Chapter XIV: Letter 19: April 1941 from the Office for Jewish and Masonic Problems (7)
The measure and speed of our action would decide Poland's attitude. Poland will have little inclination to enter the war against a victorious Germany, with Russia in its rear.
Military participation by Russia must be countered by the speed of our operations; it is a question whether this need be taken into consideration at all in view of Japan's attitude.
Should Case 2 occur--paralyzation of France by a Civil War--then the situation should be utilized _at any time_ for operations against Czechoslovakia, as Germany's most dangerous enemy would be eliminated.
The Fuehrer sees Case 3 looming nearer; it could develop from the existing tensions in the Mediterranean, and should it occur he has firmly decided to make use of it any time, perhaps even as early as 1938.
Following recent experiences in the course of the events of the war in Spain, the Fuehrer does NOT see an early end to hostilities there. Taking into consideration the time required for past offensives by Franco, a further three years duration of war is within the bounds of possibility. On the other hand, from the German point of view a 100 per cent victory by Franco is not desirable; we are more interested in a continuation of the war and preservation of the tensions in the Mediterranean. Should Franco be in sole possession of the Spanish Peninsula it would mean the end of Italian intervention and the presence of Italy on the Balearic Isles. As our interests are directed towards continuing the war in Spain, it must be the task of our future policy to strengthen Italy in her fight to hold on to the Balearic Isles. However, a solidification of Italian positions on the Balearic Isles can NOT be tolerated either by France or by England and could lead to a war by France and England against Italy, in which case Spain, if entirely in white (i.e. Franco's) hands, could participate on the side of Italy's enemies. A subjugation of Italy in such a war appears very unlikely. Additional raw materials could be brought to Italy via Germany. The Fuehrer believes that Italy's military strategy would be to remain on the defensive against France on the Western frontier and carry out operations against France from Libya against North African French colonial possessions.
As a landing of French-British troops on the Italian coast can be discounted, and as a French offensive via the Alps to Upper Italy would be extremely difficult and would probably stagnate before the strong Italian fortifications, French lines of communication by the Italian fleet will to a great extent paralyze the transport of fighting personnel from North Africa to France, so that at its frontiers with Italy and Germany France will have at its disposal solely the metropolitan fighting forces.
If Germany profits from this war by disposing of the Czechoslovakian and the Austrian questions, the probability must be assumed that England--being at war with Italy--would not decide to commence operations against Germany. Without British support a warlike action by France against Germany is not to be anticipated.
The date of our attack on Czechoslovakia and Austria must be made dependent on the course of the Italian-English-French war and would not be simultaneous with the commencement of military agreements with Italy, but of full independence and, by exploiting this unique favorable opportunity he wishes to begin to carry out operations against Czechoslovakia. The attack on Czechoslovakia would have to take place with the "speed of lightning" [blitzartig schnell].
Feldmarschall von Blomberg and Generaloberst von Fritsch in giving their estimate on the situation, repeatedly pointed out that England and France must not appear as our enemies, and they stated that the war with Italy would NOT bind the French army to such an extent that it would NOT be in a position to commence operations on our Western frontier with superior forces. Generaloberst von Fritsch estimated the French forces which would presumably be employed on the Alpine frontier against Italy to be in the region of 20 divisions, so that a strong French superiority would still remain on our Western frontier. The French would, according to German reasoning, attempt to advance into the Rhineland. We should consider the lead which France has got in mobilization, and quite apart from the very small value of our then existing fortifications--which was pointed out particularly by Generalfeldmarschall von Blomberg--the four motorized divisions which had been laid down for the West would be more or less incapable of movement. With regard to our offensive in a South-Easterly direction, Feldmarschall von Blomberg draws special attention to the strength of the Czechoslovakian fortifications, the building of which had assumed the character of a Maginot line and which would present extreme difficulties to our attack.
Generaloberst von Fritsch mentioned that it was the purpose of a study which he had laid on for this winter to investigate the possibilities of carrying out operations against Czechoslovakia with special consideration of the conquest of the Czechoslovakian system of fortifications; the Generaloberst also stated that owing to the prevailing conditions he would have to relinquish his leave abroad, which was to begin on 10 November. This intention was countermanded by the Fuehrer who gave as a reason that the possibility of the conflict was not to be regarded as being so imminent. In reply to the remark by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, that an Italian-English-French conflict be not as near as the Fuehrer appeared to assume, the Fuehrer stated that the date which appeared to him to be a possibility was summer 1938. In reply to statements by Generalfeldmarschall von Blomberg and Generaloberst von Fritsch regarding England and France's attitude, the Fuehrer repeated his previous statements and said that he was convinced of Britain's non-participation and that consequently he did not believe in military action by France against Germany. Should the Mediterranean conflict already mentioned lead to a general mobilization in Europe, then we should have to commence operations against Czechoslovakia immediately. If, however, the powers who are not participating in the war should declare their disinterestedness, then Germany would, for the time being, have to side with this attitude.
In view of the information given by the Fuehrer, Generaloberst Goering considered it imperative to think of a reduction or abandonment of our military undertaking in Spain. The Fuehrer agreed to this in so far as he believed this decision should be postponed for a suitable date.
The second part of the discussion concerned material armament questions.
(Signed) HOSSBACH
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 388-PS
APPERTAINING TO WAR HISTORY
[pencil note]
S.O. Only
"FALL GRUEN"
CZECHOSLOVAKIA
[ITEM 1] [_Handwritten notes_]
* * * _of the Fuehrer_: [semi-illegible]
1. Does Mussolini regard his work as completed or not.
_a._ if so, close future boundary of Czechoslovakia, West; then wait and see. "Return with the bag empty."
_b._ if not, then the "Empire" of Africa. Impossible without German help. Czechoslovakia is a preliminary condition. "Return with Czechoslovakia in the bag."
2. Mussolini, who is no illusionist, can definitely assess Germany's military potentialities. Therefore he will suit timing of his aims with that.
3. Against France and England problem of Czechoslovakia can be settled only if still allied with Italy. France and England will not intervene. (Only to overcome the four-week re-grouping period.)
4. Living under a common fate. (Example, 1805 and 1806)
5. State of Armament: comparisons relative but in our favor:
_a._ Deliveries of ores: France--600,000 tons; Germany--2 million tons.
_b._ Britain has been arming for 9 months. Launchings not for 2 years.
_c._ Out of date air force equipment.
