Chapter XII: Appendix: III

THE PRECIOUS METALS POSSESSED BY THE EARLY FLORIDIAN INDIANS.

The main idea that inspired the Spanish expeditions to Florida was the hope of discovering riches there, equal to the gorgeous opulence of Peru and Mexico. Although the country was supposed to be north of the auriferous zone--in accordance with which geological notion in his map of the world (1529) Diego de Ribero inscribes on the land marked “Tierra de Garay,” north of the Gulf of Mexico, now West Florida, “This land is poor in gold, as it lies too far from the tropic of Cancer”[360]--yet an abiding faith in its riches was kept alive by Spanish traders obtaining from time to time morsels of gold from the natives. As early as the first voyage of De Leon (1512), they possessed and used it as an article of barter in small quantities.[361] The later explorers, Narvaez, De Soto, Ribaut, and Laudonniére, report both gold and silver, but never, as far as their own observations went, in any abundance. The savages were always eagerly questioned as to its origin and always returned one of two answers; either that they had pilfered it from the wrecks of vessels driven on their coasts, or else they referred the inquirer to a distant and mountainous country to the north, known both to the nations on the Gulf of Mexico, those at the extreme south of the peninsula, and those on the Atlantic coast as far north as the Savannah river, as Apalache. Here, said the rumors, the men wore cuirasses of gold and shields of burnished silver, while the women were impeded in their dancing by the weight of their golden ornaments and strings of pearls. We have seen that this name was at one period applied to a large area of country, and hence have no difficulty in appreciating the error that Narvaez committed when he supposed the small town of that name east of the Apalachicola to contain the major part of the nation. Fontanedo, whose long residence among the Indians renders him one of our best authorities on certain points, says expressly that the snowy mountains of Onagatano whence the gold was obtained were the _furthermost possessions of Apalache_.[362]

There is a general similarity in the accounts of the direction and remoteness of the mines. The coast tribes north of the St. Johns river had pieces of _sieroa pira_, red metal, which was tested by a goldsmith who accompanied Laudonniére and found to be pure gold. When asked where this was obtained they pointed to the north. Another chief who gave them slips of silver said it came from a country at the foot of lofty mountains ten long days’ journey inland, towards the north. A third had small grains of gold, silver, and copper, procured, according to his own account, by washing the sands of a creek that flowed at the base of lofty mountains five or six days journey in a northwesterly direction. The artist Le Moyne de Morgues, drawing somewhat on his imagination, represents in his forty-first sketch this method of cleaning it. Hence on some maps of a very early period the southern Alleghanies bear the name _Apalatcy Montes Auriferi_. Years afterwards, rumors derived from the Indians were rife among the Spanish colonists of a “very rich and exceeding great city, called La Grand Copal, among the mountains of Gold and Chrystal,” fifteen or twenty days journey northwest of St. Augustine.[363]

Now as the gold mines of Georgia and Carolina lie about three hundred miles north or northwest of Florida, such accounts as these can leave no reasonable doubt but that they were known to the Indians, and to a certain extent worked before the arrival of the white man. Indeed, may we not impute to them the ancient and unrecorded mining operations, signs of which are occasionally met with in the gold country of Georgia? Such are the remains of what are called “furnaces,” the marks of excavations, various rude metallurgical instruments, the buried log houses, and other tokens of a large population in some remote past, found from time to time in the vicinity of Dahlonega and various parts of the Nacooche valley.[364] These were referred by the finders to De Soto, who offers a favorite and ready explanation for any construction of unknown age, in that part of our country; thus I have been told that the bone mounds in Florida were the burial places of his soldiers, and on one occasion a post pliocene bank of shells on Tampa Bay was pointed out to me as the ruins of one of his forts. It is unnecessary to add that the soldiers under this ill-fated leader spent no time in digging gold either in north Georgia or anywhere else.

That in the course of barter small quantities of the metals here obtained--for we must ascribe to shipwrecks the “lumps of gold several pounds in weight” said to have been found in modern times on the shores of Florida and Carolina[365]--should have gradually proceeded to the nations on the shores of the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico, and even to the Caloosas in South Florida, four hundred miles from their starting point, will not astonish any one acquainted with the extent to which the transportation of metals was carried by the aborigines in other portions of the continent.

END.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Sommation à faire aux Habitants des Contrees et Provinces qui s’étendent depuis la Riviére des Palmes et le cap de la Floride. Extrait du livre des copies des Provinces de la Floride, Seville Chambre du Commerce, 1527. It is the first piece in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil des Pièces sur la Floride_.

[2] Naufragios de Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca en la Florida, Valladolid, 1555; republished by Barcia, in the Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias Occidentales, Tomo II., Madrid, 1749; translated by Ramusio, Viaggi, Tom. III., Venetia, 1556, from which Purchas made his abbreviated translation, Vol. IV., London, 1624; translated entire, with valuable notes and maps by Buckingham Smith, Washington, 1851. French translation by Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1837.

[3] Asiento y capitulacion hecho por el capitan Hernando de Soto, con el Emperador Carlos V., para la Conquista y Poblacion de la Provincia de la Florida, y encomienda de la Gobernacion de la Isla de Cuba, 1537. Printed in 1844, in the preface to the Portuguese Gentleman’s Narrative, by the Lisbon Academy of Sciences, from the manuscript in the Hydrographical Bureau of Madrid.

[4] Lettre écrite par l’Adelantade Soto, au Corps Municipal de la Ville de Santiago, de l’Isle de Cuba. In Ternaux-Compans’ Recueil des Pieces sur la Floride.

[5] Relation de ce que arriva pendant le Voyage du Capitaine Soto, et Details sur la Nature des pays qu’il parcourut, par Luis Hernandez de Biedma; first printed in Ternaux-Compan’s _Recueil_; Eng. trans. by Rye, appended to the Hackluyt Society’s edition of the Portuguese Gentleman’s Narrative, London, 1852.

[6] Relacão Verdadeira dos Trabalhos [=q] ho Gouernador dō Fernādo d’ Souto y certos Fidalgos Portugueses passarom no d’ scobrimēto da provincia da Frolida. Agora nouamēte feita per hū Fidalgo Deluas, 8vo., Evora, 1557; reprinted, 8vo., Lisboa, 1844, by the Academia Real das Sciencias, with a valuable preface. It was “contracted” by Purchas, vol. IV., London, 1624; translated entire by Hackluyt, under the title, “Virginia richly valued by the Description of Florida, her next Neighbor,” published both separately and in his Collections, vol. V., and subsequently by Peter Force, Washington, 1846, and by the Hackluyt Society, with a valuable introduction by J. T. Rye, London, 1852; another “very inferior” translation from the French, London, 1686. French trans. by M. D. C. (M. de Citri de la Guette), 12mo., Paris, 1685, and again in two parts, 1707-9. Dutch trans. in Van der Aa’s Collection, 8vo., 1706, with “schoone kopere Platen,” and a map.

[7] Buckingham Smith, Translation of Cabeza de Vaca, p. 126.

[8] Herrera, Dec. VII., cap. x., p. 16.

[9] Ticknor, in his History of Spanish Literature, says 1540; the Biographie Universelle, 1530; errors that may be corrected from the Inca’a own words: “Yo nasci el año mil y quinientes y treinta y nueve.” Commentarios Reales, Parte Segunda, Lib. II., cap. xxv.

[10] La Florida del Inca; Historia del Adelantado Hernando de Soto, Governador y Capitan General del Reino de la Florida, y de otros Heroicos Caballeros, Españoles y Indios; 4to, Lisbona, 1605; folio, Madrid, 1723; 12mo., Madrid, 1803. French trans. by St. Pierre Richelet, Paris, 1670, and 1709; Leyde, 1731; La Haye, 1735; by J. Badouin, Amsterdam, 1737. German trans. from the French, by H. S. Meier, Zelle, 1753; Nordhausen, 1785. Fray Pedro Abiles in the Censura to the second Spanish edition, speaks of a garbled Dutch translation or imitation, under the title (I retain his curious orthography), _Der West Indis che Spiegel Durch Athanasium Inga, Peruan von Cusco, T. Amsterdam, by Broer Jansen, 1624_.

