Chapter V: Part 5

In the Ambrosian we find Guanahani spelt Guanaham; the island of Matinino called Matremonio, etc., while in the Latin text we find the first name correctly written Guanahani, Matinino is more nearly correctly written Mateunin; and we have the name of an island, Charis, which is left out in the Spanish altogether. But as the Latin translator possessed no special knowledge by which he could make such corrections, it is clear that the Ambrosian text could not have served as the basis for the Latin; whereas if the two were derived from a common source, the errors of the Ambrosian text would be those of its copyist, while the accurate rendering of the corresponding passages in the Latin would be the result, not of correction, as Senhor de Varnhagen suggests, but of attention to the original.

Upon this head Senhor de Varnhagen writes as follows:—

“The Latin texts contain a correction of the words Guanahanin, Charis (Caribes or Caraibes), and Mateunin (Matinino); but these corrections, if perchance it should be proved that they were made at the time of the first edition, and not afterwards (which we cannot here examine, not having the different editions at hand), may have been pointed out by the editor himself in sight of the original after the publication of the printed text; or by Columbus himself, on receiving it on his road to Barcelona, in order that some correct copies might be sent to Rome, by way of communicating the news of the discovery that had been made, with the view of obtaining the famous Bull from Alexander VI.”

Now it is pretty clear that the Latin translation had nothing in the world to do with the Papal bull. The name of _De_ Cosco indicates that the translator was a Spaniard—and it is reasonable to assume that a Spaniard would be selected to translate from Spanish into Latin—; therefore we may fairly suppose that the translation was made in Spain. It was not completed till the 29th of April—tertio kalendas maii—(not the 25th, an error of Navarrete’s, which Senhor de Varnhagen has adopted), and the first bull was issued on the 3rd of May. The interval of four days is scarcely sufficient to allow of the formal dispatch of the document to Rome, its presentation and the drawing up of the bull, much less if it had to undergo revision by Columbus, still less if it be a question of correction of printed proofs set up in type at Rome in that short interval. It is tolerably evident, then, that the Latin was sent to Rome, not to the Pope, but only for printing. If, therefore, the missive to the Pope was in Spanish, and included this letter, the corrections by Columbus or by Sanchez, suggested by Senhor de Varnhagen, would have been far better applied to the Spanish than to the Latin, instead of the reverse, as suggested.

It should, however, be borne in mind that in those days proofs were not sent out for revision: but as a doubt may reasonably be entertained on this point, on the score of the many imaginable possibilities that may not have been foreseen or taken into consideration in this criticism, I will now proceed to demonstrate that the Spanish and the Latin printed texts certainly are derived from different, though similar, documents. That they should be similar is natural, the one being written by Columbus from the other, with such trivial changes as may have dropped from his pen in transcribing.

First: we have a Spanish text, the endorsement of which shows it to have been sent to the Escribano de Racion. That this officer was Luis de Santangel we know for certainty from Argensola’s _Anales de Aragon_, lib. 1, cap. 10, p. 99, _et seq._, where he tells us that when the King looked coldly on Columbus’s proposals, because the royal finances had been drained by war, Isabella offered her jewels for the enterprise; but this was rendered needless, as “Luis de Santangel, Escrivano de Racion de Aragon, advanced seventeen thousand florins for the expenses of the Armada.” This leaves no room for doubt that Columbus should immediately send a copy of his letter to Santangel. In it was enclosed the copy addressed to the Sovereigns.[25] This text sent to Santangel consisted of a letter dated February 15th, and a postscript, announcing the arrival off Lisbon on the 4th, subsequently altered to the 14th March.

Secondly: we have a Latin text, distinctly stated to have been translated from a letter addressed to the Royal Treasurer, Gabriel Sanchez. We have thus clearly two letters addressed to two persons, but to annihilate this duality Senhor de Varnhagen suggests “Why not suppose that this last name, Gabriel Sanxis, which Cosco thought it necessary to announce, was the result of his own verifications? He would inquire in Rome of the Catholic delegates the name of the Escribano de Racion, and they would give him that of the Treasurer General.” But this is inventing _one surmise_ to fortify _another_, whereas Senhor de Varnhagen’s own zealous research had provided evidence to prove a contrary _fact_. The Marquis d’Adda has kindly sent me a photo-lithograph of a fragment of an Italian version of this letter, of which His Excellency Senhor de Varnhagen had found the title in the catalogue of the Ambrosian Library. This fragment distinctly states it to have been a copy of one “sent by the Grand Treasurer to his brother, Joane Sanxis.”

