Chapter XIV: Part 14

Then said she:——I have heard, O auspicious King, that when her husband enquired of Queen Firuzah why and wherefore she wept and wailed, and moaned and groaned, she told him all she had heard from the leech, and her husband was filled with hot wrath against his sons. So he rose up and went straightway to the audience-chamber, where the townsfolk had gathered together to petition him and to pray for justice and redress; and they, seeing his features working with rage, were all sore afraid. Presently the Sultan seated himself on the throne of his kingship and gave an order to his Grand Wazir, saying, “O Wazir Hasan, take with thee a thousand men of the guard which keepeth watch and ward over the palace and do thou bring hither the forty-and-nine Princes, my unworthy sons, and cast them into the prison appointed unto man-slayers and murtherers; and have a heed that none of them escape.” The Wazir did as he was bidden, and seizing the Princes one and all cast them into gaol with the murtherers and other criminals, then reported his action to his liege lord. Hereat the Sultan dismissed sundry claimants and suppliants, saying, “For the space of one full-told month henceforth it besitteth me not to sit in the justice-hall. Depart hence, and, when the thirty days shall have passed away, do ye return hither again.” After this rising from the throne he took with him the Wazir Hasan, and entering the apartment of Queen Firuzah, gave command to the Minister that he bring in all haste and with royal state and dignity from the caravanserai, the Princess of Daryabar and the mediciner. The Wazir straightway took horse accompanied by the Emirs and soldiers; and, leading a fine white she-mule richly adorned with jewelled trappings from out of the royal stables, he rode to the caravanserai wherein abode the Princess of Daryabar. Having told her all that the King had done, he seated her upon the animal and, mounting the surgeon upon a steed of Turcoman[250] blood, all three proceeded with pomp and grandeur to the palace. The shop-keepers and townsfolk ran out to greet the lady as the calvacade wound its way through the streets; and, when they heard say that she was the wife of Prince Khudadad, they rejoiced with exceeding joy for that they should now receive tidings of his whereabouts. As soon as the procession reached the palace gates the Princess of Daryabar saw the Sultan, who had come forth to greet her, and she alighted from the mule and kissed his feet. The King then raised her by the hand and conducted her to the chamber wherein sat Queen Firuzah awaiting her visit, and all three fell on one another’s necks and wept sore and could on no wise control their grief. But whenas their sorrow was somewhat assuaged, the Princess of Daryabar said to the King, “O my lord the Sultan, I would proffer humble petition that full vengeance may fall upon those, one and all, by whom my husband hath been so foully and cruelly murthered.” Replied the King, “O my lady, rest assured that I will assuredly put to death all those villains in requital for the blood of Khudadad;” presently adding, “’Tis true that the dead body of my brave son hath not been found, still it seemeth but right to me that a tomb be built, a cenotaph whereby his greatness and goodness may be held in everlasting remembrance.” Thereupon he summoned the Grand Wazir and bade that a great Mausoleum of white marble be edified amiddlemost the city and the Minister straightway appointed workmen and made choice of a suitable spot in the very centre of the capital. So there they built a gorgeous cenotaph crowned with a noble dome under which was sculptured a figure of Khudadad; and, when the news of its completion reached the King, he appointed a day for ceremonious mourning and perlections of the Koran. At the appointed time and term the townsfolk gathered together to see the funeral procession and the obsequies for the departed; and the Sultan went in state to the Mausoleum together with all the Wazirs, the Emirs and Lords of the land, and took seat upon carpets of black satin purfled with flowers of gold which were dispread over the marble floor. After a while a bevy of Knights rode up, with downcast heads and half-closed eyes; and twice circuiting the dome[251] they halted the third time in front of the door, and cried out aloud, “O Prince, O son of our Sultan, could we by the sway of our good swords and the strength of our gallant arms restore thee to life, nor heart nor force would fail us in the endeavour; but before the fiat of Almighty Allah all must bow the neck.” Then the horsemen rode away to the place whence they came, followed by one hundred hermits hoar of head and dwellers of the caves who had passed their lives in solitude and abstinence nor ever held converse with man or womankind, neither did they appear in Harran at any time save for the obsequies of the reigning race. In front came one of these greybeards steadying with one hand a huge and ponderous tome which he bore upon his head. Presently all the holy men thrice compassed the Mausoleum, then standing on the highway the eldest cried with a loud voice, “O Prince, could we by dint of orisons and devotions bring thee back to life, these hearts and souls of ours would be devoted to quickening thee, and on seeing thee arise once again we would wipe thy feet with our own age-white beards.” And when they also retired came one hundred maidens of wondrous beauty and loveliness, mounted on white barbs whose saddles were richly embroidered and set with jewels: their faces were bare and on their heads they bore golden canisters filled with precious stones, rubies and diamonds. They also rode in circuit round the cenotaph and, halting at the door, the youngest and fairest of them, speaking in the name of her sisterhood, exclaimed, “O Prince, could our youth and our charms avail thee aught, we would present ourselves to thee and become thy handmaids; but alas! thou knowest full well that our beauties are here all in vain nor can our love now warm thy clay.” Then they also departed in the deepest grief. As soon as they had disappeared the Sultan and all with him rose up and walked thrice round the figure that had been set up under the dome; then standing at its feet the father said, “O my beloved son, enlighten these eyes which tears for the stress of separation have thus bedimmed.” He then wept bitterly and all his Ministers and Courtiers and Grandees joined in his mourning and lamentations; and, when they had made an end of the obsequies, the Sultan and his suite returned palace-wards and the door of the dome was locked.——And as the morn began to dawn Shahrazad held her peace till

The end of the Six Hundred and Second Night.