[11] The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de Soto, 2 vols. 8vo., Philadelphia, 1835; revised edition, 1 vol., 8vo., New York, 1851, with a map of De Soto’s route.

[12] Charlevoix’ scheme may be found in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France; De l’Isle’s in the fifth volume of the Voyages au Nord, and in his Atlas Nouveau; Homans’ is quoted by Warden in the Chronologie Historique de l’Amerique; all in the first half of the eighteenth century.

[13] Travels into the Arkansa Territory, in 1819, Phila., 1821.

[14] Natural and Civil History of Florida.

[15] Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vol. II.

[16] Antiquarian Researches.

[17] History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi, New York, 1846, vol. I.

[18] History of Alabama, and incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi, vol. I.

[19] Southern Monthly Magazine and Review for Jan., 1839.

[20] History of the Conquest of Florida.

[21] History of Louisiana.

[22] Life, Travels, and Adventures of Ferdinand de Soto, 8vo., Philadelphia, 1858; an excellent popular compend.--Mr. Schoolcraft, in the third volume of the History of the Indian Tribes, has described from personal examination the country in the vicinity of the Ozark mountains, with reference to the westernmost portion of De Soto’s route.

[23] Relation de la Floride pour l’ Illustrissime Seigneur, Vice Roi de la Nouvelle Espagne, apporté par Frére Gregorio de Beteta; in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[24] Compte Rendu par Guido de las Bazares, du voyage qu’il fait pour découvrir les ports et les baies qui sont sur la côte de la Floride; in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[25] Lettre du vice-roi de la Nouvelle Espagne, Don Luis de Velasco, à sa Sacrée Majesté, Catholique et Royale, sur les affaires de la Floride. De Mexico, le 24 Septembre, 1559; in Ternanx-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[26] Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. I, p. 60.

[27] Memoire sur la Floride, ses Côtes et ses Habitants, qu’ aucun de ceux qui l’ont visité ont su d’écrire; in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[28] Herrera, Dec. VIII., lib. IX., cap. xviii.

[29] The whole and true Discoverye of Terra Florida, (Englished, The Flourishing Land) conteyning as well the wonderful straunge Natures and Manners of the People, with the merveylous Commodities and Treasures of the Country; as also the pleasant Portes and Havens and Wayes thereunto, never found out before the last year, 1562. Written in French, by Captain Ribauld, the fyrst that whollye discovered the same, and now newly set forthe in Englishe, the xxx. of May, 1563. Reprinted by Hackluyt, in his small black letter volume of 1583, but not in the folio collection.

[30] Jared Sparks, Life of Jean Ribault, American Biography, vol. VII., p. 147.

[31] Coppie d’vne Lettre venant de la Floride, envoyée à Rouen, et depuis au Seigneur d’Eueron, ensemble le Plan et Portraict du Fort que les François y out faict. Paris, 1565; reprint, without the “Plan et Portraict,” in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[32] Histoire Memorable du dernier Voyage aux Indes, Lieu appellée la Floride, fait par le capitaine Jean Ribaut et entrepris par comandement du Roi en l’an 1565, Lyons, 1566; another edition at Dieppe the same year, with the title “Discours de l’Histoire de la Floride,” &c. Sparks says, “At least three editions were published the same year.” Ternaux-Compans republished the Lyons edition in his _Recueil_, which differs somewhat from that of Dieppe.

[33] “Pour vieillard que je suis et tout gris;” Sparks, mistaking the last word for _gros_, rather ludicrously translates this, “Old man as he was and very corpulent.”--Life of Jean Ribault, p. 148.

[34] Sparks, ibid., p. 149.

[35] Brevis Narratio eorum quæ in Floridâ Americæ Provinciâ, Gallis acciderunt, secundâ in illam Navigatione, Duce Renato de Laudonniere Classis præfecto: Anno MDLXIIII., Francofurti ad Mœnum, 1591.

[36] Epistle Dedicatorie, Vol. III., p. 364.

[37] This seems to have escaped the notice of Mr. Sparks. It is in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil des Pièces sur la Floride_, appended to the Compte-Rendu of Guido de las Bazares, without a distinct title.

[38] Memoire de l’heureux résultat et du bon Voyage que Dieu notre Seigneur a bien voulu accorder à la flotte qui partit de la Ville de Cadiz pour se rendre à la Côte et dans la Province de la Floride, et dont était général l’illustre Seigneur Pedro Menendez de Aviles; in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[39] “Les François furent merveilleusement oultrez d’une silasche trahison, et d’une si detestable cruaulté. La Reprinse de la Floride; Ternaux-Compans” _Recueil_, p. 306.

[40] Une Requête au Roi, faite en forme de Complainte par les Femmes Veufues, petits Enfans Orphelins, et autres leurs Amies, Parents et Alliez, de ceux qui out été cruellement envahis par les Espagnoles en la France Antharctiques dite la Floride, Mai 22, 1566: it is printed “in one of the editions of Challeux _Discours_, and also at the end of Chauveton’s French translation of Benzoni, Geneva, 1579. There are two Latin translations, one by Chauveton appended to his Brevis Historia, and also to the sixth part of De Bry; the other by an unknown hand contained in the second part. These are free translations, but they accord in the essential points.” Jared Sparks, Appendix to Life of Ribaut, American Biography, vol. VII., pp. 153-4.

[41] La Reprinse de la Floride par le capitaine Gourgues; Revue Retrospective, seconde série, Tome II.; Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_. The latter was not aware of the prior publication in the Revue.

[42] De Navigatione Gallorum in Terram Floridam, deque clade an. 1565 ab Hispanis acceptâ. Antwerpiæ, 1568, 8vo. Barcia erroneously adds a second edition of 1583.

[43] Rich (Bibliotheca Americana) incorrectly states 1565.

[44] De Gallorum Expeditione in Floridam et clade ab-Hispanis non minus iniusté quam immaniter ipsis illata, Anno MDLXV. Brevis Historia; Calveton, Novæ Novi Orbis Historiæ, Genevæ, 1578; De Bry, Peregrinationes, Pars VI.; French trans. in Chauveton’s French trans. of Benzoni, 1579. For the notice of this work I am principally indebted to Sparks.

[45] Life of John Ribault, comprising an account of the first Attempts of the French to found a Colony in North America, Boston, 1845; in Vol. VII. of Sparks’ American Biography.

[46] L’Histoire Notable de la Floride située es Indes Occidentales; Contenant les troys Voyages faits en icelle par certains Capitaines et Pilotes François, descrits par le Capitaine Laudonniére, qui y a commandé l’espace d’un an troys moys; à laquelle a esté adjousté un quatriesme voyage par le Capitaine Gourgues. Mise en lumière par M. Basanier, Gentil-homme François Mathematicien. Paris, 1586, 8vo., 124 pp; reprinted Paris, 1853, with an _Avertissement_. Eng. trans. London, 4to, 1586, by R. H. (Richard Hackluyt,) who included it in his folio of 1600, reprinted in 1812.

[47] Voyages, Relations, et Memoires Originaux pour servir à l’Histoire de l’Amerique; seconde série; Recueil des Pieces sur la Floride, Paris, 1841.

[48] The Relation of Pedro Morales, a Spanyard which Sir Francis Drake brought from St. Augustines in Florida, where he remayned sixe yeeres, touching the state of those partes, taken from his mouth by Richard Hackluyt, 1586.

The relation of Nicholas Bourgoignon, aliâs Holy, whom Sir Francis Drake brought from St. Augustine, also in Florida, where he had remayned sixe yeeres, in mine and Master Heriot’s hearing. Voyages, Vol. III., pp. 432-33.

[49] Varia Historia de la Nueva España y la Florida; Madrid, 1596; Valladolid, 1634.

[50] Cedulas y Provisiones Reales de las Indias; Varios Informes y Consultos de differentes Ministros sobre las Cosas de la Florida; 4to Madrid, 1596.

[51] Relacion de los Martires que ha avido en la Florida; 4to, (Madrid?) 1604.

[52] Nicolas Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, Tom. II., p. 43, and Compare “Garcilasso, Commentarios Reales, Parte II., lib. VII.”