Thus, beyond all question, it is proved that Columbus addressed these two several letters to these two different persons, from one of which the Spanish text was printed, and from the other the Latin translation was made and subsequently printed. And having reached this point, we see clearly that my suggestion of Columbus having altered the date of 4th March to 14th _must_ have been correct; and, furthermore, that he copied the date of “14th,” on whichever of these two letters was written last, because, while it stands March 14th _in totidem verbis_ in one, it is rendered “pridie idus Martii” (which means the same thing) in the translation from the other. We see in this date “Ulisbone, pridie idus Martii,” a proof that the copy from which the Latin was made, consisted, like the original of the Ambrosian Spanish text, of a complete letter with the “nema” added, because the place Lisbon is derived from the language at the beginning of the nema, and the date from Columbus’s alteration at the end. Although the printer, Plannck, inserted nothing of the “nema” beyond the said place and date, which he placed at the end of the body of the letter in lieu of February 15th, we have a clear proof that De Cosco had really translated the letter and nema as they stand in the Spanish, for when we come to look into Dati’s poem, which he distinctly states to be translated from the Latin, we find _the date of February 15th retained, but no allusion to the contents of the nema, which, being detached, had evidently not reached his hands_. This fact, and others observable in his text, especially when examined in combination with the Italian, which also came from the Sanchez original, show that Dati worked from Cosco’s manuscript translation. As to whether of the two printed texts, the Ambrosian Spanish or Plannck’s Latin, can claim priority, we have no present means of deciding, but that the preference is due to the Spanish under critical correction is manifest, since it has been exposed to modifications from a compositor only, while the Latin has passed through the two ordeals of a translation and a compositor’s alterations. For this reason I have adopted the Spanish in my text, observing that it replaces the very worst Latin text which I could have adopted, viz., that taken by Navarrete from the _España Illustrada_. The faults in the Ambrosian text are many and great, and this has led Señor de Gayangos to suggest that it was printed, not in Spain, but in Portugal, probably Lisbon. An opinion from one so eminent has great weight, but while yielding to none in sincere respect for the judgment of my distinguished friend, I confess I think that the circumstances of the letter point, as Senhor de Varnhagen has stated, to Barcelona for the place of printing. Mr. Winter Jones, the Principal Librarian of the British Museum, and late Keeper of the Department of Printed Books, whose bibliographical knowledge is so well known, tells us that he recollects having seen the initial letter S, which commences the Ambrosian text, but, in spite of great research, I have failed to find it or the corresponding type in any work in our vast library. It is here well to remark that no kind of _fac-simile_ is so baulking to bibliographic comparison as the photographic. The respective sizes of the letters are altered, and the outline is rendered broken and rotten. A _fac-simile_ of this same letter, done by the hand, was published in Milan in 1863, in the sixteenth volume of the _Biblioteca Rara_ of G. Daelli, and gives the type a far firmer appearance than that in the photograph. It is obvious that an opportunity is afforded of correcting the mistakes in the Ambrosian text from the other texts which we possess. This has been done with great skill and judgment by Senhor de Varnhagen by collation with the Simancas, the Valencia, and the Latin texts; to these aids I have added the Italian poem of Giuliano Dati, and the Italian fragment, for which I have been indebted to the kindness of the Marquis d’Adda.

We possess no detailed description of the second voyage of Columbus from his own hand. That which is here printed is the translation of a letter addressed to the Chapter of Seville by Dr. Chanca, a native of that city, who was physician to the fleet in this voyage, and was an eye-witness of the events that he related. For this reason it is preferred to two other accounts in Latin which are in existence, but which have both been made up from hearsay. One of these occurs in the second book of the _Decades_ of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, published first at Seville (Hispali) in 1511, and afterwards at Alcala de Henares (Compluti) in 1516, and often subsequently printed. The other is a compilation by Nicolò Scillacio, of Messina, who, while studying philosophy at Pavia in 1494 (?), and living with Giovanni Antonio Biretta, received from Spain, from a certain nobleman named Guglielmo Coma, a description of the recent discoveries of Columbus. This, as Mr. Lenox tells us, he translated into Latin, and inserted such other accounts as were then universally current, but without changing or adding anything. Mr. James Lenox, of New York, who is the possessor of one of the only two copies of this work known (the other being in the possession of the Marquis Trivulzio of Milan), and who states that it was first published in 1494, or early in 1495, reprinted it in 1859, with a translation by the Rev. John Mulligan, giving as an appendix my translation of Doctor Chanca’s letter, as printed in the first edition of the present work in 1847. It is obvious that this work of Scillacio’s, which is a pedantic compilation, cannot compare for authenticity with the account of Dr. Chanca; while the latter contains more incidents, and is more agreeably written than the narrative of Peter Martyr.

This letter by Dr. Chanca was copied by Navarrete (as he himself says at the end of the letter in his work) from a manuscript in the possession of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, written in the middle of the sixteenth century, and was amongst the collection of papers referring to the West Indies, collected by Father Antonio de Aspa, a monk of the order of St. Jerome, of the monastery of the Mejorada, near Olmedo.—This document was unpublished previous to Navarrete’s compilation. A copy was taken from the original by Don Manuel Avella, and deposited in the collection of Don Juan Bautista Muñoz, and from that copy, after collation with the original manuscript, the transfer was made by Navarrete into his valuable work. This letter is followed by a Memorial respecting the second voyage, addressed to the sovereigns by Columbus, through the intervention of Antonio de Torres, governor of the city of Isabella. At the close of each chapter or item is affixed their highness’s reply. The document was taken by Navarrete from the Archives of Seville.

The two letters next in order in the present translation, are from the hand of Columbus himself, and are descriptive of the events of the third voyage. The first, addressed to the Sovereigns, was taken by Navarrete, under careful collation by himself and Muñoz, from a manuscript in the handwriting of the bishop Bartolomé de la Casas, found in the archives of the duke del Infantado. The second, addressed to the nurse of Prince John, is taken from a collection of manuscripts, relating to the West Indies, made by Muñoz, and deposited in the Real Academia de la Historia at Madrid. The text was collated by Navarrete with a copy inserted in the Codice Colombo-Americano, said to have been written in the monastery of Santa Maria de las Cuevas in Seville.

The letter by Columbus, descriptive of his fourth voyage, was taken by Navarrete from a manuscript in the king’s private library at Madrid, written in the handwriting of the middle of the sixteenth century, and probably the same copy as that which Pinelo, at page 61 of his _Biblioteca Occidental_, 4to., 1629, describes as having been made by Don Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado, from an edition in 4to., which does not appear to be now in existence. It was translated into Italian by Constanzo Bayuera of Brescia, and published at Venice in 1505, and, on account of its extreme scarcity, was republished, with some learned comments, by Morelli, the librarian of St. Mark’s at Venice, in 1810.