Then said she:——I have heard, O auspicious King, that the Sultan commanded congregational prayers in all the mosques for a full told week and he ceased not to mourn and weep and wail before the cenotaph of his son for eight days. And as soon as this term was passed he commanded the Grand Wazir that vengeance be meted out for the murther of Prince Khudadad, and that the Princes be brought out from their dungeons and be done to death. The tidings were bruited about the city, and preparations were made for executing the assassins and crowds of folk collected to gaze upon the scaffold, when suddenly came a report that an enemy whom the King had routed in bygone times was marching upon the city with a conquering army. Hereat the Sultan was sore troubled and perplexed and the ministers of state said one to other, “Alas! had Prince Khudadad been on life he would forthwith have put to flight the forces of the foe however fierce and fell.” Natheless the Sovran set out from the city with his suite and host, and eke he made ready for flight to some other land by way of the river should the enemy’s force prove victorious. Then the two powers met in deadly combat; and the invader, surrounding the King of Harran’s many on every side, would have cut him to pieces with all his warriors, when behold, an armed force hitherto unseen rode athwart the plain at a pace so swift and so sure that the two hostile Kings gazed upon them in uttermost amazement, nor wist any one whence that host came. But when it drew near, the horsemen charged home on the enemies and in the twinkling of an eye put them to flight; then hotly pursuing felled them with the biting sword and the piercing spear. Seeing this onslaught the King of Harran marvelled greatly and rendering thanks to heaven said to those around him, “Learn ye the name of the Captain of yonder host, who he may be and whence came he.” But when all the foemen had fallen upon the field save only a few who escaped hither and thither and the hostile sultan who had been taken prisoner, the Captain of the friendly forces returned from pursuit well pleased to greet the King. And, lo and behold! as the twain drew near one to other the Sultan was certified that the Captain was none other than his beloved child, Khudadad, whilome lost and now found. Accordingly, he rejoiced with joy unspeakable that his enemy had thus been vanquished and that he had again looked upon his son, Khudadad, who stood before him alive and safe and sound. “O my sire,” presently exclaimed the Prince, “I am he whom thou deemest to have been slain; but Allah Almighty hath kept me on life that I might this day stand thee in good stead and destroy these thine enemies.” “O my beloved son,” replied the King, “surely I had despaired and never hoped again to see thee with these mine eyes.” So father and son dismounted and fell upon each other’s necks and quoth the Sultan, clasping the youth’s hand, “Long since have I known of thy valiant deeds, and how thou didst save thine ill-omened brothers from the hands of the man-devouring Abyssinian, and of the evil wherewith they requited thee. Go now to thy mother, of whom naught remaineth, through bitter tears for thee, save skin and bone: be thou the first to gladden her heart and give her the good tidings of this thy victory.” As they rode along, the Prince enquired of the Sultan, his sire, how he had heard tell of the Habashi and of the rescue of the Princes from the cannibal’s clutches. “Hath one of my brothers,” added he, “informed thee of this adventure?” “Not so, O my son,” replied the King, “not they, but the Princess of Daryabar told me the miserable tale thereof: she hath dwelt for many days with me and ’twas she who first and foremost demanded vengeance for thy blood.” When Khudadad heard that the Princess his spouse was his father’s guest, he rejoiced with exceeding joy and cried, “Suffer me first to see my mother;[252] then will I go to the Princess of Daryabar.” The King of Harran hereat struck off the head of his chief enemy and exposed it publicly throughout the streets of his capital, and all the people exulted mightily not only at the victory but also for the return of Khudadad safe and sound; and dancing and feasting were in every household. Presently Queen Firuzah and the Princess of Daryabar presented themselves before the Sultan and offered their congratulations to him, then they went to see Khudadad both hand in hand and the three falling on one another’s necks wept for very joy.——And as the morn began to dawn Shahrazad held her peace till

The end of the Six Hundred and Third Night.

Then said she:——I have heard, O auspicious King, that after this the King and his Queen and daughter-in-law sat long conversing, and they marvelled much how Khudadad, albeit he was sorely gashed and pierced with the sword, had escaped alive from that wildest of wolds, whereupon the Prince at the bidding of his sire told his tale in these words: “A peasant mounted on a camel chanced to pass by my pavilion and seeing me sore wounded and weltering in my blood, set me upon his beast and conveyed me to his house; then, choosing some roots of desert-herbs he placed them on the hurts so that they kindly healed, and I speedily recovered strength. After returning thanks to my benefactor and giving him liberal largesse, I set out for the city of Harran and on the road I saw the forces of the foe in countless numbers marching upon thy city. Wherefore I made the matter known to the folk of the townships and villages round about and besought their aid; then collecting a large force I placed myself at the head thereof, and arriving in the nick of time destroyed the invading hosts.” Hereupon the Sultan gave thanks to Allah Almighty and said, “Let all the Princes who conspired against thy life be put to death;” and sent forthright for the Sworder of his vengeance; but Khudadad made request to his sire and said, “In good sooth, O my lord the King, they all deserve the doom thou hast ordained, yet be not these my brethren and eke thine own flesh and blood? I have freely forgiven them their offence against me and I humbly pray thy pardon also, that thou grant them their lives, for that blood ever calleth unto blood.” The Sultan at length consented and forgave their offence. Then, summoning all the Ministers, he declared Khudadad his heir and successor, in presence of the Princes whom he bade bring from the prison house. Khudadad caused their chains and fetters to be stricken off and embraced them one by one, showing them the same fondness and affection as he had shown to them in the castle of the cannibal Habashi. All the folk on hearing of this noble conduct of Prince Khudadad raised shouts of applause and loved him yet more than before. The surgeon who had done such good service to the Princess of Daryabar received a robe of honour and much wealth; and on this wise that which began with mishap had issue in all happiness. When Queen Shahrazad ended this story she said to Shahryar, “O my lord, thou art doubtless astonished to find that the Caliph Harún al-Rashid changed his wrath against Ghánim[253] and his mother and sister to feelings of favour and affection, but I am assured that thou wilt be the more surprised on hearing the story of the curious adventures of that same Caliph with the blind man, Bábá Abdullah.” Quoth Dunyazad, as was her way, to her sister Shahrazad, “O sister mine, what a rare and delectable tale hast thou told and now prithee favour us with another.” She replied, “It is well nigh dawn but, if my life be spared, I will tell thee as the morrow morrows a strange and wonderful history of the Caliph Harun al-Rashid.”[254]——And as the morn began to dawn Shahrazad held her peace till

The end of the Six Hundred and Fourth Night.

When she began to relate the History of

FOOTNOTES:

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Footnote 1:

M. Zotenberg empowered me to offer his “Aladdin” to an “Oriental”
publishing-house well-known in London; and the result was the
“no-public” reply. The mortifying fact is that Oriental studies are
now at their nadir in Great Britain, which is beginning to show so
small in the Eastern World.

Footnote 2:

P.N. of a Jinni who rules the insect-kingdom and who is invoked by
scribes to protect their labours from the worm.

Footnote 3:

Both name and number suggest the “Calc. Edit.” of 1814. See
“Translator’s Foreword” vol. i., xix.-xx. There is another version of
the first two hundred Nights, from the “Calc. Edit.” into Urdu by one
Haydar Ali, 1 vol. roy. 8vo lithog. Calc. 1263 (1846).—R. F. B.