[53] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 181.

[54] “En breve tiempo hizó (Padre Antonio Sedeño) Arte para aprenderla, y Catecismo para enseñar la Doctrina Cristiana à los Indios.” Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 138. His labors have escaped the notice of Ludewig in his Literature of American Aboriginal Languages. Though they are the first labors, before him the French on the St. Lawrence had obtained lists of words in the native tongue which still remain, and Laudonniére, on the first voyage of Ribaut, (1562,) says of the Indians near the Savannah river, “cognoissans l’affection que j’avois de sçavoir leur langage, ils m’ invitoient après à leur demander quelque chose. Tellement que mettant par escrit les termes et locutions indiennes, je pouvois entendre la plus grande part de leur discours.” Hist. Notable de la Floride, p. 29. Unfortunately, however, he did not think these worthy of publication.

[55] Confessionario en Lengua Castellana y Timuquana. Impreso con licencia en Mexico, en la Emprenta de la viuda de Diego Lopez Daualos; Año de 1613, 12mo., 238 leaves. Nicolas Antonio says 1612, 8vo., but this is probably a mistake.

Grammatica de la Lengua Timuquana, 8vo., Mexico, 1614; not mentioned by Ludewig.

Catecismo y Examen para los que comulgan, 8vo., Mexico, 1614; reprinted “en la imprenta de Juan Ruyz,” 8vo., 1627.

[56] Ludewig says Toledo; Torquemada calls him “Natural de Castro-Urdiales,” but Nicolas Antonio says expressly, “Franciscus de Pareja, Auñonensis (Toletanæ dioecesis Auñon oppidum est).” Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, Tom. I., p. 456. Besides this writer, see for particulars of the life of Pareja, Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. xx, p. 350, and Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, pp. 167, 195, 203.

[57] Ludewig, Literature of American Aboriginal Languages, p. 242.

[58] Voiages aux Indes Occidentales; traduits de l’Espagnol; Amsterdam, 1722. Dutch trans. the same year. Another edition under the title, Recueil de Voyages dans l’Amerique Meridionale, Paris, 1738, which Brunet does not notice.

[59] Relacion de los Viages que los Españoles han hecho a las Costas del Seno Mexicano y la Florida desde el año de 1685 hasta el de 1693, con una nueva Descripcion de sus Costas.

[60] Memorial en Derecho al Rei sobre la Visita à la Florida y otras Cosas, folio, Madrid, 1690.

[61] “Solo sirven de dar Escandalo al Vulgar en los Excesos impatados à unos y otros Individuos,” Barcia, Ensayo Chronologico, p. 300.

[62] God’s Protecting Providence Man’s Surest Help and Defence, In the times of the greatest difficulty and most Imminent danger, Evidenced in the Remarkable Deliverance of divers Persons from the devouring Waves of the Sea, amongst which they suffered Shipwrack, And also from the more cruelly devouring jawes of the inhumane Cannibals of Florida. Faithfully related by one of the Persons concerned therein. Philadelphia, 1699, 1701, and a _fourth_ edition, 1751. London, 1700. German trans. Erstaunliche Geschichte des Schiffbruches den einige Personen im Meerbusen von Florida erlitten, Frankfort, 1784, and perhaps another edition at Leipzic.

[63] Thomas, History of Printing in America, vol. II. p. 25.

[64] The Successes of the English in America, by the March of Colonel Moore, Governor of South Carolina, and his taking the Spanish Town of St. Augustine near the Gulph of Florida. And by our English Fleete sayling up the River Darian, and marching to the Gold Mines of Santa Cruz de Cana, near Santa Maria. London, 1702; reprinted in an account of the South Sea Trade, London, 1711. _Bib. Primor. Amer._

[65] See the note on his New Map of the North Parts of America, London, 1720, headed “Explanation of an Expedition in Florida Neck by Thirty Three Iamasee Indians, Accompany’d by Capt. T. Nairn.”

[66] A voyage to Georgia, begun in the year 1735, by Francis Moore; London, 1741; reprinted in the Collection of the Georgia Historical Society, Vol. I.

An Impartial Account of the Expedition against St. Augustine under the command of General Oglethorpe; 8vo., London, 1742. (_Rich._)

Journal of an Expedition to the Gates of St. Augustine in Florida, conducted by General Oglethorpe. By G. L. Campbell; 8vo., London, 1744. (_Watts._)

[67] They are in the Rev. George White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, pp. 462, sqq., and in Harris’s Memorials of Oglethorpe.

[68] An extract may be found in Fairbank’s History and Antiquities of St. Augustine.

[69] History of the Florida War. Ch. viii.

[70] History of St. Augustine. Ch. xiv.

[71] Statements made in the Introduction to a Report on General Oglethorpe’s Expedition to St. Augustine. In B. R. Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of South Carolina, Vol. II., New York, 1836. Various papers in the State Paper Office, London, mentioned in the valuable list in the first volume of the Colls. of the S. Car. Hist. Soc. (Charleston, 1857) which further illustrate this portion of Floridian history, I have, for obvious reasons, omitted to recapitulate here.

[72] Ensayo Cronologico para la Historia General de la Florida, fol. Madrid, 1723.

[73] Jared Sparks, Life of Ribaut, p. 155.

[74] Nat. and Civil Hist. of Fla., p. 175.

[75] An Account of the First Discovery and Natural History of Florida, with a Particular Detail of the several Expeditions made on that Coast. Collected from the best Authorities by William Roberts. Together with a Geographical Description of that Country, by Thomas Jefferys. 4to, London, 1763, pp. 102.

[76] A description of East Florida. A Journal upon a Journey from St. Augustine up the River St. Johns as far as the Lakes. 4to., London, 1766; 1769; and a third edition whose date I do not know. Numerous letters interchanged between John Bartram and Peter Collinson relative to this botanical examination of Florida, embracing some facts not found in his Journal, are preserved in the very interesting and valuable Memorials of John Bartram and Humphrey Marshall, by Dr. Wm. Darlington, p. 268, sqq. (8vo. Phila., 1849.)

[77] Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, and the Cherokee Country, Phila., 1791; 1794. London, 1792. Dublin, 1793. French trans. by P. V. Benoist, Voyage dans les Parties Sud de l’Amerique, Septentrionale, Paris, 1801; 1807.

[78] A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida. New York printed: sold by R. Aitken, Bookseller, opposite the London Coffee-House, Front Street, 1776.

[79] The case of Mr. John Gordon with respect to the Title to certain Lands in East Florida, &c. With an Appendix and Plan. 4to, pp. 76, London, 1772. (_Rich._)

[80] Fairbanks, Hist. and Antiqs. of St. Augustine, p. 164, seq.

[81] He did not meet with that success which attended a similar experiment in Canada, so amusingly described by Baron de La Hontan. For some particulars of interest consult Bartram, Travels, p. 94, seq., Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, p. 73.

[82] Sketches, Historical and Descriptive, of Louisiana, vol. I, 8vo., Ch. II. Philadelphia, 1812.

[83] Notice sur le Colonie Greque établie à New Smyrna (Floride) dans l’année, 1768. Societe de Geographie, T. VII., p. 31. (_Koner._)

[84] G. R. Fairbanks, Hist. and Antiqs. of St. Augustine, Ch. XVIII. See also for other particulars, Bartram, Travels, p. 144, and note, Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, p. 72, J. D. Schöpf, Reise---nach, Ost-Florida, B. II., s. 363, 367, seq., who knew Turnbull personally and defends him.

[85] Reise durch einige der mitlern und südlichen Vereinigten Nordamerikanischen Staaten nach Ost-Florida und der Bahama-Inseln. 2 Th., 8vo., Erlangen, 1788.

[86] The Journal of an Expedition during the years 1796-1800, for determining the Boundaries between the United States and the Possessions of his Catholic Majesty in America, 4to., Philadelphia, 1814.

[87] A Description of East and West Florida and the Bahama Islands, 1 Vol. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1813. (_Bib. Univ. des Voyages._)

[88] Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and the West Indies; translated, with valuable additions, by G. R. Thompson, 5 vols., 4to, London, 1812.