That it had been printed in Spanish is asserted both by Pinelo and by Fernando Columbus.

It is presumed that the manuscript from which Navarrete made his copy was that made by Ramirez de Prado, because it had been removed to the king’s library, from the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca, in Salamanca, where the papers of Ramirez had been deposited.

I must not close this bibliographical notice without tendering my warmest thanks to my friends, William Brenchley Rye, Esq., the learned Keeper of the Printed Books in the British Museum; and Robert Edmund Graves, Esq., one of the most accomplished of his Assistant-Librarians;—to the former for most kindly making out the foregoing list of incunabula of the first letter, and the latter for very valuable help in my search for collateral texts by which to fortify my conclusions in the toilsome examination which I have here brought to a termination.

FOOTNOTES:

[24] It should be 29th. The mistake is copied from Navarrete.

[25] In pursuance of his idea that not two, but only one letter, was despatched to head-quarters, Senhor de Varnhagen has translated the words of the endorsement “Contenida a otra de Sus Altezas.”—“Contenida _en_ otra, etc.” and then, reasoning from the impossibility of Columbus showing such familiarity with the Sovereigns, argues, that the letter was in fact addressed to them only. With all respect I submit that the natural rendering is “Contenida la otra de Sus Altezas”; Angl. “Contained the other of their Highnesses”; or, as it would be clearer in French, “Y contenue l’autre de Leurs Altesses;” and Santangel appropriately appears as bearer of the missive to the Sovereigns.

SELECT LETTERS OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. ETC.

Transcriber’s Note: In the original, the English text was printed at the top of each page with the Spanish text below. This is not practical to reproduce in an e-text, so the English is given first, followed by the Spanish.

FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.[26]

_A Letter sent by Columbus to [Luis de Santangel] Chancellor of the Exchequer [of Aragon], respecting the Islands found in the Indies, enclosing another for their Highnesses._