Footnote 4:

“Alf Leilah” in Hindostani, 4 vols. in 2, royal 8vo, lithographed,
Lakhnau, 1263 (1846).—R. F. B.

Footnote 5:

This is the “Alif” (!) Leila, Tarjuma-i Alif (!) Laila ba-Zuban-i-Urdu
(Do Jild, ba-harfát-i-Yurop), an Urdu translation of the Arabian
Nights, printed entirely in the Roman character, etc., etc.—R. F. B.

Footnote 6:

_i.e._ The Thousand Tales.

Footnote 7:

From the MS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale (Supplement Arab. No. 2523)
vol. ii., p. 82, verso to p. 94, verso. The Sisters are called
Dínárzád and Shahrázád, a style which I have not adopted.

Footnote 8:

The old versions read “Ornament (Adornment?) of the Statues,” Zierde
der Bildsäulen (Weil). I hold the name to be elliptical, Zayn (al-Din
= Adornment of The Faith and owner of) al-Asnám = the Images. The
omission of Al-Din in proper names is very common; _e.g._, Fakhr
(Al-Din) Al-Iftakhári (Iftikhár-al-Din) and many others given by De
Sacy (Chrest. i. 30, and in the Treatise on Coffee by Abd al-Kádir).
So Al-Kamál, Al-Imád, Al-Baha are = Kamal al-Dín, etc. in Ibn
Khallikan, iii. 493. Sanam properly = an idol is popularly applied to
all artificial figures of man and beast. I may note that we must not
call the hero, after Galland’s fashion, unhappily adopted by Weil,
_tout bonnement_ “Zayn.”

Footnote 9:

Galland persistently writes “Balsorah,” a European corruption common
in his day, the childhood of Orientalism in Europe. The Hindostani
versions have “Bansrá,” which is worse.

Footnote 10:

For notes on Geomancy (Zarb Raml) see vol. iii. 269.

Footnote 11:

The Hindostani Version enlarges upon this:—“Besides this, kings cannot
escape perils and mishaps which serve as warnings and examples to them
when dealing their decrees.”

Footnote 12:

In the XIXth century we should say “All the ——ologies.”

Footnote 13:

In the Hindostani Version he begins by “breaking the seal which had
been set upon the royal treasury.”

Footnote 14:

“Three things” (says Sa’di in the Gulistan) “lack permanency, Wealth
without trading, Learning without disputation, Government without
justice.” (chap. viii. max. 8). The Bakhtiyár-námeh adds that
“Government is a tree whose root is legal punishment (Siyásat); its
root-end is justice; its bough, mercy; its flower, wisdom; its leaf,
liberality; and its fruit, kindness and benevolence. The foliage of
every tree whose root waxeth dry (lacketh sap) taketh a yellow tint
and beareth no fruit.”

Footnote 15:

For this word, see vol. ix. 108. It is the origin of the Fr. “Douane”
and the Italian “Dogana” through the Spanish Aduana (Ad-Díwán) and the
Provençal “Doana.” Ménage derives it from the Gr. δοκάνη = a place
where goods are received, and others from “Doge” (Dux) for whom a tax
on merchandise was levied at Venice. Littré (s. v.) will not decide,
but rightly inclines to the Oriental origin.

Footnote 16:

A Hadís says, “The dream is the inspiration of the True Believer;” but
also here, as the sequel shows, the Prince believed the Shaykh to be
the Prophet, concerning whom a second Hadis declares, “Whoso seeth me
in his sleep seeth me truly, for Satan may not assume my semblance.”
See vol. iv. 287. The dream as an inspiration shows early in
literature, _e.g._

—καὶ γάρ ὄναρ ἐκ Διός ἐστιν (Il. i. 63).

and

—Θεἶός μοι ἐνύπνιον ἠλθεν Ὄνειρος (Il. ii. 55).

in which the Dream is Διὸς ἄγγελος.

Footnote 17:

In the Hindostani Version he becomes a Pír = saint, spiritual guide.

Footnote 18:

A favourite sentiment. In Sir Charles Murray’s excellent novel,
“Hassan: or, the Child of the Pyramid,” it takes the form, “what’s
past is past and what is written is written and shall come to pass.”

Footnote 19:

In the H. V. the Prince digs a vat or cistern-shaped hole a yard deep.
Under the ringed slab he also finds a door whose lock he breaks with
his pickaxe and seeing a staircase of white marble lights a candle and
reaches a room whose walls are of porcelain and its floor and ceiling
are of crystal.

Footnote 20:

Arab. Khawábi (plur. of Khábiyah) large jars usually of pottery. In
the H. V. four shelves of mother o’ pearl support ten jars of porphyry
ranged in rows and the Prince supposes (with Galland) that the
contents are good old wine.

Footnote 21:

Arab. “’Atík”: the superficial similarity of the words has produced a
new noun in Arabic, _e.g._ Abú Antíká = father of antiquities, a
vendor of such articles mostly modern, “brand-new and intensely old.”

Footnote 22:

In the text “Ashkhás” (plural of Shakhs) vulgarly used, throughout
India, Persia and other Moslem realms, in the sense of persons or
individuals. For its lit. sig. see vols. iii. 26; and viii. 159. The
H. V. follows Galland in changing to pedestals the Arab. thrones, and
makes the silken hanging a “piece of white satin” which covers the
unoccupied base.

Footnote 23:

The blessed or well-omened: in these days it is mostly a servile name,
_e.g._ Sidi Mubárak Bombay. See vol. ix. 58, 330.

Footnote 24:

In the text “Mín” for “Man,” a Syro-Egyptian form, common throughout
this MS.

Footnote 25:

“Ay Ni’am,” an emphatic and now vulgar expression.

Footnote 26:

The MS. here has “’Imárah” = a building, probably a clerical error for
Maghárah, a cave, a souterrain.

Footnote 27:

Arab. “Zahab-ramlí,” explained in “Alaeddin.” So Al-Mutanabbi sang:—

“I become not of them because homed in their ground: ✿ Sandy earth is
the gangue wherein gold is found.”

Footnote 28:

Walímah prop. = marriage-feast. For the different kinds of
entertainments see vols. vi. 74; viii. 231.

Footnote 29:

Arab. Mukattaf al-Yadayn, a servile posture: see vols. iii. 218; ix.
320.

