrington) protested against the rescission, alleging, _inter alia_, that free access to the shelves led to the reading of indecent books, and he had even known books of magic to be read.

The hours during which the Library was open were formerly eight to ten, and eleven to one. We read once or twice of permission being given to readers to remain locked in between ten and eleven. The hour of closing was afterwards postponed to two o’clock. At present, the Reading Room is open from ten to six; the Library itself is closed at three in winter, and four in summer.

FOOTNOTES:

[110] This is the amount stated in the _Book of Benefactors_ (MS.). Dr. Bernard, in his _Life of Ussher_, makes the sum £1,800.

[111] Brereton’s _Travels_, published by the Chetham Society in 1844.

[112] When the House of Commons was debating whether they should admit Ussher to the Assembly of Divines Selden said, “They had as good inquire whether they had best admit Inigo Jones, the King’s architect, to the company of mouse-trap makers.”--Elrington’s _Life of Ussher_, p. 231.

[113] MS., of which a copy was given to the Library by Mr. Edward Evans, 1887.

[114] The Library of Trinity College, Dublin. An address delivered at the Seventh Annual Meeting of the Library Association, by John K. Ingram, LL.D., F.T.C.D., President.

[115] A separate room was provided for the Museum in 1777.

[116] In the judgment of the learned Dr. Rudolph Siegfried, formerly Professor of Sanskrit in this University, the name of Edward Lhuyd as a comparative philologist deserved to stand “right after” that of Bopp.

[117] The Bodleian was the first Library to acquire this privilege, James I. having induced the Company of Stationers to give it a copy of every work entered at their Hall. In the reign of Anne the Royal Library acquired the privilege, and when George II., in 1757, gave his library to the British Museum, he transferred this privilege with it. The Act of 1801 granted it to eleven libraries, but most of these have commuted it for an annual grant.

[118] Lithography would have had the appearance of greater exactness, but to a great extent only the appearance, for some of the pages are so obscure that the lithographic artist would have been unable of himself to trace the letters, and would be as dependent on a scholar for guidance as the engraver was. The errors of even so practised a decipherer at Tregelles suffice to prove this.

[119] _Rendiconti del R. Istitecto Lombardo_, ser. ii., vol. xix., fasc. 4.

[120] See Hermathena, No. xviii., 1892. The colophon is as follows:--“Rogo beatitudinem | tuam [=sce] præsbiter | patrici ut quicumque | hunc libellum manu te | nuerit meminerit colum | bae scriptoris qui hoc scripsi | himet evangelium per xii dierum spatium gtia [=dni] [=nri] s.s.” The only doubtful letters are “hi” before “met.” If I read them rightly, the colophon must be a copy, the syllable “mi” being omitted. Moreover, the book is copied from one in which the leaves containing the summaries or “breves causæ” were somewhat disordered, and the copyist had not sufficient knowledge to correct the disorder. There are blunders, too, which could hardly have been committed by Saint Columba.

[121] “Oroit agus bendacht cholumb chille do Flaund mace mailsechnaill do Righereim la sa ndernada cumddach so.”

[122] MacGeoghegan: _Annals of Ireland_ (MS. T.C.D.), an. 590, p. 52.

[123] _Topographia Hiberniæ_, ii., c. 38.

[124] Graves: _Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy_, vol. iii., pp. 316, 356.

[125] The note is as follows (the contractions expanded):--“Sanctus Patricius iens ad coelum | mandauit totum fructum | laboris sui tam babtismi tam causarum et elemoisina | rum deferendum esse apos | tolicae urbi quae scotice | nominatur arddmacha | sic reperi in beblioticis | scotorum ego scripsi | id est caluus perennis in con | spectu briani imperato | ris scotorum et quod scripsi | finivit pro omnibus regibus maceriae” (_i.e._, of Cashel). The scribe originally wrote “finit” for “finivit;” he then expunged the “t” by a point under. This is the origin of O’Curry’s ridiculous “figuivit.”

[126] On the _Book of Armagh_, see Sir W. Betham: _Irish Antiquarian Researches_; Petrie: _Essay on the Round Towers_; Bishop Graves, _ubi supra_; and Bishop Reeves, _Proc. R. I. Acad._, ser. iii., vol. ii., p. 77.

[127] See a drawing in Curzon’s _Monasteries of the Levant_.

[128] Published by Bishop Forbes in his _Liber Ecclesiæ de Arbuthnott_.

[129] This is the story as told to and by Monck Mason, from whom Sir W. Betham bought the MS., and who had himself bought it from a Mr. Harrison of Nenagh. Sir W. Betham not unreasonably questions the truth of the story.

[130] A remarkable instance is the _Codex Purpureus_ N of the Gospels, of which four leaves are in the British Museum, two in Vienna, six in the Vatican, and thirty-three at Patmos.

[131] The MS. is B.3.6. On fol. cxxx. _a_ we read: “Expletis benedictionibus faciat Episcopus Crucem in manus singulorum de oleo et chrismate dicens orationem. Consecrare et sanctificare digneris quaesumus Domine manus istas per istam unctionem et nostram benedictionem ut quaecunque consecraverint consecrentur, et quaecunque benedixerint benedicantur et sanctificentur per Christum Dominum nostrum. Deinde patenam cum oblatis et calicem cum vino det singulis dicens ad eos lenta voce. Accipite potestatem offerre sacrificium Deo missamque celebrare tam pro vivis quam et pro defunctis in nomine Domini. Sequitur ultima benedictio: Benedictio Domini Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti descendat super vos ut sitis benedicti in ordinem sacerdotalem, offerentes placabiles hostias pro peccatis atque offensionibus populi omnipotenti Deo, cui est honor et gloria in saecula saecularum. Amen. Et osculetur singulos et omnes qui ordinati sunt, deferant oblationes ad manus episcopi.” Opposite this in the margin, _secunda manu_, is a series of different rubrics and prayers, of which the most notable is “Post benedictionem imponat manum super capita ordinatorum dicendo: Accipite Spiritum Sanctum, et quorum remiseritis peccata remissa sunt, et quorum retinueritis retenta sunt.” Then follows, _secunda manu_, the “Finalis Benedictio.”

[132] On a Syriac MS. belonging to the collection of Archbishop Ussher, by the Very Rev. John Gwynn, D.D., _Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy_, vol. xxvii.

[133] None of them mentioned by M. Le Roux de Lincy in his _Recherches sur Grolier, sa vie, et sa bibliothèque_.

[134] Bibl. Egerton, Brit. Mus., MS. No. 75, p. 371.

[135] Conall MacGeoghegan, in his _Annals of Ireland_ (1627, MS.), under 1063, makes the same statement as to the crown, but says that Pope Adrian gave it to Henry II.

[136] On this and other Irish harps see O’Curry: _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish_, vol. iii., p. 266. Petrie’s remarks are in Bunting’s _Ancient Irish Music_.

[137] See _Classical Review_, May, 1888.

[138] Gudius: _Inscriptiones Antiquæ_, ed. Hessel; Boeckh: _Corpus_, ii., p. 778, n. 3346. See a paper by Dr. Todd--_Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy_, vol. ii., p. 49.

from Brooking’s Map of Dublin,
1728.
]