6. _No_ general staff conferences of the various branches of the Armed Forces. Would have to retract permission to the Army. Only through Supreme Command. Very important that actual intentions be kept secret.
7. Arming progressing too slowly: Guns not only for constituted units, but also in reserve for replacement. Fortifications. Range of guns.
8. Replacement of officers doubtful.
* * * * *
Schm
[Major Schmundt's writing and initialled by him]
* * * * *
[ITEM 2] [_Typed notes_]
S.O. Only
Berlin, 22 April 1938
BASES OF THE DISSERTATION ON "GRUEN"
Summary of discussion between Fuehrer and General Keitel of 21 April:
A. _Political Aspect_
1. Strategic surprise attack out of a clear sky without any cause or possibility of justification has been turned down. As result would be: hostile world opinion which can lead to a critical situation. Such a measure is justified only for the elimination of the _last_ opponent on the mainland.
2. Action after a time of diplomatic clashes, which gradually come to a crisis and lead to war.
3. Lightning-swift action as the result of an incident (e.g. assassination of German ambassador in connection with an anti-German demonstration).
B. _Military Conclusions_
1. The preparations are to be made for the political possibilities 2 and 3. Case 2 is the undesired one since "Gruen" will have taken security measures.
2. The loss of time caused by transporting the bulk of the divisions by rail--which is unavoidable but should be cut down as far as possible--must not impede a lightning-swift blow at the time of the action.
3. "Separate thrusts" are to be carried out immediately with a view to penetrating the enemy fortification lines at numerous points and in a strategically favorable direction. The thrusts are to be worked out to the smallest detail (knowledge of roads, of targets, composition of the columns according to their individual tasks). Simultaneous attacks by the Army and Air Force.
The Air Force is to support the individual columns, (e.g. dive-bombers: sealing off installations at penetration points, hampering the bringing up of reserves, destroying signal communications traffic, thereby isolating the garrisons.)
4. Politically, the first 4 days of military action are the decisive ones. If there are no effective military successes, a European crisis will certainly arise. Accomplished facts must prove the senselessness of foreign military intervention, draw Allies into the scheme (division of spoils!) and demoralize "Gruen".
Therefore: bridging the time gap between first penetration and employment of the forces to be brought up, by a determined and ruthless thrust by a motorized army. (e.g. via Pi past Pr) [Pilsen, Prague],
5. If possible, separation of transport movement "Rot" from "Gruen". A simultaneous strategic concentration "Rot" can lead "Rot" to undesired measures. On the other hand it must be possible to put "Fall Rot" into operation at any time.
C. _Propaganda_
1. Leaflets on the conduct of Germans in Czechoslovakia (Gruenland).
2. Leaflets with threats for intimidation of the Czechs (Gruenen).
Schm
[initialled by Schmundt]
Written by an officer
[_The following are handwritten notes_]
22 April
A. POLITICAL POSSIBILITIES
1. Sudden surprise attack out of clear sky not possible. World opinion can produce critical situation. Would be thinkable only for ultimate conflict without the threat of other opponents.
2. Action after a period of tension and constant aggravation of the situation.
3. Action as the result of an incident. (example)
B. MILITARY NECESSITIES
Cases 2 and 3 can be considered. In case 2 "security measures" will be taken. Duration of transporting by rail to be looked into.
1. Invasion by columns ready to march at points which lie in a direction, strategically important. (Permanent fortifications must be known, columns assembled to suit particular situations, roads reconnoitred.) Simultaneous attack by Luftwaffe, cooperation with Luftwaffe, isolation of garrisons of the fortifications, cutting of communications.
2. "Dead Space" in first 4 days prior to actual operation must be avoided under all circumstances. Must be bridged through motorized army. Penetrating via Pilsen. Hamper mobilization.
3. Separation of transport movement "Rot" and "Gruen",
_a._ in order not to aggravate "Rot",
_b._ but also so as not to arrive late, if necessary.
Basic Principle: Create Accomplished Facts so that
_a._ help comes too late--other powers do not intervene
_b._ Allies take part (like wolves also want something out of it)
_c._ State collapse from within.
Propaganda: Directions to Germans. Threats to others.
_Submit:_
1. Fortifications (strength in detail)
2. Distribution of nationalities within Wehrmacht.
* * * * *
[ITEM 3] [_Four Telegrams_]
MOS 1 16/5 0925-- Supreme Command of the Armed Forces ZEITZLER Most Secret--1. Which divisions on the "Gruen" frontiers ready to march within 12 hours, in the case of mobilization? 2. What is the final day of mobilization?
SCHMUNDT
MOS 1 1930 MELDAU MBZ
[the same also in Schmundt's handwriting]
* * * * *
MOS No. 2 1115--
MBZ 02 16/5 1114--
Major Schmundt, Armed Forces Adjutant to the Fuehrer--
Most Secret to Question 1, 12 of them--in garrisons
to Question 2, Third day--Please state time of
receipt. Teleprint left my room at 1110--NN.
ZEITZLER Oberstleutnant on the General Staff
* * * * *
MOS 03 16/5 1155
OKW for Oberstleutnant Zeitzler--_Most Secret_
1. Teleprint received 1115
2. Please send the numbers of the divisions.
Schmundt
1159 MOS 03 Wagner (?)
[the same also in Schmundt's handwriting]
* * * * *
MBZ 04 16/5 1302--
Major Schmundt Armed Forces Adjutant to the Fuehrer--
_Most Secret_ to message 1155 7, 17, 10, 24, 4, 14, 3, 18, 28, 8, armored and mountain.
Zeitzler Oberstleutnant on the General Staff.