Footnote 30:

Here the Arabic has the advantage of the English; “Shakhs” meaning
either a person or an image. See supra, p. 12.

Footnote 31:

Arab. “Kawárijí” = one who uses the paddle, a paddler, a rower.

Footnote 32:

In the Third Kalandar’s Tale (vol. i. 143) Prince ’Ajíb is forbidden
to call upon the name of Allah, under pain of upsetting the skiff
paddled by the man of brass. Here the detail is omitted.

Footnote 33:

Arab. “Wahsh,” which Galland translates “Tiger,” and is followed by
his Hind. translator.

Footnote 34:

Arab. “Laffa ’l-isnayn bi-zulúmati-h,” the latter word = Khurtúm, the
trunk of an elephant, from Zalm = the dewlap of sheep or goat.

Footnote 35:

In the text “Yámin,” a copyist’s error, which can mean nothing else
but “Yasimín.”

Footnote 36:

The H. V. rejects this detail for “a single piece of mother-o’-pearl
twelve yards long,” etc. Galland has _une seule écaille de poisson_.
In my friend M. Zotenberg’s admirable translation of Tabari (i. 52) we
read of a bridge at Baghdad made of the ribs of Og bin ’Unk (= Og of
the Neck), the fabled King of Bashan.

Footnote 37:

I have noted that this is the primitive attire of Eastern man in all
hot climates, and that it still holds its ground in that grand
survival of heathenry, the Meccan Pilgrimage. In Galland the four
strips are of _taffetas jaune_, the Hind. “Taftí.”

Footnote 38:

The word is Hizám = girdle, sash, waist-belt, which Galland turns into
_nappes_. The object of the cloths edged with gems and gums was to
form a barrier excluding hostile Jinns: the European magician usually
drew a magic circle.

Footnote 39:

This is our corruption of the Malay Aigla = sandal wood. See vol. ix.
150.

Footnote 40:

Lit. = the Day of Assembly, “Yaum al-Mahshar.” These lines were
translated at Cannes on Feb. 22nd, 1886, the day before the earthquake
which brought desolation upon the Riviera. It was a second curious
coincidence. On Thursday, July 10th, 1863—the morning when the great
earthquake at Accra laid in ruins the town and the stout old fort
built in the days of James II—I had been reading the Koranic chapter
entitled “Earthquakes” (No. XCIX) to some Moslem friends who had
visited my quarters. Upwards of a decade afterwards I described the
accident in “Ocean Highways,” (New Series, No. II., Vol. I. pp.
448–461), owned by Trübner & Co., and edited by my friend Clements
Markham, and I only regret that this able Magazine has been
extinguished by that dullest of Journals, “Proceedings of the R. S. S.
and monthly record of Geography.”

Footnote 41:

Galland has _un tremblement pareil à celui qu’Israfyel_ (Isráfíl)
_doit causer le jour du jugement_.

Footnote 42:

The idea is Lady M. W. Montague’s (“The Lady’s Resolve.”)

In part she is to blame that has been tried:
He comes too near that comes to be denied.

As an unknown correspondent warns me the sentiment was probably
suggested by Sir Thomas Overbury (“A Wife.” St. xxxvi):—

—In part to blame is she
Which hath without consent bin only tride:
He comes too near that comes to be denide.

Footnote 43:

These highly compromising magical articles are of many kinds. The
ballad of The Boy and the Mantle is familiar to all, how in the case
of Sir Kay’s lady:—

When she had tane the mantle
With purpose for to wear;
It shrunk up to her shoulder
And left her backside bare.

Percy, Vol. I., 1 and Book III.

Percy derives the ballad from “Le Court Mantel,” an old French piece
and Mr. Evans (Specimens of Welsh Poetry) from an ancient MS. of Tegan
Earfron, one of Arthur’s mistresses, who possessed a mantle which
would not fit immodest women. See also in Spenser, Queen Florimel’s
Girdle (F. Q. iv. 5, 3), and the detective is a horn in the Morte
d’Arthur, translated from the French, temp. Edward IV., and first
printed in A.D. 1484. The Spectator (No. 579) tells us “There was a
Temple upon Mount _Etna_ which was guarded by dogs of so exquisite a
smell, that they could discover whether the Persons who came thither
were chaste or not;” and that they caused, as might be expected,
immense trouble. The test-article becomes in the Tuti-námeh the Tank
of Trial at Agra; also a nosegay which remains fresh or withers; in
the Kathá Sarit Ságara, the red lotus of Shiva; a shirt in Story lxix.
Gesta Romanorum; a cup in Ariosto; a rose-garland in “The Wright’s
Chaste Wife,” edited by Mr. Furnival for the Early English Text
Society; a magic picture in Bandello, Part I., No. 21; a ring in the
Pentamerone, of Basile; and a distaff in “L’Adroite Princesse,” a
French imitation of the latter.

Footnote 44:

Looking glasses in the East are mostly made, like our travelling
mirrors, to open and shut.

Footnote 45:

In Eastern countries the oarsman stands to his work and lessens his
labour by applying his weight which cannot be done so forcibly when
sitting even upon the sliding-seat. In rowing as in swimming we have
forsaken the old custom and have lost instead of gaining.

Footnote 46:

I have explained this word in vol. iii. 100; viii. 51, etc., and may
add the interpretation of Mr. L. C. Casartelli (p. 17) “La Philosophie
Religieuse du Mazdéisme, etc.,” Paris Maisonneuve, 1884. “A divine
name, which has succeeded little (?) is the ancient title _Bagh_, the
O. P. _Baga_ of the Cuneiforms (_Baga vazraka Auramazda_, _etc._) and
the _Bagha_ of the Avesta, whose memory is preserved in Baghdad—the
city created by the Gods (?). The Pahlevi books show the word in the
compound _Baghôbakht_, lit. = what is granted by the Gods, popularly,
Providence.”

Footnote 47:

The H. V. makes the old woman a “finished procuress whose skill was
unrivalled in that profession.”

Footnote 48:

In the text “Al-Sádí w’al-Ghádí:” the latter may mean those who came
for the morning meal.

Footnote 49:

An antistes, a leader in prayer (vols. ii. 203, and iv. 227); a
reverend, against whom the normal skit is directed. The H. V. makes
him a Muezzin, also a Mosque-man; and changes his name to Murad. Imám
is a word with a host of meanings, _e.g._, model (and master), a
Sir-Oracle, the Caliph, etc., etc.