SIR,—Believing that you will take pleasure in hearing of the great success which our Lord has granted me in my voyage, I write you this letter, whereby you will learn how in thirty-three days’[27] time I reached the Indies with the fleet which the most illustrious King and Queen, our Sovereigns, gave to me, where I found very many islands thickly peopled, of all which I took possession without resistance, for their Highnesses by proclamation made and with the royal standard unfurled. To the first island that I found I gave the name of _San Salvador_,[28] in remembrance of His High Majesty, who hath marvellously brought all these things to pass; the Indians call it _Guanaham_. To the second island I gave the name of _Santa-Maria de Concepcion_;[29] the third I called _Fernandina_;[30] the fourth, _Isabella_;[31] the fifth, _Juana_;[32] and so to each one I gave a new name. When I reached _Juana_, I followed its coast to the westward, and found it so large that I thought it must be the mainland,—the province of _Cathay_; and, as I found neither towns nor villages on the sea-coast, but only a few hamlets, with the inhabitants, of which I could not hold conversation, because they all immediately fled, I kept on the same route, thinking that I could not fail to light upon some large cities and towns. At length, after the proceeding of many leagues, and finding that nothing new presented itself, and that the coast was leading me northwards (which I wished to avoid, because winter had already set in, and it was my intention to move southwards; and because moreover the winds were contrary), I resolved not to wait for a change in the weather, but returned to a certain harbour which I had remarked, and from which I sent two men ashore to ascertain whether there was any king or large cities in that part. They journeyed for three days and found countless small hamlets with numberless inhabitants, but with nothing like order; they therefore returned. In the meantime I had learned from some other Indians whom I had seized, that this land was certainly an island; accordingly, I followed the coast eastward for a distance of one hundred and seven leagues, where it ended in a cape. From this cape, I saw another island to the eastward at a distance of eighteen leagues from the former, to which I gave the name of _La Española_.[33] Thither I went, and followed its northern coast to the eastward (just as I had done with the coast of _Juana_), one hundred and seventy[34]-eight full leagues due east. This island, like all the others, is extraordinarily large, and this one extremely so. In it are many seaports with which none that I know in Christendom can bear comparison, so good and capacious that it is wonder to see. The lands are high, and there are many very lofty mountains with which the island of _Cetefrey_ cannot be compared. They are all most beautiful, of a thousand different shapes, accessible, and covered with trees of a thousand kinds of such great height that they seemed to reach the skies. I am told that the trees never lose their foliage, and I can well understand it, for I observed that they were as green and luxuriant as in Spain in the month of May. Some were in bloom, others bearing fruit, and others otherwise according to their nature. The nightingale was singing as well as other birds of a thousand different kinds; and that, in November, the month in which I myself was roaming amongst them. There are palm-trees of six or eight kinds, wonderful in their beautiful variety; but this is the case with all the other trees and fruits and grasses; trees, plants, or fruits filled us with admiration. It contains extraordinary pine groves, and very extensive plains. There is also honey, a great variety of birds, and many different kind of fruits. In the interior there are many mines of metals and a population innumerable. _Española_ is a wonder. Its mountains and plains, and meadows, and fields, are so beautiful and rich for planting and sowing, and rearing cattle of all kinds, and for building towns and villages. The harbours on the coast, and the number and size and wholesomeness of the rivers, most of them bearing gold, surpass anything that would be believed by one who had not seen them. There is a great difference between the trees, fruits, and plants of this island and those of _Juana_. In this island there are many spices and extensive mines of gold and other metals. The inhabitants of this and of all the other islands I have found or gained intelligence of, both men and women, go as naked as they were born, with the exception that some of the women cover one part only with a single leaf of grass or with a piece of cotton, made for that purpose. They have neither iron, nor steel, nor arms, nor are they competent to use them, not that they are not well-formed and of handsome stature, but because they are timid to a surprising degree. Their only arms are reeds cut in the seeding time,[35] to which they fasten small sharpened sticks, and even these they dare not use; for on several occasions it has happened that I have sent ashore two or three men to some village to hold a parley, and the people have come out in countless numbers, but, as soon as they saw our men approach, would flee with such precipitation that a father would not even stop to protect his son; and this not because any harm had been done to any of them, for, from the first, wherever I went and got speech with them, I gave them of all that I had, such as cloth and many other things, without receiving anything in return, but they are, as I have described, incurably timid. It is true that when they are reassured and have thrown off this fear, they are guileless, and so liberal of all they have that no one would believe it who had not seen it. They never refuse anything that they possess when it is asked of them; on the contrary, they offer it themselves, and they exhibit so much loving kindness that they would even give their hearts; and, whether it be something of value or of little worth that is offered to them, they are satisfied. I forbade that worthless things, such as pieces of broken porringers and broken glass, and ends of straps, should be given to them; although, when they succeeded in obtaining them, they thought they possessed the finest jewel in the world. It was ascertained that a sailor received for a leather strap a piece of gold weighing two _castellanos_[36] and a half, and others received for other objects of far less value, much more. For new _blancas_[37] they would give all that they had, whether it was two or three _castellanos_ in gold or one or two arrobas[38] of spun cotton. They took even bits of the broken hoops of the wine barrels, and gave, like fools, all that they possessed in exchange, insomuch that I thought it was wrong, and forbade it. I gave away a thousand good and pretty articles which I had brought with me in order to win their affection; and that they might be led to become Christians, and be well inclined to love and serve their Highnesses and the whole Spanish nation, and that they might aid us by giving us things of which we stand in need, but which they possess in abundance. They are not acquainted with any kind of worship, and are not idolaters; but believe that all power and, indeed, all good things are in heaven; and they are firmly convinced that I, with my vessels and crews, came from heaven, and with this belief received me at every place at which I touched, after they had overcome their apprehension. And this does not spring from ignorance, for they are very intelligent, and navigate all these seas, and relate everything to us, so that it is astonishing what a good account they are able to give of everything; but they have never seen men with clothes on, nor vessels like ours. On my reaching the Indies, I took by force, in the first island that I discovered, some of these natives, that they might learn our language and give me information in regard to what existed in these parts; and it so happened that they soon understood us and we them, either by words or signs, and they have been very serviceable to us. They are still with me, and, from repeated conversations that I have had with them, I find that they still believe that I come from heaven. And they were the first to say this wherever I went, and the others ran from house to house and to the neighbouring villages, crying with a loud voice: “Come, come, and see the people from heaven!” And thus they all, men as well as women, after their minds were at rest about us, came, both large and small, and brought us something to eat and drink, which they gave us with extraordinary kindness. They have in all these islands very many canoes like our row-boats: some larger, some smaller, but most of them larger than a barge of eighteen seats. They are not so wide, because they are made of one single piece of timber, but a barge could not keep up with them in rowing, because they go with incredible speed, and with these canoes they navigate among these islands, which are innumerable, and carry on their traffic. I have seen in some of these canoes seventy and eighty men, each with his oar. In all these islands I did not notice much difference in the appearance of the inhabitants, nor in their manners nor language, except that they all understand each other, which is very singular, and leads me to hope that their Highnesses will take means for their conversion to our holy faith, towards which they are very well disposed. I have already said how I had gone one hundred and seven leagues in following the sea-coast of _Juana_ in a straight line from west to east: and from that survey I can state that the island is larger than England and Scotland together, because, beyond these one hundred and seven leagues, there lie to the west two provinces which I have not yet visited, one of which is called _Avan_, where the people are born with a tail. These two provinces cannot be less in length than from fifty to sixty leagues, from what can be learned from the Indians that I have with me, and who are acquainted with all these islands. The other, _Española_, has a greater circumference than all Spain, from Catalonia by the sea-coast to Fuenterabia in Biscay, since on one of its four sides I made one hundred and eighty-eight great leagues in a straight line from west to east. This is something to covet, and when found not to be lost sight of. Although I have taken possession of all these islands in the name of their Highnesses, and they are all more abundant in wealth than I am able to express; and although I hold them all for their Highnesses, so that they can dispose of them quite as absolutely as they can of the kingdoms of Castile, yet there was one large town in _Española_ of which especially I took possession, situated in a locality well adapted for the working of the gold mines, and for all kinds of commerce, either with the main land on this side, or with that beyond which is the land of the great Khan, with which there will be vast commerce and great profit. To that city I gave the name of _Villa de Navidad_, and fortified it with a fortress, which by this time will be quite completed, and I have left in it a sufficient number of men with arms,[39] artillery, and provisions for more than a year, a barge, and a sailing master skilful in the arts necessary for building others. I have also established the greatest friendship with the king of that country, so much so that he took pride in calling me his brother, and treating me as such. Even should these people change their intentions towards us and become hostile, they do not know what arms are, but, as I have said, go naked, and are the most timid people in the world; so that the men I have left could, alone, destroy the whole country, and this island has no danger for them, if they only know how to conduct themselves. In all those islands it seems to me that the men are content with one wife, except their chief or king, to whom they give twenty. The women seem to me to work more than the men. I have not been able to learn whether they have any property of their own. It seemed to me that what one possessed belonged to all, especially in the matter of eatables. I have not found in those islands any monsters, as many imagined; but, on the contrary, the whole race is very well-formed, nor are they black, as in Guinea, but their hair is flowing, for they do not dwell in that part where the force of the sun’s rays is too powerful. It is true that the sun has very great power there, for the country is distant only twenty-six degrees from the equinoctial line. In the islands where there are high mountains, the cold this winter was very great, but they endure it, not only from being habituated to it, but by eating meat with a variety of excessively hot spices. As to savages, I did not even hear of any, except at an island which lies the second in one’s way in coming to the Indies.[40] It is inhabited by a race which is regarded throughout these islands as extremely ferocious, and eaters of human flesh. These possess many canoes, in which they visit all the Indian islands, and rob and plunder whatever they can. They are no worse formed than the rest, except that they are in the habit of wearing their hair long, like women, and use bows and arrows made of reeds, with a small stick at the end, for want of iron, which they do not possess. They are ferocious amongst these exceedingly timid people; but I think no more of them than of the rest. These are they which have intercourse with the women of Matenino,[41] the first island one comes to on the way from Spain to the Indies, and in which there are no men. These women employ themselves in no labour suitable to their sex; but use bows and arrows made of reeds like those above described, and arm and cover themselves with plates of copper, of which metal they have a great quantity. They assure me that there is another island larger than _Española_, in which the inhabitants have no hair. It is extremely rich in gold; and I bring with me Indians taken from these different islands, who will testify to all these things. Finally, and speaking only of what has taken place in this voyage, which has been so hasty, their Highnesses may see that I shall give them all the gold they require, if they will give me but a very little assistance; spices also, and cotton, as much as their Highnesses shall command to be shipped; and mastic, hitherto found only in Greece, in the island of Chios, and which the Signoria[42] sells at its own price, as much as their Highnesses shall command to be shipped; lign aloes, as much as their Highnesses shall command to be shipped; slaves, as many of these idolators as their Highnesses shall command to be shipped. I think also I have found rhubarb and cinnamon, and I shall find a thousand other valuable things by means of the men that I have left behind me, for I tarried at no point so long as the wind allowed me to proceed, except in the town of _Navidad_, where I took the necessary precautions for the security and settlement of the men I left there. Much more I would have done if my vessels had been in as good a condition as by rights they ought to have been. This is much, and praised be the eternal God, our Lord, who gives to all those who walk in his ways victory over things which seem impossible; of which this is signally one, for, although others may have spoken or written concerning these countries, it was all mere conjecture, as no one could say that he had seen them—it amounting only to this, that those who heard listened the more, and regarded the matter rather as a fable than anything else. But our Redeemer hath granted this victory to our illustrious King and Queen and their kingdoms, which have acquired great fame by an event of such high importance, in which all Christendom ought to rejoice, and which it ought to celebrate with great festivals and the offering of solemn thanks to the Holy Trinity with many solemn prayers, both for the great exaltation which may accrue to them in turning so many nations to our holy faith, and also for the temporal benefits which will bring great refreshment and gain, not only to Spain, but to all Christians. This, thus briefly, in accordance with the events.

Done on board the caravel, off the Canary Islands, on the fifteenth of February, fourteen hundred and ninety-three.

At your orders.

THE ADMIRAL.

After this letter was written, as I was in the sea of Castile, there arose a south-west wind, which compelled me to lighten my vessels and run this day into this port of Lisbon, an event which I consider the most marvellous thing in the world, and whence I resolved to write to their Highnesses. In all the Indies I have always found the weather like that in the month of May. I reached them in thirty-three days, and returned in twenty-eight, with the exception that these storms detained me fourteen days knocking about in this sea. All seamen say that they have never seen such a severe winter nor so many vessels lost.

Done on the fourteenth day of March.

_Esta Carta embió Colon al Escrivano de Racion de las Islas halladas en las Indias. Contenida la otra de Sus Altezas._

Señor, por que se que aureis[43] plazer de la grand victoria que nuestro señor me ha dado en mi vyaie, vos escriuo esta por la qual sabreys commo en xxxiij dias pase a las jndias[44] con la armada que los illustrissimos Rey et reyna, nuestros señores, me dieron, donde yo falle muy muchas Islas pobladas con gente syn numero. Y dellas todas he tomado posession por sus altezas con pregon y vandera real estendida, y non me fue contradicho. A la primera que yo falle puse nombre Sant Saluador, a comemoracion de Su Alta Magestad, el qual marauillosamente todo esto andado;[45] los jndios la llaman Guanaham. A la segunda puse nombre la ylsa de santa Maria de Concepcion. A la tercera Ferrandina. A la quarta la Ysabella. A la quinta la isla Juana, et asy a cada vna nombre nueuo. Quando yo llegue a la Juana segui yo la costa della al poniente y la falle tan grande que pense que seria tierra firma, la prouincia de Catayo, y como no falle asi[46] villas y lugares en la costa de la mar, salvo pequeñas poblaciones, conla gente de las quales non podia hauer fabla, por que luego fuyan todos, andaua yo adelante por el dicho camino, pensando de no errar grandes Ciudades o villas, y al cabo de muchas leguas visto que no hauia innovacion y que la costa me leuaua al setentrion, de adonde mi voluntad era contraria, por que el yuierno era ya encarnado,[47] yo tenia proposito de hazer del[48] al austro y tanbien el viento me dio adelante, determine de no aguardar otro tiempo, y bolui atras fasta un señalado puerto da donde enbie dos hombres por la tierra para saber si auia rey o grandes ciudades. Andouieron tres iornadas y hallaron infinitas poblaciones pequeñas y gente sin numero, mas no cosa de regimiento, por lo qual se boluieron. Yo entendia harta de otros jndios que ya tenia tomados commo continuamente esta tierra era isla, et asi segui la costa della al oriente ciento y siete leguas faste donde fazia fin: del qual cabo vi[49] otra isla al oriente, distincta[50] de esta diez o ocho leguas, a la qual luego puse nombre la Spañola, y fui alli y segui la parte del setentrion asi commo de la Juana al oriente, clxxviij[51] grandes leguas[52] por linia recta del oriente asi commo de la Juana, la qual y todas las otras son fortissimas[53] en demasiado grado, y esta en estremo; en ella ay muchos puertos enla costa dela mar, sin comparacion de otros que yo sepa en christianos, y sartos, y buenos, y grandes, que es marauilla. Las tierras della son altas y en ella muy muchas sierras y montañas altissimas sin comparacion de ysla de centre.[54] Son todas fermossimas de mill. fechuras y todas andabiles y llenas de arboles de mil maneras y altas y pareçen que llegan al cielo; y tengo por dicho que jamas pierden la foia, segun lo puede comprehender que los vi tan verdes y tan hermosos commo son por Mayo en Spaña, y dellos stavan floridos, dellos con fruto, y dellos en otro termino segun es su calidad; y cantaua el ruiseñol[55] y otros paxaricos[56] de mil maneras en el mes de nouienbre por alli donde yo andaua. Ay palmas de seys[57] o de ocho maneras, que es admiracion verlas por la disformidad fermosa dellas; mas asi commo los otros arboles y frutos et yeruas. En ella ay pinares a marauilla, e ay canpiñas grandissimas et ay mjel, y de muchas maneras, de aues y frutas muy diversas. En las tierras ay muchas minas de metales et ay gente inestimable numero. La spañola es marauilla; las sierras y las montañas y las uegas y las campiñas y las tierras tan fermosas y gruesas para plantar et senbrar, para criar ganados de todas suertes para hedificios de villas y lugares. Los puertos de la mar aqui no hauria creancia sin vista, et delos rios muchos y grandes y buenas aguas, los mas delos quales traen oro. En los arboles et frutos et yeruas ay grandes diferencias de aquellas de la Juana. En esta ay muchas specierias[58] y grandes minas de oro y d’otros metales. La gente desta jsla et de todas las otras que he fallado y hauido,[59] in aya hauido noticia, andan todos desnudos, hombres et mugeres, asi commo sus madres los paren, avnque algunas mugeres se cobijan vn solo lugar con vna sola foia de yerua o vna cosa[60] de algodon que para ellos fazen. Ellos no tienen fierro ni azero ni armas, ni son para ello; no porque no sea gente bien dispuesta et de fermosa estatura, saluo que son muy temerosos a marauilla. No tienen otras armas saluo las armas de las cañas, quando estan con la simiente, a la qual ponen al cabo vn palillo agudo, et no osan usar de aquellas, que muchas vezes me ha acaescido enbiar a tierra dos o tres honbres alguna villa para hauer fabla, y salir a ellos dellos sin numero, et despues que los veyan llegar, fuyan a no aguardar padre a hijo, y esto no porque a ninguno se aya fecho mal; antes a toda cabo a donde yo ay estado et podido auer fabla, les he dado de todo lo que tenia, asi paño commo otras cosas muchas, sin recebir por ello cosa alguna; mas son asi temerosos sin remedio. Verdad es que despues que aseguran y pierden esta miedo, ellos son tanto sin engaño y tan liberales delo que tienen que no lo creerian sino el que lo viese. Ellos de cosa que tengan pidiendo gela, iamas dizen de no; antes conuidan la persona con ello, y muestran tanto amor que darian los coraçones, et quieren sea cosa de valor quien sea de poco precio luego por qualquiera cosica de qualquiera manera que sea que sele de por ello, sean contentos. Yo defendi que no se les diesen cosas tan siuiles commo pedaços de escudillas rotas, y pedaços de vidrio roto, y cabos de agugetas: aunque quando ellos esto podran llegar,[61] los parescia auer la mejor joya del mundo: que se açerto auer vn marinero por vna agugeta de oro de peso de dos castellanos y medio, y otros de otras cosas que muy menos valian, mucho mas. Ya por blancas nuevas dauan por ellas todo quanto tenian auer que[62] fuesen dos ni tres castellanos de oro o vna arroua[63] o dos de algodon fylado. Fasta los pedaços delos arcos rotos de las pipas tomauan y dauan lo que tenian commo bestias, asy que me parescia mal. Yo lo defendi y daua yo graciosas mil cosas buenas que yo leuaua, por que tomen amor y allenda desto se faran[64] cristianos, que se jnclinan al amor y servicio de sus altezas y de toda la nacion castellana, y procuran de aiuntar[65] de nos dar de las cosas que tienen en abundancia que nos son neçessarias. Y no conocian ninguna seta nin ydolatria, saluo que todos creen que las fuerças y el bien es en el cielo. Y creyan muy firme que yo con estos nauios y gente venia del cielo, y en tal catamiento me recibian[66] en todo cabo despues de auer perdido el miedo. Y esto no precede porque sean ygnorantes, saluo de muy sotil ingenio y hombres que nauegan todas aquellas mares, que es marauilla la buena cuenta quellos dan de todo, salvo porque nunca vieron gente vestida ny semejantes nauios. Y luego que legue a las jndias en la primera ysla que halle, tome por fuerça algunos dellos para que deprendiesen y me diesen notia delo que auia en aquellas partes, et asy fue que luego entendiron, y nos a ellos, quando por lengua o señas, y estos han aprouechado mucho. Oy en dia los traygo que siempre estan de proposito que vengo del cielo por mucha conuersacion que ayan auido conmigo, y estos eran los primeros a pronunciarlo adonde yo llegaua; y los otros andauan corriendo de casa en casa, y alas villas çercenas con bozes altas, venid, venid a ver la gente del cielo. Asi todos, hombres commo mugeres, despues de auer el coraçon seguro de nos, venian[67] que no quedauan grande ni pequeño, y todos trayan algo de comer y de beuer que dauan con un amor marauilloso. Ellos tienen todas las yslas muy muchas canoas a manera de fustes[68] de remo, dellas maioras, dellas menores y algunas y muchas son mayoras que vna fusta de diez et ocho bancos. No son tan anchas porque son de vn solo madero, mas vna fusta no terna con ellas al remo porque van que no es cosa de creer, y con estas nauegan todas aquellas yslas que son jnnumerables, y traten sus mercaderias. Algunas destas canoas he visto con. lxx. y lxxx. honbres en ella, y cada vno con su remo. En todas estas yslas no vide mucha diuersidad de la fechura dela gente ni en las costumbres ni en la lengua, saluo que todos se entienden, que es cosa muy singular, para lo que espero que determinaren sus altezas para la conversacion[69] dellos de nuestra santa fe a la qual son muy dispuestos. Ya dixe commo yo hauia andada c. vij. leguas por la costa de la mar por la derecha liña de ocidente a oriente por la ysla Juana, segun el qual camino puedo desir que esta isla es mayor que inglaterra y escosia juntas por que allen de destas c. vij. leguas, me queda de la parte de poniente dos prouincias que yo no he andado; la vna de las quales llaman Auan,[70] adonde nascen la gente con cola, las quales prouincias no pueden tener en longura menos de l. o lx. leguas, segund puede[71] entender destos jndios que yo tengo, los quales saben todas las yslas. Esta otra española en cierco tiene mas que la españa toda desde colunya[72] por costa de mar fasta fuente rauia en vi scaya pues en vna quadra anduue clxxxviij.[73] grandes leguas por recta linia de occidente a oriente. Esta es para desear, et vista, es para nunca dexar; enla qual puesto que de todas tenga tomada possession por sus altezas, y todas sean mas abastadas delo que yo se y puedo dezir, y todas las tengo por de sus altezas qual dellas pueden disponer commo y tan complidamente commo delos Reynos de castilla. En esta española en el lugar[74] mas conuenible y meyor comarca para las minas del oro y de todo trato, asi dela tierra firme de aqua commo de aquella de alla del grand can, adonde aura[75] grand trato et grand ganança, he tomado possession de vna villa grande, ala qual puse nombre la villa de Nauidad. Y en ella he fecho fuerça y fortaleza que ya a estas horas estara del todo acabada, y he dexada en ella gente que abasta para semejante fecho, con armas y artellarias et vituallas por mas de un año; y fusta y maestro de la mar en todas artes para fazer otras, y grande amistad con el rey de aquella tierra en tanto grado que se preciaua de me llamar y tener por hermano; y aunque le mudasse[76] la voluntad a offender esta gente, el ni los suyos no saben que sean armas y andan desnudos commo ya he dicho: son los mas temerosos que ay en el mundo, asi que solamente la gente que alla queda, es para destroir toda aquella tierra, y es ysla syn peligro de sus personas sabiendo se regir. En todas estas yslas me parece que todos los honbres sean contentos con vna muger, y a su mayoral o rey dan fasta veynte. Las mugeres me parece que trabaian mas que los honbres, ni he podido entender si tenien bienes propios, que me parecio ver que aquello que vno tenia todos hazian parte, en especial de las cosas comederas. En estas yslas fasta aqui no he hallado honbres mostrudos, commo muchos pensauan; mas antes es toda gente de muy lindo acatamiento, ny son negros commo en guinea, saluo con sus cabellos corredios,[77] y no se crian adonde ay jnpeto[78] demasiado delos rayos solares. Es verdad quel sol tiene alli grande fuerça, puesto que es didistinta[79] dela linia inquinocial xxvi. grandes. En estas islas adonde ay montañas, ay tenida[80] a fuerça el frio este yuierno, mas ellos lo sufren por la costumbre que con la ayuda delas viandas que comen con[81] especias muchas y muy calientes en demasia. Asy que mostruos no he hallado jnnoticia,[82] saluo de una ysla[83] que es aqui en la segunda a la entrada de las jndias, que es poblada de vna gente que tienen en todas las yslas por muy ferozes, los quales comen carne humana.[84] Estos tienen muchas canaos, con las quales corren todas las yslas de jndia: roban y toman quanto pueden. Ellos no son mas difformes que los otros, saluo que tienen en costumbre de traer los cabellos largos commo mugeres, y vsan arcos y flechas de las mismas armas de cañas con vn palillo al cabo, por defecto de fierro, que no tienen. Son feroses entre estos otros pueblos que son en demasiado grado couardes, mas yo no lo tengo a nada mas que a los otros. Estos son aquellos que tratan con las mugeres de matremonio,[85] que es la primera ysla partiendo despaña para las jndias que se falla, enla qual no ay honbre ninguno. Ellas no vsan exercicio femenil, saluo arcos y flechas commo los sobredichos de cañas, y se arman y cobijan con lamines de arambre, de que tienen mucho. Otra ysla me seguran mayor que la española, en que las personas no tienen ningun cabello. En esta ay oro sin cuenta, y desta y de las otras traigo comigo jndios para testimonio. Y conclusion a fablar desto solamente que sea fecho este viage, que fue si de corrida que pueden ver sus altezas que yo les dare oro quanto ovieren[86] menester con muy poquita ajuda que sus altezas me daran, agora specieria y algodon quanto sus altezas mandaran cargar, y almastica[87] quanta mandaran cargar, et dela qual fasta oy no se ha fallado, saluo en grecia enla ysla de xio, y el señorio la vende commo quiere, y liguñaloe quanto mandaran cargar, y esclavos quanto mandaran cargar et seran delos ydolatres.[88] Y creo auer hallado ruybaruo y canela y otras mil cosas de sustancia fallare, que auran fallado la gente que yo alla dexo, por que yo no me he detenido ningun cabo, en quanto el viento me aya dado lugar de nauegar, solamente en la villa de Nauidad en quanto dexe asegurado et bien asentado; y ala verdad mucho mas ficiera si los nauios me siruieran commo razon demandaua. Esto es harto[89] y eterno dios nuestro señor el qual da a todos aquellos que andan su camino victoria de cosas que parecen inposibles: y esta señaladamente fue la vna; porque avnque destas tierras ayan fallado o escripto,[90] todo va por conlectura sin allegar devista, saluo comprendiendo a tanto que los oyentes los mas escuchauan y juzgauan mas por fabla que por poca[91] cosa dello.

Asy que pues nuestro redentor dio victoria a nuestros illustrissimos rey et reyna y a sus reynos famosos de tan alta cosa, adonde toda la christianidad deve tomar alegria y fazer grandes fiestas, y dar gracias solennes a la santa trinidad con muchas oraciones solennes por el tanto enxalçamiento que auran, en tornandose[92] tantos pueblosa nuestra santa fe, y despues por los bienes temporales; que no solamente a la españa mas a todos los cristianos ternan aqui refrigerio y ganancia. Esto segun el fecho asi en breue[93]. Fecha enla calauera[94] sobre las yslas de canaria[95] a xv.[96] de febrero, Mill. y quatrocientos y nouenta y tres años.

Fara[97] lo que mandereys[98].

EL ALMIRANTE.

Nyma[99] que venia dentro en la carta.

Despues desta escripto:[100] y estando en mar de Castilla salyo tanto viento conmigo sul y sueste que me ha fecho descargar los nauios por cori[101] aqui en esto puerto de lysbona oy, que fue la mayor marauilla del mundo. Adonde acorde escriuir a sus altezas. En todas las yndias he siempre hallado los tenporales[102] commo en mayo. Adonde yo fuy en xxxiij.[103] dias y bolui en xxviij.[104] salvo questas tormentas me han detenido xiiij.[105] dias corriendo por esta mar. Dizen aqua todos los honbres dela mar que jamas ouo tan mal yuierno, no ni tantas perdidas de naues.[106] Fecha a. xiiij dias de marco.

Esta carta embio Colon al escrivano Deracion delas Islas halladas en las Indias. Contenida a otra[107] de sus Altezas.

FOOTNOTES:

[26] The original spelling of the Ambrosian text, with all its faults, is here preserved, with the exception of the separation of words fused together, and the addition of punctuation and capitals for the sake of clearness. Suggested corrections from the other texts will be placed at the foot of each page, V. standing for Valencian text; S. for Simancas text; I. for Italian text; L. for Latin; D. for Dati. Such misspellings as a Spanish scholar will readily recognize as the blunders of the Spanish printer I have not thought it necessary to notice.

[27] From the 8th of September when Columbus sailed from the Canaries, to the 11th of October when he first saw land, was thirty-three days.

[28] Watling’s Island.

[29] Long Island.

[30] Great Exuma.

[31] Saometo or Crooked Island.

[32] Cuba.

[33] Hispaniola or San Domingo.

[34] It should be 188 leagues. See Bibliographical Notice.

[35] These canes are probably the flowering stems of large grasses, similar to the bamboo or to the arundinaria used by the natives of Guiana for blowing arrows.

[36] An old Spanish coin, equal to the fiftieth part of a mark of gold.

[37] Small copper coins, equal to about the quarter of a farthing.

[38] One _arroba_ weighs twenty-five pounds.

[39] There appears to be a doubt as to the exact number of men left by Columbus at Española, different accounts variously giving it as thirty-seven, thirty-eight, thirty-nine, and forty. There is, however, a list of their names included in one of the diplomatic documents printed in Navarrete’s work, which makes the number amount to forty, independent of the governor Diego de Arana, and his two lieutenants Pedro Gutierrez and Rodrigo de Escobedo. All these men were Spaniards, with the exception of two; one an Irishman named William Ires, a native of Galway, and one an Englishman, whose name was given as Tallarte de Lajes, but whose native designation it is difficult to guess at. The document in question, was a proclamation to the effect that the heirs of those men should, on presenting at the office of public business at Seville, sufficient proof of their being the next of kin, receive payment in conformity with the royal order to that purpose, issued at Burgos, on the twentieth of December, 1507.

[40] Dominica.

[41] Martinique.

[42] Of Genoa. The island of Chios belonged to the Genoese Republic from 1346 to 1566.

[43] Habreis.