* * * * *
[ITEM 4] [_Telegram_]
MBZ 05 17/5 1505
TO MAJOR SCHMUNDT, ARMED FORCES ADJUTANT TO THE FUEHRER--_MOST SECRET_
IN ANSWER TO OBERST LEUTNANT ZEITZLER AND WITH REGARD TO MAP OF FORTIFICATIONS:
FORTIFIED CONSTRUCTION CONSISTS OF FAIRLY LARGE NUMBER OF STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATIONS AS WELL AS LIGHT, MEDIUM AND HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENTS TO CLOSE GAPS BETWEEN FORTIFICATIONS. NUMBER OF STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATIONS VARIES FROM ONE TO NINE PER KILOMETER. POSITIONS CONSTRUCTED CONSIST OF LIGHT, MEDIUM AND HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENTS AND AN OCCASIONAL STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATION IN BETWEEN. NUMBER OF MG EMPLACEMENTS VARIES FROM TWO TO NINE PER KILOMETER. BLOCK CONSTRUCTION CONSISTS OF LIGHT, SOMETIMES MEDIUM AND HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENTS AT MAIN ROADS AND THOROUGHFARES. DEFENSIVE POTENTIALITIES: STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATIONS BULLET PROOF AGAINST ALL KNOWN CALIBRES. LIGHT MG EMPLACEMENTS BULLET PROOF AGAINST ALL CALIBRES UP TO 10.5 CM., MEDIUM MG EMPLACEMENTS BULLET PROOF AGAINST CALIBRES UP TO 10.5 CM., HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENT BULLET PROOF AGAINST CALIBRES UP TO 21.00 CM., SOMETIMES AGAINST THE LARGEST CALIBRES.
ZEITZLER OBERSTLEUTNANT ON THE GENERAL STAFF
* * * * *
[ITEM 5] [_Covering letter, with draft for Gruen attached_]
MOST SECRET
Berlin, 20 May 1938
Tirpitzufer 72.76
Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
_L Ia No. 38/38 S.O. Only_
S.O. Only
access only through Officer
Schm [initialled by Schmundt]
My Fuehrer!
Effective 1 October 1938 (beginning of the new mobilization year for the army) new strategic directives must be issued, whose political bases and stipulations you, my Fuehrer, yourself intend to make.
For the _meantime_, however, it is necessary that the "Gruen" section of the strategic directives be replaced by a new version that takes into account the situation which has arisen as a result of the incorporation of Austria into the Reich and the newly-suspected intentions of the Czech General Staff.
A draft of this kind is attached. It has not yet been discussed with the Commanders in Chief. I intend to do this only after this draft in its fundamental ideas has been approved by you my Fuehrer, so that it can then be resubmitted to be signed.
Heil, my Fuehrer
[signed] Keitel
* * * * *
L Ia to No. 38/38 S.O. Only
written by an officer
MOST SECRET
S.O. Only
access only through officer
Berlin, 20 May 1938
DRAFT for THE NEW DIRECTIVE "GRUEN"
_3 Copies_
1st Copy
(Provisional)-[pencil note]
1. _Political Prerequisites:_ It is not my intention to smash Czechoslovakia without provocation, in the near future through military action. Therefore inevitable political developments _within_ Czechoslovakia must force the issue, or political events in Europe create an especially favorable opportunity and one which may never come again.
2. _Political Possibilities for the Commencement of the Action:_ An invasion without suitable obvious cause and without sufficient political justification cannot be considered with reference to the possible consequences of such an action in the present situation.
Rather will the action be initiated either:
_a._ after a period of increasing diplomatic clashes and tension, which is coupled with military preparations and is made use of to push the war-guilt onto the enemy. Even such a period of tension preceding the war however will terminate in sudden military action on our part, which must come with all possible surprise as to time and extent, or
_b._ by lightning-swift action as a result of a serious incident, through which Germany is provoked in an unbearable way and for which at least part of the world opinion will grant the moral justification of military action.
"_b_" is militarily and politically the more favorable.
3. _Conclusions for the Preparations of "Fall Gruen"_; which must take into account the possibilities mentioned in 2 _a_ and 2 _b_.
_a._ For _Armed War_ it is essential to create--already in the first 4 days--a military situation which plainly proves to hostile nations eager to intervene, the hopelessness of the Czechoslovakian military situation, and gives the nations with territorial claims on Czechoslovakia an incentive to immediate intervention against Czechoslovakia. In such a case the intervention of Poland and Hungary against Czechoslovakia can be expected, especially if France, due to Italy's clearly pro-German attitude fears, or at least hesitates, to unleash a European war by her intervention against Germany.
It is very probable that attempts by Russia to give military support to Czechoslovakia are to be expected. If concrete successes are not achieved as a result of the ground operations during the first few days, a European crisis will certainly arise.
_b._ The _Propaganda War_ must, on one hand, intimidate Czechoslovakia by threats and reduce her power of resistance, on the other hand, give instructions to the national minorities for supporting the Armed War and influence the neutrals into our way of thinking.
_c._ The _Economic War_ has the task of employing all means at the disposal of economy to hasten the final collapse of Czechoslovakia.
The opening of the Economic and Propaganda war can precede the Armed war. I myself will determine the date.
Z
[initialled at end by Zeitzler]
[Paragraphs 4, 5, and 6 of this draft are set forth with minor changes under ITEM 11.]
* * * * *
[ITEM 6] [_Typescript_]
Questions on "Gruen"
1. Peace-time strength of divisions prepared for march readiness.
2. Strength of mobile divisions.
3. Composition of 2nd Armored Division in the case of mobilization.
4. Strength, possibilities and composition of a motorized unit (motorized divisions) to be used for independent thrust.
5. When can the field units be equipped with 15 cm. mortars?
6. What calibres and how large a number of artillery pieces are available for combating fortifications such as fortresses?
* * * * *
MOST SECRET
L Ia
Berlin, 23 May
Questionnaire of 23 May
1. _Peace-time strength of divisions prepared for march readiness._
Strength of a peacetime division 14,000 men
Strength of a division made ready to march 14,000 men
(but composition is different from that of a peacetime division, i.e. some men are left out and others included).
2. _Strength of mobile divisions._
Strength of a mobile division 17,000 men
3. _Composition of the 2nd Armored Division in the case of Mobilization._ In the case of mobilization the 2nd Armored Division is composed of 1 rifle brigade, one tank brigade and divisional troops.
The rifle brigade has one Infantry regiment motorized of 2 battalions and one motorcycle rifle battalion.
The tank brigade has two tank regiments of two battalions.
The Divisional Troops will include 1 Artillery Regiment motorized of 2 light Battalions, 1 Reconnaissance Battalion motorized, 1 Anti-Tank Battalion, 1 Engineer Battalion motorized, and 1 Signal Battalion motorized.
Altogether the 2nd Armored Division (mobile) has 807 light Machine guns, 250 heavy Machine guns, 18 light mortars, 12 heavy mortars, 8 light Infantry howitzers, 48 Anti-Tank guns, 122 2 cm. guns, 16 37 cm. guns, 16 7.5 cm. guns and 24 light field howitzers.