Footnote 50:

_i.e._ being neighbours they would become to a certain extent
answerable for the crimes committed within the quarter.

Footnote 51:

Arab. “Nakshat” and “Sifrat.”

Footnote 52:

Arab. “Farajíyah,” for which see vol. i. 210, 321.

Footnote 53:

For this aphrodisiac see vol. vi. 60.

Footnote 54:

In the text “Ay ni’am,” still a popular expression.

Footnote 55:

Arab. “’Ilm al-Híah,” gen. translated Astrology, but here meaning
scientific Physiognomy. All these branches of science, including
Palmistry, are nearly connected: the features and the fingers, mounts,
lines, etc. being referred to the sun, moon and planets.

Footnote 56:

Arab. “Mihaffah bi-takhtrawán”: see vols. ii. 180; v. 175.

Footnote 57:

The H. V. is more explicit: “do not so, or the King of the Jänn will
slay thee even before thou canst enjoy her and will carry her away.”

Footnote 58:

Arab. “Shahwah” the rawest and most direct term. The Moslem religious
has no absurd shame of this natural passion. I have heard of a Persian
Imam, who, suddenly excited as he was sleeping in a friend’s house,
awoke the master with, “Shahwah dáram” = “I am lustful” and was at
once gratified by a “Mut’ah,” temporary and extempore marriage to one
of the slave-girls. These morganatic marriages are not, I may note,
allowed to the Sunnis.

Footnote 59:

Arab. “Min ba’di an” for “Min ba’di má” = after that, still popular in
the latter broad form.

Footnote 60:

The word has been used in this tale with a threefold sense Egypt, old
Cairo (Fostat) and new Cairo, in fact to the land and to its capital
for the time being.

Footnote 61:

Arab. “Kabbaltu” = I have accepted, _i.e._ I accept emphatically.
Arabs use this form in sundry social transactions, such as marriages,
sales, contracts, bargains and so forth, to denote that the engagement
is irrevocable and that no change can be made. De Sacy neglected to
note this in his Grammar, but explains it in his Chrestomathy (i. 44,
53), and rightly adds that the use of this energetic form _peut-être
serait susceptible d’applications plus étendues_.

Footnote 62:

_La nuit de l’entrée_, say the French: see Lane “Leylet ed-dukhlah”
(M.E. chapt. vi.)

Footnote 63:

This MS. uses “Miláh” (pleasant) for “Mubáh” (permitted). I must
remark, before parting with Zayn al-Asnam, that its object is to
inculcate that the price of a good wife is “far above rubies” (Prov.
xxxi. 10: see the rest of this fine chapter), a virtuous woman being
“a crown to her husband” (_ibid._ xxii. 4); and “a prudent wife is
from the Lord” (Prov. xix. 4). The whole tale is told with extreme
delicacy and the want of roughness and energy suggests a European
origin.

Footnote 64:

_i.e._ Sun of the Heart.

Footnote 65:

Shīve-Zād is his daughter whom he wants Prince Asīl to marry.

Footnote 66:

_i.e._ the “Height or Glory (’Alá) of the Faith (al-Dín)” pron.
Aláaddeen; which is fairly represented by the old form “Aladdin;” and
better by De Sacy’s “Ala-eddin.” The name has occurred in The Nights,
vol. iv. 29–33; it is a household word in England and who has not
heard of Thomas Hood’s “A-lad-in?” Easterns write it in five different
ways and in the Paris MS. it is invariably “’Alí al-dín,” which is a
palpable mistake. The others are (1) ’Alá al-Dín, (2) ’Alá yadín, (3)
’Alah Dín in the H. V., and (4) ’Aláa al-Din (with the Hamzah), the
last only being grammatical. In Galland the _Histoire de la Lampe
merveilleuse_ is preceded by the _Histoire du Dormeur Eveillé_ which,
being “The Story of Abú al-Hasan the Wag, or the Sleeper awakened,” of
the Bresl. Edit. (Nights cclxxi-ccxc), is here omitted. The Alaeddin
Story exists in germ in Tale ii. of the “Dravidian Nights
Entertainments,” (Madana Kamara-Sankádái), by Pandit S. M. Natisa
Shastri (Madras, 1868, and London, Trübner.) We are told by Mr. Coote
that it is well represented in Italy. The Messina version is by Pitrè,
“La Lanterna Magica,” also the Palermitan “Lanterne;” it is “Il
Matrimonio di Cajussi” of Rome (R. H. Busk’s _Folk-lore_); “Il Gallo e
il Mago,” of Visentini’s “Fiabe Mantovane,” and the “Pesciolino,” and
“Il Contadino che aveva tre Figli,” of Imbriana. In “La Fanciulla e il
Mago,” of De Gubernatis (“Novelline di Santo Stefano de Calcenaja,” p.
47), occurs the popular incident of the original. “The Magician was
not a magician for nothing. He feigned to be a hawker and fared
through the streets, crying out, ‘Donne, donne, chi baratta anelli di
ferro contra anelli di argento?’”

Alaeddin has ever been a favourite with the stage. Early in the
present century it was introduced to the Parisian opera by M. Etienne,
to the Feydeau by Théaulon’s _La Clochette_; to the Gymnase by _La
Petite-Lampe_ of MM. Scribe and Melesville, and to the Panorama
Dramatique by MM. Merle, Cartouche and Saintine (Gauttier, vii. 380.)

Footnote 67:

This MS. always uses Dínárzád like Galland.

Footnote 68:

Arab. “’Abadan,” a term much used in this MS. and used correctly. It
refers always and only to future time, past being denoted by “Kattu”
from Katta = he cut (in breadth, as opposed to Kadda = he cut
lengthwise). See De Sacy, Chrestom. ii. 443.

Footnote 69:

In the text “Ibn mín,” a vulgarism for “man.” Galland adds that the
tailor’s name was Mustapha—_il y avait un tailleur nommé Mustafa_.

Footnote 70:

In classical Arabic the word is “Maghribi,” the local form of the root
Gharaba = he went far away, (the sun) set, etc., whence “Maghribi” = a
dweller in the Sunset-land. The vulgar, however, prefer “Maghrab” and
“Maghrabi,” of which foreigners made “Mogrebin.” For other information
see vols. vi. 220; ix. 50. The “Moormen” are famed as magicians; so we
find a Maghrabi Sahhár = wizard, who by the by takes part in a
transformation scene like that of the Second Kalandar (vol. i. p. 134,
The Nights), in p. 10 of Spitta Bey’s “Contes Arabes Modernes,” etc. I
may note that “Sihr,” according to Jauhari and Firozábádi = anything
one can hold by a thin or subtle place, _i.e._, easy to handle. Hence
it was applied to all sciences, “Sahhár” being = to ’Álim (or sage):
and the older Arabs called poetry “Sihr al-halál”—lawful magic.