[89] An account of this tribe by Major C. Swan, who visited them in 1791, has been published by Schoolcraft in the fifth volume of the Hist. and Statistics of the Indian Tribes.

[90] Giddings, Exiles of Florida, p. 39, note.

[91] Narrative of a Voyage to the Spanish Main by the ship Two Friends, the Occupation of Amelia Island by McGregor, Sketches of the Province of East Florida, and Anecdotes of the Manners of the Seminole Indians, 8vo., London, 1819.

Memoir of Gregor McGregor, comprising ---- a Narrative of the Expedition to Amelia Island. By M. Rafter. 8vo., Stockdale, 1820. (_Rich._)

[92] Reliquiæ Baldwinianæ; Selections from the Correspondence of the late Wm. Baldwin, M. D., compiled by Wm. Darlington, M. D. 12mo. Phila., 1843.

[93] Notices of East Florida, and the Sea Coast of the State of Georgia; in a series of Letters to a Friend in Pennsylvania. With an Appendix, containing a Register of the Weather, and a Calendarium Floræ. The friend here referred to was Dr. Wm. Darlington. The materials for the Calendarium are preserved in the letters to Dr. Muhlenberg.

[94] J. L. Rattenbury. Remarks on the Cession of Florida to the United States of America, and on the necessity of acquiring the Island of Cuba by Great Britain. Second edition, with considerable additions, printed exclusively in the Pamphleteer. London, 1819.

Memoir upon the Negotiations between Spain and the United States, which led to the Treaty of 1819; with a Statistical Notice of Florida, 8vo., Washington, 1821.

[95] A Memoir of the Geography, and Natural and Civil History of East Florida, 8vo., Philadelphia, 1821.

[96] Sketches of the History and Topography of Florida, 8vo., New York, 1821.

[97] Compare the North Am. Review, Vol. XIII., p. 98, with the same journal, Vol. XXVI., p. 482. (_Rich._)

[98] Notices of East Florida, with an Account of the Seminole Nation of Indians. By a recent Traveller in the Province. Printed for the Author. 8vo. Charleston, 1822. pp. 105.

[99] Observations on the Floridas. 8vo. New York, 1823. pp. 197.

[100] Answers of David B. McComb, Esq., with an accompanying Letter of General Lafayette. 8vo. Tallahassie, 1827. See the North Am. Review, Vol. XXVI., p. 478.

[101] Oration delivered by Colonel James Gadsden to the Florida Institute of Agriculture, Antiquities and Science, at its first Public Anniversary, Thursday, Jan. 4th, 1827. See the North Am. Review, Vol. XXV., p. 219.

[102] Message of the President in relation to the Survey of a Route for a Canal between the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic Ocean; with the Report of the Board of Internal Improvement on the same, with a general map annexed, February 28, 1829. A flowery article of ten pages may be found on this in the Southern Review, Vol. VI., p. 410.

[103] Titles and Legal Opinions on Lands in East Florida belonging to Richard S. Hackley, 8vo., Fayetteville, (N. Car.,) 1826, pp. 71. See the North American Review, Vol. XXIII., p. 432. Hackley’s grant is laid down on Williams’ Map.

[104] A View of West Florida, embracing its Topography, Geography, &c., with an Appendix treating of its Antiquities, Land Titles, and Canals, and containing a Chart of the Coast, a Plan of Pensacola, and the Entrance of the Harbor. 8vo. Phila., 1827, pp. 178.

[105] The Territory of Florida; or Sketches of the Topography, Civil and Natural History of the Country, the Climate and the Indian Tribes, from the First Discovery to the Present Time. 8vo. New York, 1837.

[106] The War in Florida; being an Exposition of its Causes and an accurate History of the Campaigns of Generals Gaines, Clinch and Scott. By a late Staff Officer. 8vo. Baltimore, 1836, pp. 184.

[107] History of the Florida Campaigns. 12mo. Charleston, 1837.

[108] In the Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine. (Giddings, Exiles of Florida, p. 99, note.)

[109] A Narrative of the Early Days and Remembrances of Oceola Nikkanoche, Prince of Econchatti, a young Seminole Indian. Written by his Guardian. 8vo. London, 1841, pp. 228.

[110] The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War. 8vo. New York, 1848.

[111] The Exiles of Florida; or, the Crimes Committed by our Government against the Maroons, who fled from South Carolina and other Slave States, seeking Protection under Spanish Laws. 8vo. Columbus, (Ohio,) 1858.

[112] Memoir to accompany a Military Map of Florida South of Tampa Bay, compiled by Lieutenant J. C. Ives, Topographical Engineer. War Department, April, 1856. 8vo. New York, 1856, pp. 42.

[113] A Winter in Florida and the West Indies. 12mo. New York, 1839.

[114] Letters from the United States, Canada and Cuba. New York, 1856.

[115] Sketches of St. Augustine, with a View of its History and Advantages as a Resort for Invalids. By R. K. Sewall. 8vo. New York, 1848, pp. 69.

[116] The History and Antiquities of the City of St. Augustine, Florida, comprising some of the most Interesting Portions of the Early History of Florida. 8vo. New York, 1858.

[117] Memoire sur la Floride du Milieu, Comptes-Rendus, T. XIV., p. 518; T. XV., p. 1045.

[118] Comptes Rendus, XV., p. 1047.

[119] Repertorium ueber die ---- auf dem Gebiete der Geschichte erscheinenen Aufsätze, u. s. w. Berlin, 1852.

[120] _Bacalaos_, the Spanish word for codfish.

[121] See A. v. Humboldt’s Introduction to Dr. T. W. Ghillany’s Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim, s. 2-5, in which work these two maps are given.

[122] Many of the names on this map are also on the land called Terra de Cuba, north-west of the island Isabella, Cuba proper, on the globe of Johann Schoner, Nuremburg, 1520. A copy of a portion of the globe is given by Ghillany in the work just mentioned. For an inspection of the original maps of Ptolemy of 1508 and 1513, I am indebted to the kindness of Peter Force, of Washington.

[123] Otros conocieron ser tierra firme; y de este parecer fue siempre Anton de Alaminos, Piloto, que fue con Juan Ponce. Barcia, Introduccion al Ensayo Chronologico.

[124] Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. I., cap. iii., p. 91.

[125] For a description of this and other maps of America during the sixteenth century, see Dr. Ghillany, ubi suprà, p. 58, Anmerk. 17.

[126] See G. R. Fairbanks, History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, pp. 113, 130, for descriptions of the two latter. A “Geog. Description of Florida” is said to have appeared at London, in 1665. Possibly it is the account of Captain Davis’ attack upon St. Augustine.

[127] Descriptio Indiæ Occidentalis, Lib. IV., cap. xiii. (Antwerpt, 1633.)

[128] Southern Review, Vol. VI., p. 410, seq.

[129] Report of F. L. Dancy, State Engineer and Geologist, in the Message of the Governor of Florida, with Accompanying Documents, for 1855, App., p. 9.

[130] A Description of the Province of Carolina, p. 2, London, 1727.

[131] Trans. Hist. and Lit. Com. of the Am. Phil. Soc., Vol. I., p. 113.

[132] Hist. of the American Indians, p. 358.

[133] Gilii’ Saggio di Storia Americana, Tomo III., p. 375.

[134] Rex qui in hisce Montibus habitabat, Ao. 1562, dicabatur Apalatcy; ideoque ipsi montes eodem nomine vocantur, is written on the map of the country in Dapper’s Neue und Unbekaute Welt (Amsterdam, 1673,) probably on the authority of Ribaut.

[135] The plums mentioned by these writers were probably the fruit of the Prunus Chicasaw. This was not an indigenous tree, but was cultivated by the Southern tribes. During his travels, the botanist Bartram never found it wild in the forests, “but always in old deserted Indian plantations.” (Travels, p. 38.)

[136] See Appendix III.

[137] Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Illes Antilles de l’Amerique, Liv. II., pp. 331-353. Rotterdam, 1658.

[138] History of the Caribby Islands, London, 1666.