4. _Strength, possibilities and composition of a motorized unit (motorized divisions) for independent thrust._ In the case of mobilization, C-in-C Army is in command of the motorized units. C-in-C Army must therefore be questioned as regards any new employment.
Altogether the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Armored Divisions (rapid march readiness is intended) 4 motorized divisions and the light division (for the moment not yet intended for rapid march readiness; presumably from 1 October).
5. _When can the field units be equipped with 15 cm. mortars?_ Mobilization of the infantry guns (= 15 cm. mortars) planned only for the fall, as ammunition for them will only then be available. For training purposes nearly all corps except the 3 corps have the heavy infantry guns at the moment without live ammunition, however.
6. _What calibres and how large a number of artillery pieces are available for combatting fortifications such as fortresses?_ Only 21 cm. howitzers. Altogether 23 (of which 8 are in East Prussia) with 16,000 rounds (of which 4,000 in East Prussia).
[In Schmundt writing]: In general, single experimental artillery piece (guns).
Z
[Initialled by Zeitzler]
* * * * *
[On next page the questions are put again, plus the following additional questions:]
7. What do the individual types of Czechoslovakian permanent frontier fortifications look like? Profile?
8. Is cooperation between infantry and bombers assured for attacks against enemy strong points etc.?
9. Can the construction of fortifications in the West, in the form of MG strong points and road blocks, be hastened by the employment of work columns of the Inspector of Road Construction?
10. What progress has been made in the howitzer (Moerser) programme? What progress has been made in the conversion of heavy naval guns?
* * * * *
[Next three pages contain the first 6 questions above and answers to them in a teleprint message, beginning: "I am answering several questions which the Fuehrer put to me during conferences. I request that you report the answers to the Fuehrer."]
* * * * *
[ITEM 8] [_Telegram_]
1. INFORM GENERAL KEITEL: THE FUEHRER IS GOING INTO "GRUEN" IN DETAIL. BASIC IDEAS NOT CHANGED. SURPRISE ELEMENT TO BE EMPHASIZED MORE. CONFERENCE WITH PARTICIPANTS WILL TAKE PLACE AFTER RETURN, AT THE LATEST. CONFERENCE HERE NOT OUT OF THE QUESTION. RETURN PROBABLY BEGINNING NEXT WEEK.
2. INFORM COLONEL GENERAL VON BRAUCHITSCH AND GENERAL KEITEL:
A. THE FUEHRER, IN CONNECTION WITH HIS CONSIDERATIONS ON 1, HIMSELF SUGGESTED THE HOLDING OF MANEUVERS TO PRACTISE TAKING FORTIFICATIONS BY SURPRISE ATTACK. I THEN REPORTED THAT C-IN-C ARMY WAS PLANNING A CORRESPONDING TRAINING EXERCISE FOR SEPTEMBER. THE FUEHRER THINKS THAT MOMENT TOO LATE. HE HIMSELF WILL DISCUSS THIS WITH C-IN-C ARMY.
B. THE FUEHRER REPEATEDLY EMPHASIZED THE NECESSITY OF PRESSING FORWARD GREATLY THE FORTIFICATION WORK IN THE WEST.
(NOTE FOR K. KPT. V PUTTKAMER: PLEASE DESTROY TEXT OF 1 AND 2 AFTER USE)
[ITEM 9] [_Telegram_]
REICH WAR MINISTRY/NAVAL SIGNAL SERVICE
MOST SECRET
CANARIS REPORTS ON EVENTS OF THE NIGHT: NO SPECIAL OCCURRENCES. THE MOBILIZATION MEASURES ORDERED IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA CONTINUE. THE FOLLOWING HAVE BEEN DRAFTED: CLASSES 1913 AND 1914 COMPLETE AND SPECIALISTS ONLY FROM CLASSES 1894 TO 1911 LEAVING OUT CLASSES 04, 06, 09. I SHALL KEEP YOU FURTHER CONTINUALLY INFORMED. I CONSIDER IT NECESSARY THAT THE FUEHRER INFORM HIS C'S-IN-C OF HIS INTENTIONS SOON. HAVE YOU ANY FURTHER QUESTIONS?
* * * * *
[ITEM 10] [_Handwritten notes_]
[ILLEGIBLE]
* * * * *
[ITEM 11] [_Covering letter, with directive for Gruen attached_]
Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces
OKW No. 42/38 Most Secret S.O. Only L I
Berlin, 30 May 1938
Copy of the 4th Copy
S.O. Only
Access only through Officer
_3 Copies_, 1st Copy
_Written by an Officer_
By order of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, Part 2, Section II of the directive on the unified preparations for war of the Armed Forces dated 24 June 1937 (Ob.d.W. No. 55/37 g.kdos Chefsache L Ia) ("Two-Front-War with main effort in the South-East--strategic concentration 'Gruen'") is to be replaced by the attached version. Its execution must be assured as from 1 October 38 at the latest.
Alterations in the other parts of the directive must be expected during the next few weeks.
By order
Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
1 Appendix
sgd. Keitel
To: C-in-C Army--Copy 1
C-in-C Navy--Copy 2
C-in-C Air Force--Copy 3
OWK Section L--Copy 4-5
Certified a true copy
Zeitzler
Oberstleutnant on the General Staff
* * * * *
MOST SECRET
Appendix to: Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces OKW No. 42/38 Most Secret S.O. Only L Ia dated 30.5.38.
Copy of the 4th Copy
S.O. Only
Access only through Officer
_Written by an Officer_ _3 Copies_, 1st Copy
II. Two front war with main effort in the South East
(strategic concentration "Gruen")
1. _Political Prerequisites._ It is my unalterable decision to smash Czechoslovakia by military action in the near future. It is the job of the political leaders to await or bring about the politically and militarily suitable moment.
An inevitable development of conditions inside Czechoslovakia or other political events in Europe creating a surprisingly favorable opportunity and one which may never come again may cause me to take early action.
The proper choice and determined and full utilization of a favorable moment is the surest guarantee of success. Accordingly the preparations are to be made at once.
2. _Political Possibilities for the Commencement of the Action._ The following are necessary prerequisites for the intended invasion:
_a._ suitable obvious cause and, with it
_b._ sufficient political justification,
_c._ action unexpected by the enemy, which will find him prepared to the least possible degree.
From a military as well as a political standpoint the most favorable course is a lightning-swift action as the result of an incident through which Germany is provoked in an unbearable way for which at least part of world opinion will grant the moral justification of military action.