Footnote 71:

_i.e._ blood is thicker than water, as the Highlanders say.

Footnote 72:

A popular saying amongst Moslems which has repeatedly occurred in The
Nights. The son is the “lamp of a dark house.” Vol. ii. 280.

Footnote 73:

Out of respect to his brother, who was probably the senior: the H.V.
expressly says so.

Footnote 74:

Al-Marhúm = my late brother. See vol. ii. 129, 196.

Footnote 75:

This must refer to Cairo not to Al-Medinah whose title is
“Al-Munawwarah” = the Illumined.

Footnote 76:

A picturesque term for birth-place.

Footnote 77:

In text “Yá Rájul” (for Rajul) = O man, an Egypto-Syrian form, broad
as any Doric.

Footnote 78:

Arab. Shúf-hu, the colloquial form of Shuf-hu.

Footnote 79:

For the same sentiment see “Julnár the Sea-born,” Nights
dccxliii.-xliv.

Footnote 80:

“I will hire thee a shop in the Chauk”—Carfax market street says the
H.V.

Footnote 81:

The MS. writes the word Khwájá for Khwájah (see vol. vi. 46). Here we
are at once interested in the scapegrace who looked Excelsior. In fact
the tale begins with a strong inducement to boyish vagabondage and
scampish indolence; but the Moslem would see in it the hand of Destiny
bringing good out of evil. Amongst other meanings of “Khwájah” it is a
honorific title given by Khorásánis to their notables. In Arab. the
similarity of the word to “Khuwáj” = hunger, has given rise to a host
of conceits, more or less frigid (Ibn Khallikán, iii. 45).

Footnote 82:

Arab. “Wáhid min al-Tujjár,” the very vulgar style.

Footnote 83:

_i.e._ the Saturday (see vol. ii. 305) established as a God’s rest by
the so-called “Mosaic” commandment No. iv. How it gradually passed out
of observance, after so many centuries of most stringent application,
I cannot discover: certainly the text in Cor. ii. 16–17 is
insufficient to abolish or supersede an order given with such singular
majesty and impressiveness by God and so strictly obeyed by man. The
popular idea is that the Jewish Sabbath was done away with in Christ;
and that sundry of the 1604 councils, _e.g._ Laodicea, anathematized
those who kept it holy after such fashion. With the day the aim and
object changed; and the early Fathers made it the “Feast of the
Resurrection” which could not be kept too joyously. The “Sabbatismus”
of our Sabbatarians, who return to the Israelitic practice and yet
honour the wrong day, is heretical and vastly illogical; and the
Sunday is better kept in France, Italy and other “Catholic” countries
than in England and Scotland.

Footnote 84:

For “Mushayyadát” see vol. viii. 23.

Footnote 85:

All these words sárú, dakhalú, jalasú, &c. are in the plur. for the
dual—popular and vulgar speech. It is so throughout the MS.

Footnote 86:

The Persians apply the Arab. word “Sahrá” = desert, to the waste
grounds about a town.

Footnote 87:

Arab. Kashákísh from the quadril. √ kashkasha = he gathered fuel.

Footnote 88:

In text “Shayy bi-lásh” which would mean lit. a thing gratis or in
vain.

Footnote 89:

In the text “Sabba raml” = cast in sand. It maybe a clerical error for
“Zaraba raml” = he struck sand _i.e._ made geomantic figures.

Footnote 90:

Arab. Mauza’ = a place, an apartment, a saloon.

Footnote 91:

Galland makes each contain _quatre vases de bronze, grands comme des
cuves_.

Footnote 92:

The Arab. is “Líwán,” for which see vols. iv. 71 and vii. 347. Galland
translates it by a “terrace” and “niche.”

Footnote 93:

The idea is borrowed from the _lume eterno_ of the Rosicrucians. It is
still prevalent throughout Syria where the little sepulchral lamps
buried by the Hebrews, Greeks and Romans are so called. Many tales are
told of their being found burning after the lapse of centuries: but
the traveller will never see the marvel.

Footnote 94:

The first notice of the signet-ring and its adventures is by Herodotus
in the Legend of the Samian Polycrates; and here it may be observed
that the accident is probably founded on fact; every fisherman knows
that fish will seize and swallow spoon-bait and other objects that
glitter. The text is the Talmudic version of Solomon’s seal-ring. The
king of the demons, after becoming a “Bottle-imp,” prayed to be set
free upon condition of teaching a priceless secret, and after cajoling
the Wise One flung his signet into the sea and cast the owner into a
land four hundred miles distant. Here David’s son begged his bread
till he was made head cook to the King of Ammon at Mash Kernín. After
a while, he eloped with Na’úzah, the daughter of his master, and
presently when broiling a fish found therein his missing property. In
the Moslem version, Solomon had taken prisoner Amínah, the daughter of
a pagan prince, and had homed her in his Harem, where she taught him
idolatry. One day before going to the Hammam he entrusted to her his
signet-ring presented to him by the four angelic Guardians of sky,
air, water and earth when the mighty Jinni Al-Sakhr (see vol. i. 41;
v. 36), who was hovering about unseen, snatching away the ring,
assumed the king’s shape, whereby Solomon’s form became so changed
that his courtiers drove him from his own doors. Thereupon Al-Sakhr,
taking seat upon the throne, began to work all manner of iniquity,
till one of the Wazirs, suspecting the transformation, read aloud from
a scroll of the law: this caused the demon to fly shrieking and to
drop the signet into the sea. Presently Solomon, who had taken service
with a fisherman, and received for wages two fishes a day, found his
ring and made Al-Sakhr a “Bottle-imp.” The legend of St. Kentigern or
Mungo of Glasgow, who recovered the Queen’s ring from the stomach of a
salmon, is a palpable imitation of the Biblical incident which paid
tribute to Cæsar.

Footnote 95:

The Magician evidently had mistaken the powers of the Ring. This is
against all probability and possibility, but on such abnormal traits
are tales and novels founded.