[139] Geographia Exactissima, oder Beschreibung des 4 Theil der ganzen Welt mit Geographischen und Historischen Relationen, Franckfort am Mayn, 1679. This is a German translation of D’Abbeville’s geographical essays. I have not been able to learn when the last part, which contains Bristock’s narrative, was published in French.

[140] America. London, 1671.

[141] De Nieuwe en Onbekeende Weereld. Amsterdam, 1671.

[142] Die Unbekante Neue Welt. Amsterdam, 1673.

[143] The British Empire in America, Vol. I. London, 1708.

[144] Geschichte von Amerika, B. H. Halle, 1753. The articles in these volumes were selected with much judgment, and translated by J. F. Geyfarts and J. F. Schrœter, Baumgarten merely writing the bibliographical introductions. It contains a curious map entitled _Gegend der Provinz Bemarin im Königreich Apalacha_.

[145] The Chikasah asserted for themselves the same origin, and even their Mexican relatives were said to visit them from time to time. (Adair, Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 195.)

[146] Numerous references showing the prevalence of this error are adduced by D’Orbigny, L’Homme Americain, Tom. II., p. 275, et seq. Among later authors who have been misled by such authorities are Humboldt, (“Reise nach dem Tropen, B. V., s. 181,”) and the eminent naturalist F. J. F. Meyen, (Ueber die Ur-Eingebornen von Peru, s. 6, in the Nov. Act. Acad. Cæsar. Leopold. Carolin. Nat. Cur. Vol. XVII., Sup. I.)

[147] Writers disagree somewhat as to the situation of this fountain. Hackluyt (Vol. V., p. 251) and Gomara (Hist. de las Indias Occidentales, Cap. XLV., pp. 31, 35) locate it on the island Boiuca or Agnaneo, 125 leagues north of Hispaniola. Some placed it on the island Bimini,--which, says Oviedo, is 40 leagues west of Bahama (Pt. I., lib. xix., cap. xv., quoted in Navarrete,)--a name sometimes applied to Florida itself, as on the Chart of Cristobal de Topia given in the third volume of Navarrete. Herrera, La Vega, Fontanedo, Barcia, Navarrete and most others agree in referring it to Florida. Fontanedo confuses it with the river Jordan and the Espiritu Santo or Mississippi. Gomara (ubi suprà, p. 31) gives a unique interpretation to this myth and one quite in accordance with the Spanish character, namely, that it arose from the rare beauty of the women of that locality, which was so superlative that old men, gazing upon it, would feel themselves restored to the vigor of youth. In this he is followed by Ogilby. (America, p. 344.)

[148] See Appendix I. The later Indians of Florida seem to have preserved certain relics of a superstitious veneration of the aqueous element. Their priests had a certain holy water, sanctified by blowing upon it and incantation, thought to possess healing virtues (Nar. of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 141;) Coacooche said that when the spirit of his twin-sister came to him from the land of souls, she offered him a cup of pure water, “which she said came from the spring of the Great Spirit, and if I should drink of it, I should return and live with her for ever.” (Sprague, Hist. Florida War, p. 328.)

[149] Parallel myths are found in various other nations. Sir John Maundeville speaks of the odoriferous fountain of youth near the river Indus, and Ellis mentions “the Hawaiian account of the voyage of Kamapiikai to the land where the inhabitants enjoy perpetual health, where the _wai ora_ (life-giving fountain) removed every internal malady and external deformity or decrepitude from those who were plunged beneath its salutary waters.” (Polynesian Researches, Vol I., p. 103.)

[150] Fontanedo, Memoire, pp. 17, 18, 19, 32, 39. Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. XLI., p. 31.

[151] Intro. to the Ensay. Cron.; Fontanedo makes the same statement.

[152] Despues de establecido los Españoles en las Islas de Santo Domingo, Cuba, y Puerto Rico, averiguaron que los naturales conservaban algunas ideas vagas de tierras situadas à la parte septentrional, donde entre otras cosas maravillosas referian la existencia de cierta fuente y rio, cuyas aguas remozaban à los viejos que en ella se bañaban; preocupacion tan añeja y arraigada en los Indios, que aun antes de la llegada de los españoles los habia conducido à establecer allì una colonia. Viages y Descubrimientos, Tomo III., p. 50.

[153] L’Art de Verifier les Dates, Chronologie Historique de l’Amerique, Tome VIII., p. 185.

[154] Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. IX., cap. XI., p. 249.

[155] Barcia, Ensay. Cron., Año 1698, p. 317, Careri, Voyage round the World, in Churchill’s Coll. Vol. IV., p. 537.

[156] William Bartram, Travels, p. 227.

[157] See Labat, Voyage aux Isles de l’Amerique, Tome I., p. 136, and Hughes, Nat. Hist. of Barbadoes, p. 5.

[158] Jucaias a conjecturis junctas fuisse quondam reliquis magnis insulis nostri arbitrantur, et ita fuisee a suis majoribus creditum incolæ fatentur. Sed vi tempestate paulatim absorpta tellure alterne secessisse, pelago interjecto uti de messenensi freto est autorum opinio Siciliam ab Italia dirimente, quod una esset quondam contigua. De Novo Orbe, Dec. VII., cap. II., p. 468, Editio Hackluyti, Parisiis, 1587.

[159] On this topic consult Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. II., s. 583; Jefferys, Hist. of the French Dominion in America, Pt. II., p. 181; Adelung, Allgemeine Sprachenkunde, Th. II., Ab. II., s. 681; Barton, New Views of the Tribes of America, p. lxxi.; Hervas, Catalogo de las Lenguas conocidas, Tomo I., p. 387.

[160] See Appendix II.

[161] Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 267.

[162] Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc. Vol. II., p. 103 seq. Bossu found the tradition of De Soto’s invasion rife among the Alibamons (Creeks) of his day. (Nouv. Voyages aux Indes Occident. I’t. II., pp. 34, 35. Paris, 1768.)

[163] Memoires Historiques sur la Louisiane, Tome II., p. 301.

[164] The Cherokees plastered their houses both roofs and walls inside and out with clay and dried grass, and to compensate for the lowness of the walls excavated the floor as much as three or four feet. From this it is probable they were the “Indi delle Vacche” of Cabeza de Vaca “tra queste case ve ne havea alcune che erano di terra, e tutte l’altre sono di stuore.” (Di Alvaro Nunnes Relatione in Ramusio, Viaggi, Tom. III., fol. 327, B.) A similar construction was noticed by Biedma in Acapachiqui where the houses “etaient creusées sous terre et rassemblaient à des cavernes,” (Relation, pp. 60, 61,) by the Portuguese Gentlemen in Capachiqui, (Hackluyt, Vol. V., p. 498.) and by La Vega among the Cofachiqui, (Conq. de la Florida, Lib. III., cap. XV., p. 131.) Hence the Cherokees are identical with the latter and not with the Achalaques, as Schoolcraft erroneously advances. (Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes, p. 595.) I suppose it was from this peculiar style of building that the Iroquois called them _Owaudah_, a people who live in caves. (Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 163.)

[165] Adair, Hist. of the N. Am. Inds., pp. 413, 420, 421; Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 367, 388; Le Page Dupratz, Hist. of Louisiana, Vol. II., pp. 351-2.

[166] Hist. N. Am. Inds., pp. 422-3.

[167] François Coreal, Voyages, Tome I., p. 31; Catesby, Account of Florida and the Bahama Islands, p. viii.

[168] Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 116.

[169] Nat. Hist. of E. and W. Florida, pp. 71, 83.

[170] Mems. Hist. sur la Louisiane, Tome II., p. 301.

[171] George White, Hist. Colls. of Georgia, p. 423. It has also been described to me by a gentleman resident in the vicinity.

[172] See the Christian Advocate and Journal for 1832, and the almost unintelligible abstract of the article in Josiah Priest’s American Antiquities, pp. 169, 170, (third edition, Albany, 1833.) Though the account is undoubtedly exaggerated, it would merit further investigation.

[173] See Appendix II.

[174] I give these according to the orthography of Baumgarten, who may differ slightly from other writers.

[175] Oratio Dominica Polyglotta, Amstelædami, 1715. He does not state where he obtained them.

[176] Hewitt, History of South Carolina, Vol. I. p 156.

[177] El Cacique principal de Apalache, Superior de muchos Caciques, Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 323.

[178] Roberts, Hist. of Florida, p. 14.

[179] Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, Vol. V. p. 259.

[180] Schermerhorn, Report on the Western Indians in Mass. Hist. Colls. Vol. II. (2 ser.,) p. 26; Alcedo, Hist. and Geog. Dict. of America, Vol. I., p. 82.

[181] Views of Louisiana, p. 150.

[182] Trovarono terre grandi piene di genti molto ben disposte, savie, politiche, e ben’ ordinate. Bartolome de las Casas, Istoria della Distruttione dell’ Indie Occidentali, p. 108. Venetia, 1626.

[183] Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 71.

[184] Memoire, p. 13.

[185] At what time or by whom Tampa Bay was first so called I have not been able to learn. Its usual name in early narratives is Baia de Espiritu Santo, which was given by De Soto; sometimes from separate discoveries it was called Bahia Honda (Deep Bay,) El Lago de San Bernardo, Baie de St. Louis, and by the Indiana Culata (Barcia, Ensayo Cron. p. 342, Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. I., Cap. VI.) Herrera in his map of the Audiencia de la Española marks it “B. de tampa,” and after him Gerard a Schaagen in the Nov. et Accurat. Americæ Descriptio.

[186] Williams, Hist. of Florida, pp. 36, 212. Ellicott’s Journal, p. 247. Robert’s Hist. of Florida, p. 17.

[187] Guaicum officinale; the _el palo_ or _el palo santo_ of the Spaniards.

[188] Barcia, En. Cron. Año 1566.

[189] See Prior’s Journal in Williams’ Florida, p. 299. The name Miami applied to a tribe in Ohio, and still retained by two rivers in that State, properly Omaumeg, is said to be a pure Algic word, meaning, People who live on the peninsula. (Amer. Hist. Mag. Vol. III., p. 90.) We are, however, not yet prepared to accept this explanation as applicable to the word as it appears in Florida.

[190] Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 49, and compare the Hist. Notable, p. 134.

[191] For these facts see Fontanedo’s Memoire, _passim_, and Barcia, Años 1566, 1567.

[192] Bernard Romans, pp. 291-2.

[193] Desde los Martires al Cañaveral, Herrera, Dec. IV., Lib., IV., cap. VII.

[194] Barcia (En. Cron. p. 118) says Ais commences twenty leagues up the St. Johns river; but distances given by the Spanish historians were often mere guesses, quite untrustworthy.

[195] Basanier, Hist. Notable, pp. 133-4.

[196] Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, pp. 74-5.

[197] Biedma, Relation, p. 53; the Port. Gent. in Hackluyt, V., p. 492; La Vega, Lib. II., cap. x., p. 38.

[198] Irving’s Conquest of Fla., p. 84, note.

[199] Barcia, Año 1567; Fontanedo, pp. 20, 35.

[200] Basanier, Hist. Notable, pp. 190-1, 108-9, 140 sq.

[201] Jusqu’à Mayajuaca, dans la contrée de Ais, vers _le lieu planté de roseaux_. Fontanedo, Memoire, p. 35. Cañaveral is a Spanish word signifying the same as the expression I have italicised.

[202] Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 90.

[203] Ibid.

[204] Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 8.

[205] Hackluyt, Vol. V., p. 492, Fontanedo, p. 15.

[206] Les Floridiens ne sement, ne plantent, ne prennent rien ni à la chasse, ni à la pêche, qui ne soit à la disposition de leurs chefs, qui distribuent, et donnent, comme il leur plait, etc. François Coreal, Voiages, Tome I., p. 44. The chiefs on the Bahamas possessed similar absolute power. (Peter Martyr, De Novo Orbe, Dec. VII., cap. I., p. 467.)

[207] Basanier, Hist. Not., p. 132.

[208] Basanier, pp. 9, 141.

[209] Fontanedo, pp. 10, 11.

[210] Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 7.

[211] Travels, p. 456.

[212] E. G. Squier, Aborig. Mon. of N. Y., App. pp. 135-7; Serpent Symbol, pp. 90, 94, 95.

[213] Adair, Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 205.

[214] They came to meet Narvaez playing on such flutes, “tañendo unas Flautas de Caña,” Cabeza de Vaca, Naufragios, cap. V.

[215] Bernard Romans, p. 62.

[216] Francisco Ximenez, Origen de los Indios de Guatemala, p. 179.

[217] De Morgues, Brevis Historia, Tab. XXI.

[218] Lettre écrite par l’Adelantade Soto, etc., p. 46.

[219] Brevia Historia, Tab. XXX., and compare the Histoire Memorable, p. 261.

[220] Naufragios, cap. III.

[221] God’s Protecting Providence, p. 62. This style of building was common among the Caribs, and may have been derived from them.

[222] Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 8, 101.

[223] See Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. II., p. 143, note 152, and authorities there quoted.

[224] Brevis Historia, Tab. XXXV.; Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. I., s. 87.

[225] Klemm, Culturgeschichte der Menscheit, B. II, s. 179.

[226] Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 43 sqq.

[227] On the Trinity in aboriginal American religions, see Count Stolberg in the Wiener Yahrbücher der Literatur, B. XVI., s. 278.

[228] God’s Protecting Providence, p. 12.

[229] God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 38, 39.

[230] Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 22. He embraces all tribes “from Hudson Bay to the Mississippi,” and adds that they had no lascivious or Priapean images or rites, in which he is equally at fault.

[231] Man hat weder bei den Sudamericanern noch bei den Nördlichen eigentliche Götzenbilder oder I dole bemerkt. Culturgeschichte der Menschheit, B. II., s. 172. This is confined of course to the “Yägervolker.”

[232] Barcia, Ensayo Cron. Año 1566, p. 94; the Port. Gent. in Hackluyt, Vol. V. p. 491, mentions this as existing among the tribes near Tampa Bay.

[233] Moris apud illos est primogenitum masculum Regi victimum offerre, etc. Brevis Historia, Tab. XXXIV.

[234] La Reprinse de la Floride, p. 264.

[235] Wm. Bartram, Travels, p. 263, and compare Adair, Hist. of the North Am. Inds. pp. 238-9.

[236] Brevis Historia, Tab. XL. Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 10, 11.

[237] Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. II., p. 129.

[238] Tucururu or Tacatacuru was on the Atlantic coast south of St. Augustine, between it and Santa Lucea. (Barcia, En. Cron., p. 121.)

[239] Hervas, Catalogo de las Lenguas de las naciones conocidas, Tom. I. p. 387. Madrid, 1800-1805.

[240] Mithridates, oder Allgemeine Sprachenkunde, B. III., s. 285.

[241] Gallatin, Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., p. 178.

[242] Basanier, Hist. Not. pp. 67, 69, 72; Coppie d’une Lettre venant de la Floride, p. 244.

[243] Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., p. 106.

[244] Hewitt, Hist. of S. Car., Vol. I., p. 222. He gives 1714 as the date of this occurrence. But see Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. Car., Vol. II., p. 353.

[245] On the Yemassees consult Hewitt, ubi suprà; Barcia, En. Cron. Año 1686; the tracts in Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. Car., Vol. II., pp. 106, 246, 353, 355; Roberts, Hist. of Florida, p. 15; Notices of E. Florida, by a recent traveller, p. 57.

[246] On the migrations of this tribe consult the Colls. of the Georgia Hist. Soc. Vol. I., pp. 145-6; Vol. II., pp. 61, 71; John Filson; The Disc., Settlement, and Pres. State of Kentucké, App. 3, p. 84; Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., pp. 84, 95; Notices of E. Fla., by a recent traveller, p. 59; Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 70 et seq.; Moll’s Map of the Northern Parts of America, and Sprague’s Hist. of the Florida War.

[247] Travels, pp. 388-9, and see p. 486.

[248] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, Año 1686, p. 287.

[249] Jedediah Morse, Rep. on Ind. Affairs, App. p. 93, Archæol-Amer., Vol. I., p. 273, and others.

[250] Other forms of the same are Little St. Johns, Little Savanna, Seguano, Suannee, Swannee. It was also called the Carolinian river.

[251] H. R. Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 161. Adair, however, says they recorded themselves to be _terræ filii_. (Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 257, but compare p. 195.)

[252] For the individual nations composing the confederacy see Romans, Hist. of Fla., p. 90; Roberts, Hist. of Fla., p. 13, and Adair, p. 257.

[253] Giddings (Exiles of Florida, p. 3) gives the incorrect translation “runaways,” and adds, “it was originally used in reference to the Exiles long before the Seminole Indians separated from the Creeks.” The Upper Creeks called them Aulochawan. (American State Papers, Vol. V., p. 813.)

[254] Establishment of the Colony of Georgia, pp. 10, 12, in Peter Force’s Historical Tracts, Vol. I.

[255] Major C. Swan, in Schoolcraft’s Hist. of the Indian Tribes. Vol. V., pp. 260, 272.

[256] _Smilax_, _China_, and _Zamia pumila_.

[257] On the civilization of the Seminoles, consult Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 192-3, 304, the American Jour. of Science, Vol. IX., pp. 133, 135, and XXXV., pp. 58-9; Notices of E. Fla., by a recent Traveller, and the works on the Florida War.

[258] Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 75. The author supposed this was to receive the injunctions of the dying mother, but more probably it sprang from that belief in a _metasomatosis_ which prevailed, and produced analogous customs in other tribes. See La Hontan, Voiages, Tome I., p. 232; “Brebeuf, Relation de la Nouv. France pour l’an 1636, ch. IX.” Pedro de Cieza, Travs. in Peru, ch. XXXII., p. 86 in Steven’s Collection.

[259] Notices of East Fla., by a recent traveller, p. 79. For the extent and meaning of this singular superstition, see Schoolcraft, Oneota, pp. 331, 456; Algic Researches, Vol. I., p. 149, note; Hist. of the Indian Tribes, Vol. III., p. 66; Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, Vol. II., p. 271; Bradford, American Antiquities, p. 415; Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. I., p. 146, and note^{15}.

[260] Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 77.

[261] C. Swan in Schooloraft’s His. Ind. Tribes, Vol. V., p. 260.

[262] By the whites I refer to the descendants of the English of the northern states. While under the Spanish government, up to the first Seminole war, their nation was said to be “numerous, proud and wealthy.” (Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, App., p. 215.) This was owing to the Spanish laws which gave them equal privileges with white and free colored persons, and drew the important distinction that they could hold land _individually_, but not _nationally_. How different these beneficent regulations from the decree of the Florida Legislature in 1827, that any male Indian found out of the reservation “shall receive not exceeding thirty-nine stripes on his bare back, and his gun be taken away from him.” (Laws relating to Inds. and Ind. Affairs, p. 247, Washington, 1832,) and similar enactments.

[263] Roberts, First Disc. of Fla., p. 90.

[264] Collections of Georgia Hist. Soc. Vol. II., p. 318.

[265] Ibid., p. 73.

[266] Travels, p. 211.

[267] Nat. History, p. 91.

[268] Report on Indian Affairs, p. 33.

[269] Cohen, Notices of Florida, p. 48.

[270] Sprague, Hist. of the Fla. War, p. 19.

[271] American State Papers, Vol. VI., p. 439.

[272] Hist. of the Fla. War, p. 97.

[273] Ibid., p. 409.

[274] Ibid., p. 512.

[275] Ibid.

[276] Relation de la Floride apportée par Frère Gregorio de Beteta, in Ternaux’s _Recueil_. They did not touch the coast beyond the Bay of Apalache nor much south of Tampa Bay. Both Barcia (En. Cron. Año 1549) and Herrera (Dec. VIII., Lib. V., cap. XIV., XV.) say they entered the latter, but this cannot be, as the supposed description is entirely inapplicable. For other particulars see Eden’s translation of Peter Martyr, (fol. 319, Londini, 1555.)

[277] The authority for this, as well as most of the facts in this chapter where other references are not given, is Barcia’s Ensayo Cronologico.

[278] Sometimes called Santa Maria or St. Marys; now Amelia Island, so named, from the beauty of its shores, by Gov. Oglethorpe in 1736. (Francis Moore, Voyage to Georgia, in Ga. Hist. Soc.’s Colls. Vol. I., p. 124)

[279] Called by the natives Ylacco or Walaka, the river of many lakes; by the French Rivière Mai, as Ribaut entered it on the first of that month; by the Spaniards Rio Matheo, Rio Picolato, on some charts by mistake Rio San Augustin, Rio Matanca and Rio Caouita, and not till much later Rio San Juan, which the English changed to St. Johns, and St. Whan.

[280] Barcia, p. 123, and cf., p. 128.

[281] Williams, Florida, p. 175.

[282] Though Drake left nothing but the fort, and the dwellings were a second time destroyed by Col. Palmer, in 1727, yet Stoddard (Sketches of Louisiana, p. 120) says houses were standing in his time bearing the date 1571!

[283] Hackluyt, Vol. III., p. 432. Pedro Morales adds, “The greatest number of Spanyards that have beene in Florida these sixe yeeres, was 300.”

[284] Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. XX., p. 350.

[285] Nat. and Civ. Hist. of Fla., p. 175.

[286] Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. XX., p. 350; Barcia, Años 1603 and 1612.

[287] L’interieur, non plus que les parties de l’ouest et du Nord n’est pas en notre pouvoir. Voiages aux Indes Occidentales, T. I., p. 27.

[288] He published two Cedulas Reales for this purpose, bearing the dates Oct. 20, 1680, and Sept. 30, 1687.

[289] Barcia, p. 317; Careri, Voyage round the World, in Churchill’s Coll., Vol. IV., p. 537.

[290] God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 77-8.

[291] Maintenant ils sont presque touts Chrètiens. Louys Morery, Le Grand Dictionnaire Historique, ou le Melange Curieux, Vol. I., Art. _Apalaches_. (Amsterdam and La Haye, 1702.)

[292] See the Report on Oglethorpe’s Expedition, and Col. Moore’s Letter to the Governor, in Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. C., Vol. II.

[293] Williams, View of W. Fla., p. 107.

[294] Alcedo, Dict. of America, Vol. I., p. 81.

[295] God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 68-9.

[296] Herman Moll, Thesaurus Geographus, Pt. II, p. 211, 4th ed. London, 1722.

[297] Dickinson, God’s Protecting Prov., p. 63.

[298] Roberts, Hist, of Fla., p. 15, and Francis Moore’s Voyage to Georgia.

[299] Travels, p. 233.

[300] Travels in E. Fla., p. 32, Darlington, Mems. of Bartram and Marshall, p. 284.

[301] Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 277-8.

[302] Nat. and Civil Hist. Fla. Preface and p. 175.

[303] See his letter on the Antiquities of the State in Williams’ View of W. Fla., pp. 105-110.

[304] The War in Fla., by a late Staff Officer, p. 5; see also, the account of Black Hoof in Morse’s Rep. on Ind. Affairs, App. p. 98, and cf. Archæol. Am., Vol. I. p. 273.

[305] Dr. Stork, Des. of E. Fla., p. 8.

[306] Capt. Robinson, in Roberts, p. 97.

[307] Roberts, Hist. of Fla., p. 5.

[308] Parliamentary History, Vol. XV., Col. 1301, Art. XX.

[309] Travels, p. 65.

[310] Jour. of Travels in E. Fla., p. 25.

[311] Travels, p. 99.

[312] Ibid., p. 521.

[313] Travels, p. 99.

[314] Au sorty du village d’Edelano, pour venir au port de la rivière il faut passer par une allée, longue environ de trois cens pas et large de quinze, aux deux costez de laquelle sont plantez de grands arbres, &c. Hist. Notable, p. 138.

[315] Il y a au sortir du village une grande allée de trois à quatre cens pas, laquelle et recouverte de grands arbres des deux costez. Hist. Not. pp. 164-5.

[316] Conq. de la Florida, Lib. II., P. I, cap. ult.

[317] La Vega, Ibid., Lib. I., cap. V., pp. 30-1.

[318] Lafitau in Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. I., s. 71; Schoolcraft, Algic Researches, Vol. II., pp. 52, 190.

[319] Knight, Anc. Art. sect. 162; Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol I., p. 198, note^{28}; Montfaucon, Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 235; Görres, Mythengeschichte, B. I., s. 171.

[320] Real Cedula que contiene el asiento capitulado con Lucas Vasquez de Aillon, in Navarrete Viages, Tom. III. p. 153; Basanier, Hist. Notable, p. 29, and comp, p. 78.

[321] Real cedula dando facultad à Francisco de Garay para poblar la Provincia de Amichel, in Navarrete, Tom. III., p. 148. The account says they were “de diez à once palmos en alto.”

[322] Histoire de la Virginie, Liv. III., p. 259, (Orleans, 1707.)

[323] Notes on the Iroquois, p. 482.

[324] Letters from the Allegheny Mountains, Let. XX. p. 162.

[325] Archæologia Americana, Vol. I.

[326] On the _rôle_ of trees in primitive religions consult Guigniaut, Religions de l’Antiquitè, T. I., pp. 81, 150, note, 391, 406.

[327] La Vega, Conq. de la Florida, Lib. I., cap. IV., p. 5.

[328] Ibid. Lib. III., cap. XIV., p. 129. cap. XV., p. 131, et sq.

[329] For descriptions of this mode of interment, essentially the same in most of the tribes from the Mississippi to the St. Lawrence, and very widely prevalent in South America, consult Wm. Bartram, Travels, p. 516; Romans, Nat. Hist. Fla., pp. 88-90; Adair, Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 183; Lawson, New Account of Carolina, p. 182, in Stevens’ Collection; Beverly, Hist. de la Virginie, pp. 259-62; Baumgarten, Ges. von Amerika, B. I., s. 470; Colden, Hist. of the Five Nations, p. 16, and many others.

[330] See an instructive notice from Pere le Petit in the Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, T. IV., pp. 261-2, and the Inca, Lib. II., pp. 69-70; Lib. IV., p. 188; Lib. V., pp. 202, 231, &c.

[331] Port. Gent, in Hackluyt, V., p. 489.

[332] Nar. of Oceola Nikkanoche, pp. 71-2. The author speaks of one “that must have covered two acres of ground,” but this is probably a misapprehension.

[333] I am aware that Mr. Schoolcraft places the pottery of Florida intermediate between the coarse work of the northern hunter tribes, and the almost artistic manufactures of Yucatan and Mexico, (see an article on the Antiquities of Florida, in the Hist. of the Ind. Tribes, Vol. III.;) but the numerous specimens obtained in various parts of the peninsula that I had opportunities to examine, never seemed to indicate a civilization so advanced.

[334] There is an excellent paper on this topic by the well-known geologist, Lardner Vanuxem, in the Trans. Am. Assoc. Geol. and Naturalists, for 1840-42, p. 21. sq.

[335] This is not an invariable proof however; see Tuomey, Geol. Survey of S. Car., p. 199, note.

[336] Second Visit to the United States, Vol. I., p. 252.

[337] Am. Jour. of Science, Vol. XI., (2 ser.) pp. 164-74.

[338] Le case loro sono edificate di stuore sopra scorze d’ostriche, e sopra di esse dormono sopra cuoi d’animali. Relatione que fece Alvaro Nunez, detto Capo di Vaca, Ramusio, Viaggi, T. III., fol. 317., E.

[339] On the geology of these bluffs, see the articles by Mr. Allen, in the first, and Mr. Conrad in the second volume of the Am. Jour. Science. (Second series.)

[340] Travels, p. 198.

[341] The peculiar hue of the whole St. Johns system of streams has been termed by various travellers a light brown, light red, coffee color, rich umber, and beer color. In the sun it is that of a weak lye, but in the shade often looks as black as ink. The water is quite translucent and deposits no sediment. The same phenomenon is observed in the low country of Carolina, New Jersey, and Lake Superior, and on a large scale in the Rio Negro, Atababo, Temi, and others of South America. In the latter, Humboldt (Ansichten der Natur, B. I., p. 263-4) ascribes it “to a solution of carburetted hydrogen, to the luxuriance of a tropical vegetation, and to the quantity of plants and herbs on the ground on which they flow.” In Florida, the vast marshes and hammocks, covered the year round with water from a few inches to two feet in depth, yet producing such rank vegetation as to block up the rivers with floating islands, are doubtless the main cause. The Hillsboro, Suwannee, and others, flowing through the limestone lands into the Gulf, are on the other hand remarkable for the clarity of their streams. I have drank this natural decoction when it tasted and smelt so strongly of decayed vegetable matter as almost to induce nausea. A fact not readily explained is that while the dark waters of other regions are marked by a lack of fish and crocodiles, a freedom from stinging musquitoes, a cooler atmosphere and greater salubrity, nothing of the kind occurs on these streams.

[342] For particulars concerning some of these, see Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 145, 165, 206, 230; Notices of E. Florida, by a recent Trav., pp. 28, 44; American Journal of Science, Vol. XXV., p. 165, I., (2 ser.) p. 39.

[343] Flint, (Travels, Let. XVI., p. 172,) says that neither of those found in 1810 measured more than four feet. This is an error. He only saw the female, whose age was not over fourteen, and the squatting position in which the body was, deceived him.

[344] Conq. de la Florida, Lib. V., P. II., cap. VIII.

[345] In French’s Hist. Coll. of La., Pt. I., p. 61.

[346] Mems. Hist. sur la Louisiane, T. I., pp. 154-5.

[347] Hist. of Louisiana, Vol. II., p. 230.

[348] A New Account of Carolina, p. 191.

[349] Joutel, Jour. Hist., p. 218; Mems. of Sieur de Tonty, p. 61; Dupratz, V. II., p. 22; Cabeza de Vaca. in Ramusio, T. III., fol. 317, E.

[350] Lawson, ubi suprà, p. 180.

[351] It was remarked of the mummy found in the Mammoth cave, “In the making of her dress there is no evidence of the use of any other machinery than bone and horn needles.” (Collin’s Kentucky, p. 257.)

[352] Archæologia Americana, Vol. I., p. 230.

[353] Whence the French verb _boucaner_, and the English _buccaneer_. Possibly the custom may have been introduced among the tribes of the northern shore of the Gulf by the Caribs.

[354] Dumont, Mems., Hist. sur la Louisiane, T. I, p. 240.

[355] De Bry, Peregrinationes in America, P. I., Tab. XXII.; Beverly, Hist. de la Virginie, Liv. III., pp. 285-6; Lawson, Acc’t of Carolina, p. 182; Schoolcraft, Hist. Ind. Tribes, Vol. V., p. 693.

[356] See the Inca, Lib. IV., caps. VIII., IX.

[357] See the Am. Jour. of Science, Vol. I., p. 429; Vol. XXII., p. 124; Collin’s Kentucky, pp. 177, 448, 520, 541; Bradford, Am. Antiqs., Pt. I., p. 29.

[358] Dumont, Mems. Hist. T. II., pp. 178, 238; Dupratz, Vol. II., p. 221, and for the latter fact, Mems. of the Sieur de Tonty, p. 61.

[359] Medical Repository, Vol. XVI., p. 148. This opinion is endorsed by Bradford, Am. Antiqs., p. 31.

[360] Humboldt, Krit. Untersuch. ueber die Hist. Entwickelung der Geog. Kentnisse der neuen Welt, B. I., s. 322; the same reason is given by De Laet, Descrip. Ind. Occident. Lib. IV., cap. XIV.

[361] “Guañines de oro,” Navarrete, Viages, Tom. III., p. 52; Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. IX., cap. XI.

[362] Mais on n’y trouve pas d’or, parce qu’elle est eloignè des mines d’Onagatono, situées dans les montagnes neigeuses d’Onagatono dernieres possessions d’Abolachi, Memoire, p. 32.

[363] Pedro Morales, in Hackluyt, Vol. III., p. 432.

[364] See Lanman’s Letters from the Allegheny Mountains, pp. 9, 26, 27; White, Hist. Coll. of Georgia, pp. 487-8.

[365] Humboldt, Island of Cuba, p. 131, note.