But even a period of tension, more or less preceding a war, must terminate in sudden action on our part--which must have the elements of surprise as regards time and extent--before the enemy is so advanced in military preparedness that he cannot be surpassed.
3. _Conclusions for the Preparation of "Fall Gruen"._
_a._ For the _Armed War_ it is essential that the surprise element as the most important factor contributing to success be made full use of by appropriate preparatory measures, already in peacetime and by an unexpectedly rapid course of the action. Thus it is essential to create a situation within the first four days which plainly demonstrates, to hostile nations eager to intervene, the hopelessness of the Czechoslovakian military situation and which at the same time will give nations with territorial claims on Czechoslovakia an incentive to intervene immediately against Czechoslovakia. In such a case, intervention by Poland and Hungary against Czechoslovakia may be expected, especially if France--due to the obvious pro-German attitude of Italy--fears, or at least hesitates, to unleash a European war by intervening against Germany. Attempts by Russia to give military support to Czechoslovakia mainly by the Air Force are to be expected. If concrete successes are not achieved by the land operations within the first few days, a European crisis will certainly result. This knowledge must give commanders of all ranks the impetus to decided and bold action.
_b._ The _Propaganda War_ must on the one hand intimidate Czechoslovakia by threats and soften her power of resistance, on the other hand issue directions to national groups for support in the Armed War and influence the neutrals into our way of thinking. I reserve further directions and determination of the date.
4. _Tasks of the Armed Forces._ Armed Forces Preparations are to be made on the following basis:
_a._ The mass of all forces must be employed against Czechoslovakia.
_b._ For the West, a minimum of forces are to be provided as rear cover which may be required, the other frontiers in the East against Poland and Lithuania are merely to be protected, the Southern frontiers to be watched.
_c._ The sections of the army which can be rapidly employed must force the frontier fortifications with speed and decision and must break into Czechoslovakia with the greatest daring in the certainty that the bulk of the mobile army will follow them with the utmost speed. Preparations for this are to be made and timed in such a way that the sections of the army which can be rapidly employed cross the frontier at the appointed time at the _same time_ as the penetration by the Air Force *before the enemy can become aware of our mobilization.*
* For this, a timetable between Army and Air Force is to be worked out in conjunction with the OKW and submitted to me for approval.*
5. _Missions for the branches of the Armed Forces._
_a._ _Army._ The basic principle of the surprise attack against Czechoslovakia must not be endangered by the inevitable time required for transporting the bulk of the field forces by rail nor the initiative of the Air Force be wasted. Therefore it is first of all essential to the army that as many assault columns as possible be employed at the same time as the surprise attack by the Air Force. These assault columns--the composition of each, according to their tasks at that time--must be formed with troops which can be employed rapidly owing to their proximity to the frontier or to motorization and to special measures of readiness. It must be the purpose of these thrusts to break into the Czechoslovakian fortification lines at numerous points and in a strategically favorable direction, to achieve a breakthrough or to break them down from the rear. For the success of this operation, cooperation with the Sudeten German frontier population, with deserters from the Czechoslovakian army, with parachutists or airborne troops and with units of the sabotage service will be of importance. The bulk of the army has the task of * frustrating the Czechoslovakian plan of defense, of preventing the Czechoslovakian army from escaping into Slovakia, of forcing a battle,* of beating the Czechoslovakian army and of occupying Bohemia and Moravia speedily. To this end a thrust into the heart of Czechoslovakia must be made with the strongest possible motorized and armored units using to the full the first successes of the Assault columns and the effects of the Air Force operations. The rear cover provided for the _West_ must be limited in numbers and quality to the extent which suits the present state of fortifications. Whether the units assigned this will be transported to the Western frontier immediately or held back for the time being will be decided in my special order. Preparations must however, be made to enable security detachments to be brought up to the Western frontier even during the strategic concentration "Gruen". Independent of this, a first security garrison must be improvized from the engineers at present employed in constructing fortifications and from formations of the Labor Corps. The _remaining frontiers_, as well as East Prussia, are to be weakly protected. But, always depending on the political situation, the transfers by sea, of a part or even the bulk of the active forces of East Prussia, into the Reich must be taken into account.
[*--* Passages between asterisks represent additions to the version in Item 5]
_b._ _Air Force._ While leaving a minimum of defensive forces in the West, the Air Force is to be employed in bulk in a surprise attack against Czechoslovakia. The frontier is to be flown over at the same time as it is crossed by the first section of the army. (see 5_a_) The _most important task_ of the Air Force is the destruction of the Czechoslovakian Air Force and their supply bases within the shortest possible time, in order to eliminate the possibility of its employment as well as that of Russian and French air forces, should the occasion arise, against the strategic concentration and penetration of the German army and against the German "Lebensraum." Next to this the crippling of enemy mobilization, of the direction of the government and Armed Forces, as well as the delaying of the strategic concentration of the Czech Army by attacks on communication installations, mobilization and government centers can be of considerable importance to the initial success of the army. At points in the frontier area where stronger sections of the Czechoslovakian Army *or the depth of the defensive system* might make the success of the sudden breakthrough of the German Land-attack questionable, the employment of adequate bomber forces must be assured. Czechoslovakian industrial installations are to be spared as far as the course of operations permits. Retaliatory attacks against the population will be carried out only with my permission. Centers of air defense are to be created throughout Berlin, the central German industrial area and the Ruhr area *and gradually prepared even now in an inconspicuous fashion.*
_c._ _Navy._ The Navy will assist the army operations by employing the Danube-flotilla. For this purpose the flotilla will be under the orders of C-in-C Army. As regards the conduct of naval warfare at first only those measures are to be taken which appear to be necessary for the careful protection of the North Sea and the Baltic against a sudden intervention in the conflict by other states. These measures must be confined to the absolutely necessary extent. Their inconspicuousness must be guaranteed. It is of decisive importance that all actions, which might influence the political attitude of the European Great Powers unfavorably, be avoided.
6. _Tasks of the War Economy._ In the war economy it is essential that in the field of the armament industry a maximum deployment of forces is made possible through increased supplies. In the course of operations, it is of value to contribute to the reinforcement of the total war--economic strength--by rapidly reconnoitring and restarting important factories. For this reason the sparing of Czechoslovakian industrial and works installations--insofar as military operations permit--can be of decisive importance to us.
7. *All preparations for sabotage and insurrection will be made by OKW. They will be made, in agreement with and according to the requirement of the branches of the Armed Forces, so that their effects accord with the operations of the Army and Air Force.*
signed ADOLF HITLER
Certified copy
signed Zeitzler
Oberstleutnant on the General Staff
[*--* Passages between asterisks represent additions to the version in Item 5]
* * * * *
[ITEM 12] [_Typescript_] Berlin, 9 June 1938
L I a H
SHORT SURVEY OF ARMAMENT OF THE CZECH ARMY
1. _SMALL ARMS_
Armed uniformly with Mauser Rifle, Model 24, calibre 7.92 mm (similar to German Rifle 98). Also grenade launcher for rifle grenades is attached to the rifle.
2. _MACHINE GUNS_
Light MG Z.B. 26, weight 9 Kg, 20 round magazine.
Heavy MG, temporarily the MG "Schwarzlose" which has been improved in range. Super-heavy MG, 20 mm MG, Oerlikon system has been introduced (especially for active air defence), other models are being tested.
3. _MORTARS_
8.1 cm Stokes-Brandt, range 3000 m.
9cm light Skoda mortar, model 17, range 1200 m.
14cm medium mortar, model 18, range 2500 m.
26cm heavy mortar, model 17, range 2700 m.
4. _INFANTRY GUNS FOR ANTI-AIRCRAFT AND ANTI-TANK DEFENSE_
Several models are being tested, some of them twin barrel guns.
Calibre 37--40 mm and/or 66--70 mm.
5. _ARTILLERY PIECES_
_a._ _Light and Mountain Artillery_:
8cm field gun, model 17, range 10 km
8cm field gun, model 30, range 13.5 km (can also be used as an AA gun)
10cm light field howitzer, model 14/19, range 10 km.
7.5 Mountain gun, model 15, range 7 km.
10cm Mountain howitzer, model 16/19, range 10 km.
_b._ _Heavy Artillery_:
10.5cm gun, model 35, range 18 km.
15cm howitzer, model 14/16, range 8 km.
15cm howitzer, model 25, range 12 km.
15cm gun, model 15/16, range 20 km.
24cm gun, model 16, range 36 km.
21cm howitzer (Moerser) gun, model 18, range 10 km.
30.5cm howitzer (Moerser) gun, model 16, range 12.4 km.
Also in use are French 15.5cm howitzers.
_c._ _A A Artillery_:
9cm AA-gun, model 12/20 (stationary), range 12 km.
8.35cm AA-gun, model 22/24 horizontal range 18 km, vertical range 12 km.
7.65cm AA-gun, model 35, horizontal range 16 km, vertical range 11 km.
6.6cm AA-gun, model is being tested.
Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]
* * * * *
[ITEM 13] [_Typescript_]
L I a
Berlin, 9 June 1938
MOST SECRET
_FUEHRER'S QUESTIONS ON 9 JUNE 1938_
Berlin, 9 June 1938
2 copies
1st copy
MOST SECRET
_Question 1_: Armament of the Czech Army?
_Answer_:
Arming and equipping of the Army with new means of war is progressing, thanks to the excellent production capacity of the Czech armament industry.
The armament was built up from the weapons of the old Austrian Army. It is slowly and steadily being modernized.
_In Detail_:
_Artillery_: Light field artillery. At present the old armament from the Austrian Army predominates. Mountain Artillery: the same. Medium artillery. New armament predominates. Heavy artillery, old armament predominates.
_Infantry Weapons_: The following are available: a uniform new infantry rifle; a uniform new light MG; a uniform old improved heavy MG.
Equipment of heavy infantry weapons (AT-guns, Infantry Howitzers, Mortars) and tanks is modern, but still incomplete.
A new modern AA-gun has been introduced, but is not yet available in sufficient numbers.
Reserves of weapons and ammunition seem to be guaranteed.
_Summary_: The Czech Army must be considered up to date as far as armament and equipment are concerned.
Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]
* * * * *
L I a
Berlin, 9 June 1938
MOST SECRET
2 copies
1st copy
_Question 2_: How many battalions, etc., are employed in the West for the construction of emplacements?
_Answer_:
Up to now the following have been employed on fortifications:
The 36th Infantry Battalion
The 10th Infantry Howitzer Company
The 12th Anti-Tank Company
The 10th Battery
The 30th 1/3 Engineer Battalions
In addition:
The 78th German Labor Service Battalion, and later the 190th German Labor Corps Battalion.
In addition, the Commander of Army Group 2 (General Adam) has the authority to draw still further troops from his 4th Corps for the construction of emplacements if he deems it necessary.
Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]
[Pencilled notes by Schmundt:]
Number of troops
Production possibilities
* * * * *
L I a
Berlin, 9 June 1938
MOST SECRET
2 copies
1st copy
_Question 3_: Are the fortifications of Czechoslovakia still occupied in unreduced strength?
_Answer_:
The troops have been withdrawn to some extent from the fortifications and are housed in local billets. The fortifications themselves are guarded. The barriers at the frontiers are opened.
Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]
* * * * *
L I a
Berlin, 9 June 1938
MOST SECRET
2 copies
1st copy
_Question 4_: Frontier protection in the West?
_Answer_:
In the West as at the other frontiers, the first frontier protection is undertaken by the VGAD, then the Frontier Guard.
This protection by the Frontier Guard is directly at the frontier. At the same time as the Frontier Guard at the frontier, the fortification installations, which lie further back, receive security garrisons (reserve personnel).
Strength of the Frontier Guard on the Western Frontier:
15,200 men with 1,250 light MG's.
For further details on the frontier guard see appendix.
Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]
* * * * *
[ITEM 14] [_Typescript_]
L I a
Berlin, 18 June 1938
S.O. Only
Access only through Officer
1. _DRAFT FOR THE NEW DIRECTIVE_
(1st copy)
In three parts.
MOST SECRET
4 copies
1st copy
Written by an officer.
S.O. Only
Access only through Officer
_Part 1_
_GENERAL GUIDING PRINCIPLES_
1. There is no danger of a preventive war by foreign states against Germany.
Germany has not committed herself to any military alliances which would automatically force Germany into a warlike conflict of foreign powers.
The immediate aim is a solution of the Czech problem by my own, free decision; this stands in the foreground of my political intentions. I am determined to use to the full every favorable political opportunity to realize this aim.
Thereby, friends, interested parties and enemies can be called upon to take part in this scheme and other powers can remain indifferent even though they could not be previously placed with absolute certainty in one of these categories.
However, I will decide to take action against Czechoslovakia only if I am firmly convinced as in the case of the occupation of the demilitarized zone and the entry into Austria that France will not march and therefore England will not intervene.
2. The preparations of the Armed Forces must cover:
_a._ thorough preparation of the action against Czechoslovakia ("Fall Gruen"). See Part 2.
_b._ Maintenance of the previous "Fall Rot" (strategic concentration with the main effort against the West.) See Part 2.
_c._ Special preparations, mainly in the form of studies and deliberations within the Supreme Commands. See Part 3.
_d._ Preparatory measures, in case German territory is suddenly and abruptly violated with hostile intent by a foreign power. See number 3.
3. If in the midst of peace, German territory is suddenly and abruptly violated with hostile intent by a foreign power, armed resistance will be offered _without any special order_.
Therefore, the branches of the Armed Forces must empower their competent Commanders on the frontier or on the coast to take on their own authority, all measures necessary to repulse the enemy attack should such a case occur. (See Reich Defense Law (RVG) para. 2).
In no event, however, may the German Reich frontier be crossed by troops or aircraft, nor any foreign territory violated, without my order.
It will not be considered a violation of German territory (see 1st sentence of this number) if single sentries or patrols cross the frontier unintentionally and accidentally or through the over-eagerness of a subordinate commander, or if aircraft fly over the frontier due to faulty navigation, or warships sail in our German territorial waters with obviously no hostile intentions.
4. This directive concerns the uniform _preparation_ for war and the general strategic considerations applying to the _outbreak_ of the war. It will be augmented as necessitated by the various strategic concentrations by regulations dealing with matters of Special Administration and War Economy.
The directives necessary for the prosecution of the war itself will be issued by me from time to time.
K [Initialled by Keitel]
Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]
* * * * *
MOST SECRET
4 copies
1st copy
_Written by an officer_
S.O. Only
Access only through officer
_Part 2_
_STRATEGIC CONCENTRATIONS_
1. _Action against Czecho-Slovakia_ ("_Fall Gruen_")
The directive, issued as OKW Nr 42/38 Most Secret S.O. only L I dated 30 May 1938, remains in force. Regulations dealing with special matters, Administration and War Economy relative to "Fall Gruen" are still to be issued.
2. _Two Front War with the main effort in the West_ ("_Fall Rot_")
Since even a war against us started by the Western Nations _must_, in view of the situation today, begin with the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia, the preparation of strategic concentration for a war with the main effort by the Army and Air Force against the West, is no longer of primary importance.
The preparations made to date for the event ("Rot"), however, remain in effect. They contribute, as far as the Army is concerned, towards camouflaging and screening the other strategic concentration and serve, in the case of the Luftwaffe, as a preparation for the shifting of the main effort from the East to the West, which may, under certain circumstances, suddenly become necessary. They also serve as preliminary work for future possibilities of war in the West.
It is left to C in C Army to decide how far the Army strategic concentration "Rot", prepared by OKH for the beginning of the new mobilization year 38/39, will be issued to subordinates.
The tasks which arise for the _Navy_ in "Fall Rot" will be the same as those should "Fall Gruen" be extended to include the Western European nations. The naval preparations are therefore to be continued with the previous objective.
J
K [Initialled by Keitel and Jodl]
* * * * *
_Written by an officer_
_2. DRAFT_
MOST SECRET
Berlin, 7 July 38
2 copies
1st copy
S.O. Only
Access only through officer
_Part 3_
_CONSIDERATIONS_
I. _In connection with "Gruen"._
How the political situation will develop during the execution or after the conclusion of "Gruen" cannot be predicted. Therefore the Armed Forces will confine themselves to the preparation of the measures given in Part I, Number 3, to "Fall Gruen" and "Fall Rot". However, it seems expedient to make at least theoretical considerations and calculations for several possible eventualities, to avoid being mentally unprepared. These considerations would have to cover:
_a._ What would have to be done if other nations intervened against us during the execution of "Gruen"--contrary to our expectations.
_b._ What should be done after the conclusion of "Gruen".
To _a_. If, during the execution of "Gruen", France intervenes against us, the measures provided in "Fall Gruen" come into force. The primary essential in this connection is to hold the Western fortifications, until the execution of the action "Gruen" permits forces to be freed. Should France be supported by England, in this it will have small effect at first on the land-war. It is the duty of the Air Force, the Navy, and the OKW (War Economy Staff, Defense, Armed Forces Communications), however, to carry out far-sighted deliberations in their sphere.
Among the Eastern powers, Russia is the most likely to intervene. This, in the beginning at any rate, will probably consist of reinforcement of the Czech Air Force and Armament. However, the decision must not be neglected concerning what measures are to be taken if Russia were to come to the point of starting a Naval and Air war against us or even wish to penetrate into East Prussia, through the border states.
In the case of a penetration by Poland, we must hold the Eastern fortifications and East Prussia, using the Frontier Guard and other formations, until the conclusion of the action "Gruen" once more gives us freedom of movement.
To _b_. If the action "Gruen" takes place still during this Mobilization year, we must be in the position after the conclusion of "Gruen" to put a provisional strategic concentration quickly into force.
In connection with the latter, further to what was said in part 1, number 3, it is of primary importance to safeguard the German frontiers, including the new addition by the Armed Forces, and still have the bulk of the Field Forces and the Air Force at our disposal. It would have to be possible to put such a future strategic concentration, "Frontier Protection," into force separately for the various frontiers.
II. _Independent of "Fall Gruen"_
Germany will not refrain from occupying the Memel-territory by a lightning blow in the case of a Polish-Lithuanian conflict occurring. The deliberations on this eventuality must cancel the directive issued 18 March 1938 (OKW Nr 472/38 g. Kdos L Ia).
III. _General_
The branches of the Armed Forces are still allowed to deliberate further on the matter contained in Section I) and II). These however, may be carried out only as theoretical studies within the Supreme Commands without the participation of subordinate authorities.
Z
K [Initialled by Keitel and Zeitzler]
* * * * *
[Item 15]
[_Six pages of mobilization schedules, not translated_]
* * * * *
[ITEM 16] [_Covering memorandum, with report attached_]
Berlin, 22 July 1938
Supreme Command of the Armed Forces
_No. 1233/38 Most Secret L Ia_
_2 Copies_
1st Copy
MOST SECRET
To: Major Schmundt or deputy
I enclose a conference report. Your attention is requested (e.g. the remark of Chief OKW).
Chief of the Supreme Command
of the Armed Forces
By order
[Signed] Zeitzler
Submitted to the Fuehrer on 1.8.
Schm [pencil note by Schmundt]
[Stamp]
Adjutants' Office of the Armed Forces to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor
Recd. 26 July 1938 App. 1
No. 82/38 Most Secret
* * * * *
[pencil note:] Maj. Schmundt
1 copy 3rd report to Fuehrer
Berlin, 12 July 1938
L Ia
to L No. 1233/38 Most Secret
2 copies 1st Copy
_Conference Notes_
K [Initialled by Keitel]
MOST SECRET
OKH issues new manoeuvre intentions for 1938. Reason for alteration: development of the western fortifications and spreading of the foot-and-mouth-disease.
Details:
1. Of the previously _intended training manoeuvres_, the following remain:
Fall exercise for the I Army Corps
Training exercise for the XI Army Corps
Fortress warfare exercise for the 1st Army Group Command
2. _New training manoeuvres_:
_a._ Fighting for fortifications
_b._ Coordination with the Air Force
_c._ Cooperation between ground attack, airplanes and field units commencing 1 August in the exercise area.
_d._ Mobilization exercises for the Staffs
_e._ Supply and communications control
_f._ Chemical defense and cleansing of contaminated areas
3. _Training Manoeuvres for armored divisions_:
1st Armored Division up to 24 October at GRAFENWOHR, Corps HQ of the XVI Army Corps will also be there
2nd Armored Division remains in Austria
3rd Armored Division up to 24 September in KOENIGS-BRUEK, from 25 September near BRESLAU West of the ODER
4. _Training Manoeuvres for motorized divisions ready to march_:
2nd motorized Division in exercise area A, from 28 September, in NEUHAMMER
29th motorized Division in exercise area B
20th motorized Division in exercise area C
13th motorized Division in exercise area D
1st light Division in exercise area E
Commencement of the exercises not before 12 September, the end 24 November.
5. _Terrain exercises for units ready to march_:
These take place in the following Wehrkreise:
II, III, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII, IX, X, XI, XIII, XVII,
Commencement of terrain exercises: 20 September
6. _Training Manoeuvres for the mountain divisions composed as on mobilization_:
2nd Mountain Division in area STEYR-PICHL-WEGER
3rd Mountain Division in area SEMMERING-BRUCK
Commencement of exercises: 26 September, End: 24 November
7. _Training Manoeuvres for Training Divisions (Reserve Divisions)_:
_a._ 15 August to 13 September:
Training Division VII Army Corps (69th Division) Field units Exercise Area NEUHAMMER,
Training Division IX Army Corps (52nd Division) Field units Exercise Area GROSSBORN,
Training Division III Army Corps (68th Division) Field units Exercise Area JUETERBOG.
_b._ 9 September to 24 November:
Training Division IV Army Corps (56th Division) Field units Exercise Area OHRDRUF
Training Division VIII Army Corps (62nd Division) Field units Exercise Area SENNE
Training Division XIII Army Corps (73rd Division) Field units Exercise Area MUENDINGEN
Training Division XII Army Corps (79th Division) Field units Exercise Area WAHN
From about 24 September these 4 divisions will train West of the RHINE.
8. _New dispositions_:
_a._ Truck Regiment 616, 20 September to 24 October disposition by III Army Corps.
_b. Army Artillery_:
6 battalions: 15 August to 3 September disposition and training
11 battalions: 9 September to 24 October disposition and training.
Of these, beginning 24 September:
5 battalions, to Reserve divisions West of the RHINE
6 battalions to Terrain exercises of troops "ready to march"
_c. Engineer Battalions_:
3 Engineer Battalions, 9 September to 24 October, disposition and training.
of these 2 battalions, 20 September, to terrain training of troops "ready to march"
1 battalion, from 20 September to Reserve Division West of the Rhine.
_d. Artillery Intelligence Regiments_:
4 battalions and 2 Telephone communications companies (motorized) 9 September to 24 November.
Disposition and training; from 28 September, the battalions will be situated in the neighborhood of BRESLAU, GRAFENWOEHR, NEWHAMMER, INGOLSTADT.
9. _Employment of Engineer Battalions on the Western fortifications_:
Employment of Engineer Battalions extended for no longer than 3 weeks, also 7 engineer battalions will be added.
10. _Reich Party Rally and Harvest Festival_:
Participation remains as intended.
11. _Foreign Military Delegations_:
The foreign military delegations as well as foreign military attaches will be invited to attend the fall exercises of the I Army Corps.
Z [Initialled by ZEITZLER]
* * * * *
[Item 17] [_Typescript_]
Chief Section L
Written by General Staff Officer
MOST SECRET
Berlin, 24 August 1938
S.O. Only
Access only through Officer
1 Copy
TIMING OF THE X-ORDER AND THE QUESTION OF ADVANCE MEASURES
The _Luftwaffe's_ endeavor to take the enemy air forces by surprise at their peace-time airports justifiably leads them to oppose measures taken in advance of the X-order and to the demand that the X-order itself be given sufficiently late on X minus 1 to prevent the fact of Germany's mobilization becoming known to Czechoslovakia on that day.
The _Army's_ efforts are tending in the opposite direction. It intends to let OKW initiate all advance measures between X minus 3 and X minus 1 which will contribute to the smooth and rapid working of the mobilization. With this in mind _OKH also demands_ that the X order be given _not later than 1400 on X minus 1_.
To this the following must be said:
Operation (Aktion) Gruen will be set in motion by means of an "incident" in Czechoslovakia which will give Germany provocation for military intervention. The fixing of the _exact time_ for this incident is of the utmost importance.
It must come at a time when weather conditions are favorable for our superior air forces to go into action and at an hour which will enable authentic news of it to reach us on the afternoon of X minus 1.
It can then be spontaneously answered by the giving of the X order at 1400 on X minus 1.
On X minus 2 the Navy, Army and Air Force will merely receive an advance warning.
If the _Fuehrer_ intends to follow this plan of action, all further discussion is superfluous.
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Nazi conspiracy and aggression, Volume 03 (of 11)Chapter XIV: Letter 19: April 1941 from the Office for Jewish and Masonic Problems (7)
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