Footnote 96:

These are the Gardens of the Hesperides and of King Isope (Tale of
Beryn Supplem. Canterbury Tales, Chaucer Soc. p. 84):—

In mydward of this gardyn stant a feirè tre
Of alle manner levis that under sky be,
I-forgit and i-fourmyd, echè in his degre
Of sylver, and of golde fyne, that lusty been to see.

So in the Kathá (S. S.) there are trees with trunks of gold, branches
of pearls, and buds and flowers of clear white pearls.

Footnote 97:

The text causes some confusion by applying “Sullam” to staircase and
ladder, hence probably the latter is not mentioned by Galland and Co.,
who speak only of an _escalier de cinquante marches_. “Sullam” (plur.
“Salálim”) in modern Egyptian is popularly used for a flight of steps:
see Spitta-Bey’s “Contes Arabes Modernes,” p. 70. The H. V. places
under the slab a hollow space measuring four paces (kadam = 2·5 feet),
and at one corner a wicket with a ladder. This leads to a vault of
three rooms, one with the jars of gold; the second not to be swept by
the skirts, and the third opening upon the garden of gems. “There thou
shalt see a path, whereby do thou fare straight forwards to a lofty
palace with a flight of fifty steps leading to a flat terrace; and
here shalt thou find a niche wherein a lamp burneth.”

Footnote 98:

In the H. V. he had thrust the lamp into the bosom of his dress,
which, together with his sleeves, he had filled full of fruit, and had
wound his girdle tightly around him lest any fall out.

Footnote 99:

Africa (Arab. Afrikíyah) here is used in its old and classical sense
for the limited tract about Carthage (Tunis) _i.e._, Africa Propria.
But the scribe imagines it to be the P.N. of a city: so in Júdar (vol.
vi. 222) we find Fás and Miknás (Fez and Mequinez) converted into one
settlement. The Maghribi, Mauritanian or Maroccan is famed for sorcery
throughout the Moslem world: see vol. vi. 220. The Moslem “Kingdom of
Afrikiyah” was composed of four provinces, Tunis, Tripoli,
Constantina, and Bugia; and a considerable part of it was held by the
Berber tribe of Sanhája or Sinhága, also called the Zenag, whence our
modern “Senegal.” Another noted tribe which held Bajaiyah (Bugia) in
Afrikiyah proper was the “Zawáwah,” the European “Zouaves,” (Ibn
Khall. iv. 84.)

Footnote 100:

Galland omits the name, which is outlandish enough.

Footnote 101:

Meaning that he had incurred no blood-guiltiness, as he had not killed
the lad and only left him to die.

Footnote 102:

The H. V. explains away the improbability of the Magician forgetting
his gift. “In this sore disquietude he bethought him not of the ring
which, by the decree of Allah, was the means of Alaeddin’s escape; and
indeed not only he but oft times those who practice the Black Art are
baulked of their designs by Divine Providence.”

Footnote 103:

See vol. vii. 60. The word is mostly derived from “’afar” = dust, and
denotes, according to some, a man coloured like the ground or one who
“dusts” all his rivals. “’Ifr” (fem. ’Ifrah) is a wicked and dangerous
man. Al-Jannabi, I may here notice, is the chief authority for Afrikus
son of Abraha and xviiith Tobba being the eponymus of “Africa.”

Footnote 104:

Arab. “Ghayr an” = otherwise that, except that, a favourite form in
this MS. The first word is the Syriac “Gheir” = for, a conjunction
which is most unnecessarily derived by some from the Gr. γὰρ.

Footnote 105:

Galland and the H. V. make the mother deliver a little hygienic
lecture about not feeding too fast after famine: exactly what an
Eastern parent would not dream of doing.

Footnote 106:

The lad now turns the tables upon his mother and becomes her master,
having “a crow to pick” with her.

Footnote 107:

Arab. “Munáfik” for whose true sense, “an infidel who pretendeth to
believe in Al-Islam,” see vol. vi. p. 207. Here the epithet comes last
being the climax of abuse, because the lowest of the seven hells (vol.
viii. 111) was created for “hypocrites,” _i.e._ those who feign to be
Moslems when they are Miscreants.

Footnote 108:

Here a little abbreviation has been found necessary to avoid the whole
of a twice-told tale; but nothing material has been omitted.

Footnote 109:

Arab. “Taffaytu-hu.” This is the correct term = to extinguish. They
relate of the great scholar Firozábádí, author of the “Kámús” (ob.
A.H. 817 = A.D. 1414), that he married a Badawi wife in order to study
the purest Arabic and once when going to bed said to her,
“Uktuli’s-siráj,” the Persian “Chirágh-rá bi-kush” = Kill the lamp.
“What,” she cried, “Thou an ’Álim and talk of killing the lamp instead
of putting it out!”

Footnote 110:

In the H. V. the mother takes the “fruits” and places them upon the
ground; “but when darkness set in, a light shone from them like the
rays of a lamp or the sheen of the sun.”

Footnote 111:

For these fabled Giant rulers of Syria, Og King of Bashan, etc. see
vols. vii. 84; ix. 109, 323. D’Herbelot (s.v. Giabbar = Giant)
connects “Jabábirah” with the Heb. Ghibbor, Ghibborim and the Pers.
Dív, Diván: of these were ’Ád and Shaddád, Kings of Syria: the
Falastín (Philistines) ’Auj, Amálik and Banú Shayth or Seth’s
descendants, the sons of God (Benu-Elohim) of the Book of Genesis (vi.
2) who inhabited Mount Hermon and lived in purity and chastity.

Footnote 112:

The H. V. explains that the Jinni had appeared to the mother in
hideous aspect, with noise and clamour, because she had scoured the
Lamp roughly; but was more gentle with Alaeddin because he had rubbed
it lightly. This is from Galland.

Footnote 113:

Arab. Musawwadatayn = lit. two black things, rough copies, etc.

Footnote 114:

Arab. Banú Adam, as opposed to Banú Elohim (Sons of the Gods), B.
al-Jánn etc. The Banú al-Asfar = sons of the yellow, are Esau’s
posterity in Edom, also a term applied by Arab historians to the
Greeks and Romans whom Jewish fable derived from Idumæa: in my vol.
ii. 220, they are the people of the yellow or tawny faces. For the
legend see Ibn Kkall. iii. 8, where the translator suggests that the
by-name may be = the “sons of the Emperor” Flavius, confounded with
“flavus,” a title left by Vespasian to his successors. The Banú
al-Khashkhash = sons of the (black) poppy are the Ethiopians.

Footnote 115:

Arab. Há! há! so Háka (fem. Háki) = Here for thee!

Footnote 116:

So in Mediæval Europe Papal bulls and Kings’ letters were placed for
respect on the head. See Duffield’s “Don Quixote.” Part i. xxxi.

Footnote 117:

Galland makes the Juif only _rusé et adroit_.

Footnote 118:

Arab. “Ghashím” = a “Johnny Raw” from the root “Ghashm” = iniquity:
Builders apply the word to an unhewn stone; addressed to a person it
is considered slighting, if not insulting. See vol. ii. 330.

Footnote 119:

The carat (Kírát) being most often, but not always, one twenty-fourth
of the dinar. See vols. iii. 239; vii. 289.

Footnote 120:

Kanání, plur. of Kinnínah.

Footnote 121:

Here and below silver is specified, whenas the platters in Night
dxxxv. were of gold. This is one of the many changes, contradictions
and confusions which are inherent in Arab stories. See Spitta-Bey’s
“Contes Arabes,” Preface.

Footnote 122:

_i.e._ the Slave of the Lamp.

Footnote 123:

This may be true, but my experience has taught me to prefer dealing
with a Jew than with a Christian. The former will “jew” me perhaps,
but his commercial cleverness will induce him to allow me some gain in
order that I may not be quite disheartened: the latter will strip me
of my skin and will grumble because he cannot gain more.

Footnote 124:

Arab. “Hálah mutawassitah,” a phrase which has a European touch.

Footnote 125:

In the text “Jauharjíyyah,” common enough in Egypt and Syria; an Arab.
plur. of an Arabised Turkish sing,—ji for—chi = (crafts-) man.

Footnote 126:

We may suppose some years may have passed in this process and that
Alaeddin from a lad of fifteen had reached the age of manhood. The H.
V. declares that for many a twelvemonth the mother and son lived by
cotton spinning and the sale of the plate.

Footnote 127:

_i.e._ Full moon of full moons: See vol. iii. 228. It is pronounced
“Badroo’l-Budoor,” hence Galland’s “Badr-oul-boudour.”

Footnote 128:

In the H. V. Alaeddin “bethought him of a room adjacent to the Baths
where he might sit and see the Princess through the door-chinks, when
she raised her veil before the handmaids and eunuchs.”

Footnote 129:

This is the common conceit of the brow being white as day and the hair
black as night.

Footnote 130:

Such a statement may read absurdly to the West but it is true in the
East. “Selim” had seen no woman’s face unveiled, save that of his
sable mother Rosebud in Morier’s Tale of Yeldoz, the wicked woman
(“The Mirza,” vol. iii. 135). The H. V. adds that Alaeddin’s mother
was old and verily had little beauty even in her youth. So at the
sight of the Princess he learnt that Allah had created women exquisite
in loveliness and heart-ensnaring; and at first glance the shaft of
love pierced his heart and he fell to the ground afaint. He loved her
with a thousand lives and, when his mother questioned him, “his lips
formed no friendship with his speech.”

Footnote 131:

“There is not a present (Teshurah) to bring to the Man of God” (1 Sam.
ix. 7), and Menachem explains Teshurah as a gift offered with the
object of being admitted to the presence. See also the offering of oil
to the King in Isaiah lvii. 9. Even in Maundriell’s Day Travels (p.
26) it was counted uncivil to visit a dignitary without an offering in
hand.

Footnote 132:

As we shall see further on, the magical effect of the Ring and the
Lamp extend far and wide over the physique and morale of the owner:
they turn a “raw laddie” into a finished courtier, warrior, statesman,
etc.

Footnote 133:

In Eastern states the mere suspicion of having such an article would
expose the suspected at least to torture. Their practical system of
treating “treasure trove,” as I saw when serving with my regiment in
Gujarát (Guzerat), is at once to imprison and “molest” the finder, in
order to make sure that he has not hidden any part of his find.

Footnote 134:

Here the MS. text is defective, the allusion is, I suppose, to the
Slave of the Lamp.

Footnote 135:

In the H. V. the King retired into his private apartment; and,
dismissing all save the Grand Wazir, “took cognisance of special
matters” before withdrawing to the Harem.

Footnote 136:

The levée, Divan or Darbár being also a _lit de justice_ and a Court
of Cassation: see vol. i. 29.

Footnote 137:

All this is expressed by the Arabic in one word “Tamanná.” Galland
adds _pour marquer qu’il etait prêt à la perdre s’il y manquait_; and
thus he conveys a wrong idea.

Footnote 138:

This would be still the popular address, nor is it considered rude or
slighting. In John (ii. 4) “Atto,” the Heb. Eshah, is similarly used,
not complimentarily, but in popular speech.

Footnote 139:

This sounds ridiculous enough in English, but not in German; _e.g._
Deine Königliche Hoheit is the formula de rigueur when an Austrian
officer, who always addresses brother-soldiers in the familiar second
person, is speaking to a camarade who is also a royalty.

Footnote 140:

“Suráyyát” (lit. = the Pleiades) and “Sham’ádín” a would be Arabic
plur. of the Persian “Sham’adán” = candlestick, chandelier, for which
more correctly Sham’adánát is used.

Footnote 141:

_i.e._ betrothed to her—_j’agrée la proposition_, says Galland.

Footnote 142:

Here meaning Eunuch-officers and officials. In the cdlxxvith Night of
this volume the word is incorrectly written Ãghát in the singular.

Footnote 143:

In the H. V. Alaeddin on hearing this became as if a thunderbolt had
stricken him, and, losing consciousness, swooned away.

Footnote 144:

These calls for food at critical times, and oft-recurring allusions to
eating are not yet wholly obsolete amongst the civilised of the xixth
century. The ingenious M. Jules Verne often enlivens a tedious scene
by _Dejeunons_! And French travellers, like English, are not unready
to talk of food and drink, knowing that the subject is never
displeasing to their readers.

Footnote 145:

The H. V. gives a sketch of the wedding. “And when the ceremonies
ended at the palace with pomp and parade and pageant, and the night
was far spent, the eunuchs led the Wazir’s son into the bridal
chamber. He was the first to seek his couch; then the Queen, his
mother-in-law, came into him leading the bride, and followed by her
suite. She did with her virgin daughter as parents are wont to do,
removed her wedding-raiment, and donning a night-dress, placed her in
her bridegroom’s arms. Then, wishing her all joy, she with her ladies
went away and shut the door. At that instant came the Jinni,” etc.

Footnote 146: