Chapter III: Part 3

The cause assigned for the delay in finishing the dwellings and constructions planned by Champlain, previous to his departure was, that fully one half of the men were employed during two months and a half of the best part of the year, in collecting and bringing in forage for the cattle, which they were obliged to fetch from Cape Tourmente, quite eight leagues from the settlement. To obviate this difficulty, Champlain established a farm in a favourable spot at the foot of the said cape, where the cattle could remain at pasture, and but few men be required to look after them. He also appointed an overseer to stay there permanently, and take care that the labourers did not waste their time; and every week he paid a visit of inspection to the new establishment. Considering also that the fort which he had commenced was but small, that, by and bye, as the population increased, more soldiers would be required for the defence of the colony; and that "selon l'oyseau il fallait la cage,"--he resolved to make the "cage according to the bird," and pull down and enlarge it. He pushed on the works so that they might be in a fit state of defence in the spring; and erected two bastions, well flanked, to protect the land side, by which alone it could be approached, and only then with difficulty. In the autumn, he received news of an outbreak of his old acquaintances the Iroquois, who had slain five Dutchmen, being at war with the Mahiganathicoit (Mohicans), in whose country the Dutch were settled about the fortieth degree of latitude, "near to Virginia, where the Englishmen were established." His old friend, Du Pont Grave, who seems to have been a martyr to the gout for some time past, resolved to return to France, and he little expected ever to see him again.

About this time Champlain suffered much anxiety on account of the insufficient supplies of provisions from France, which had become most necessary,--the people, notwithstanding their long sojourn in the country, depending chiefly on the arrival of the ships for support; he had even been obliged to send some families back to France, who, instead of working or cultivating the land, did nothing but hunt, and shoot, and fish, and amuse themselves from morning till night, being idle themselves and the cause of idleness in others. He notices (January, 1627) the death of one Hebert, "the first head of a family who lived by what he cultivated." The Missionaries seem to be making progress among the natives at this time, as the Reverend (Jesuit) Father Lallemand, "baptised a little savage of only ten or twelve days old," who was buried the next day in the cemetery of the settlement.

The winter of 1626-27 was very long and severe, the snow lying very deep and long on the ground, and the usual improvidence of the settlers causing provisions to run short. In the course of it, some of the Indian tribes, of the country inhabited by the Dutch, begged the assistance of Champlain's native allies, to make war against the Iroquois, who had killed twenty-five of their people (besides five of the Dutch) because they had refused them passage through their territory, to attack the "Loups," Indians with whom the said Iroquois were at feud. The Algenquins and some other of the friendly tribes consented to the peace, which Champlain had with such difficulty made between his friends and the Iroquois, being broken to his great indignation: other tribes refused, without the consent of Champlain. He did all in his power to prevent the war, sending his brother-in-law, Boulle, with Emery De Caen, the nephew, to the rendezvous of the savages for that purpose, but to no avail; three Iroquois were taken prisoners and tormented, and the war commenced. Champlain thereupon hastened in person to the Indian camp, and with great difficulty prevailed on them to send back one of the prisoners, with presents, to propitiate the Iroquois and renew the peace. On his return to Quebec he there found, to his surprise, Du Pont Grave just arrived, having returned to Canada at the solicitation of the elder De Caen (who was detained in France), notwithstanding his almost constant sufferings from the gout.

Champlain had returned but a few weeks to his post, when he received intelligence that "the ambassadors," who had been sent with the Iroquois prisoner, had all been murdered by the "Ouentanoronnons" (Hurons?), who were allies of the Iroquois. Among the envoys were one Pierre Magnan, a Frenchman, and a chief called "De Reconcilie." "The latter," says Champlain, "well deserved his death, for having massacred two of our men at Cape Tourmente; and Magnan, who was from the vicinity of Lisieux, had killed a man of that neighbourhood, and had been obliged to take refuge in New France. See," he continues, "how God sometimes chastises the men who seek to avoid his justice in one way, and are caught in another." All hope of peace was now at an end, and Champlain was compelled to avenge the death of his countryman, however unworthy, lest, by passing over the affront, greater injury might follow; so he prepared for hostilities, and his Indian friends recommended tormenting a wretched prisoner whom, at Champlain's intercession, they had hitherto spared, with more than usual barbarity, roasting him by a slow fire, and "every one carried off a piece of him, which they ate!"

Affairs also became more complicated from the old complaint--scarcity of provisions, the English having taken one of the company's ships; and by the resistance of the associates to the viceroy's orders and regulations, refusing to contribute to the erection of the fort, and not troubling themselves about king or governor, or how matters went on, provided they received their profits of about forty per cent. It was evident that "they who govern the purse could do, and would do at pleasure." Champlain could do nothing, save to write an account of the state of things to the viceroy, that he might act accordingly, and work at his fort and other buildings of the settlement.[21]

[21] Scarcity of provisions. "Nec minus animo Camplenius
angebatur, Galli remanebant quinque et quinquaginta, quibus in
istis angustiis difficultatibusque, victum quotidianum tandiu
praebere haud facillimum merito putabatur, etc,"--Du Creux,
_Hist. Canadensis_, lib. i, p. 13.

On the 20th of September, 1627, some scouts of the Indians informed Champlain that a great number of Iroquois were on their way to attack him, to which he replied, "that he was glad of it, but did not believe the news, as they had only courage to attack sleeping men"; and, in fact, some months later, two of his men, conducting cattle from the farm at Cape Tourmente to Quebec, were murdered during their sleep, not by the Iroquois, but by his own allies. Champlain, thoroughly roused at this treachery, peremptorily demanded that the murderers should be given up, and declared that, till that was done, he should keep three of the savages as hostages; the Indians requested three days, that they might endeavour to discover the assassin; and, in the mean time, Champlain kept on his guard, taking every precaution against surprise or open attack, the affair having now become very serious, as the settlement was completely surrounded by the tribes.

The Indians, after the expiration of the three days, sent word that they could not find the murderer, but as proof of good faith, and to make amends, offered to give Champlain three young girls, to be brought up and treated as he should please; "a thing never before known," says Champlain, "as our surgeon and many there wished to take young girls and marry them, but the savages would never consent."[22] After consultation with Du Pont Grave, (who, while thinking that the arrangement might be good, opposed the reception of the girls, on account of the scarcity of food,[23]) the girls were accepted; but on condition, that Champlain should nevertheless be at liberty to seek for the murderer, and punish him when found. These "virgunculae" were destined to be a source of considerable trouble and pain to Champlain, as will shortly be seen.

[22] Three young girls. "Accessere sub extremum Januarium
virgunculae indigenae tres, ultro praeter morem, oblutae a parentibus
... partem metu, ne Gallorum duorum caedem, quos Barbari aliquot
dormientes, recens, per summam inhumanitatem oppresserant,
Camplenius gravius ulcisceretur, etc."--Du Creux, _Hist.
Canadensis_, lib. i, p. 13.

[23] "In summa inopia, pernegante Pontio-Gravaeo!"--Du Creux.

The colony continued tolerably flourishing and quiet, with the exception of the squabbles of the associates of the Company (now become apparently habitual) among themselves, with the viceroy and all authorities, and with everybody in short, and of the usual deficiency of provisions; till the month of July, 1628, when Champlain received a surprise of quite a different kind, and far more serious than any of his previous troubles and difficulties. On the 9th July, two of his men, coming from Cape Tourmente, told him that, according to the report of a savage, (who, on the same day, confirmed the news,) six ships had arrived at Tadoussac, and that a certain Captain Michel of Dieppe was the chief commander for the Sieur De Caen. At first Champlain thought that this commander was a certain Michel with whom De Caen was associated in the fishery at Gaspey; but on reflection, it seemed little probable, as Michel was not a fit person for such a command, and that six vessels were an extraordinary number for the trade or fishery, so that some great change must have taken place in general affairs. Champlain therefore desired a young Greek, who acted as interpreter, to disguise himself as an Indian, and to proceed with two natives in a canoe to reconnoitre. Champlain was in great doubt, fearing, what he had often apprehended, that an enemy would arrive, and that the aforesaid ships were hostile: he therefore took order both at the fort and settlement so as to receive the enemy properly, if needed.

About an hour after the departure of the Greek, he suddenly returned accompanied by two canoes which were hastening to the settlement, in one of which was Foucher, the superintendent of the farm at Cape Tourmente, who told Champlain that he had just escaped from the English, who had taken him prisoner with three of his men, a woman, and a little girl, whom they had carried off to a barque which was at anchor off the Cape, having killed all the beasts they had need of, and burned the remainder in the stables; they had also set fire to two small houses, and ravaged and pillaged everything, even the head-gear of the little girl; they had then reembarked in haste, fearing to be pursued; "which," says Champlain, "assuredly they would have been, if the savages, who all knew of their arrival, had informed us of it; but, like perfidious traitors as they are, they not only concealed this unpleasant news, but spread the report that the strangers were our own people, and that we were not to be anxious about them." It appeared that the enemy had arrived at Cape Tourmente an hour or so before daylight, and sent about fifteen soldiers ashore, thinking to surprise Foucher and his people asleep; but on approaching the habitation, Foucher met them, asking, "who they were and what they wanted?" They replied in French that they were friends: "Do you not recollect us? We were here last year, and we are now sent by Monseigneur the Cardinal and Monseigneur de Roquemont with intelligence; in passing we wished to see you." With these civilities and gentle words they saluted, gradually surrounding Foucher and his men, who were presently astonished at being seized and made prisoners, as before related, "the treacherous savages having told them of the state in which we were." Champlain, at this confirmation of his fears, immediately set everybody to work at making intrenchments around the little town, and stockades on the ramparts of the fort (which was not finished for want of workmen), appointing every man his post, to which he was to hasten when required.

On the next day, the 10th of July, about three in the afternoon, a boat was seen approaching the settlement, which, from its manoeuvres, seemed to make for the St. Charles river, either to disembark men or to set fire to the house of the mission, which was there situated, or else, that the crew did not know the right channel to the town. Champlain sent some arquebusiers to reconnoitre, who found that the supposed enemies were the men with the woman and girl who had just been taken prisoners, with six Basques, who had also been captured by the English. One of the latter was bearer of a letter from the English "General" at Tadoussac, to this effect:--

"Messieurs,--I give you notice that I have received a commission
from the king of Great Britain, my honoured lord and master, to
take possession of the countries of Canada and Acadia, and for that
purpose eighteen ships have been dispatched, each taking the route
ordered by His Majesty. I have already seized the habitation at
Miscare, and all boats and pinnaces on that coast, as well as those
of Tadoussac, where I am presently at anchor. You are also informed
that, among the vessels that I have seized, there is one belonging
to the new company, commanded by a certain Norot, which was coming
to you with provisions and goods for the trade. The Sieur De la
Tour was also on board, whom I have taken into my ship. I was
preparing to seek you, but thought it better to send boats to
destroy and seize your cattle at Cape Tourmente; for I know that,
when you are straitened for supplies, I shall the more easily
obtain my desire, which is, to have your settlement; and in order
that no vessels shall reach you, I have resolved to remain here
till the end of the season, in order that you may not be
re-victualled. Therefore see what you wish to do,--if you intend to
deliver up the settlement or not, for, God aiding, sooner or later
I must have it. I would desire, for your sake, that it should be by
courtesy rather than by force, to avoid the blood which might be
spilt on both sides. By surrendering courteously, you may be
assured of all kind of contentment, both for your persons and for
your property, which, on the faith that I have in Paradise, I will
preserve as I would my own, without the least portion in the world
being diminished. The Basques, whom I send you, are men of the
vessels that I have captured, and they can tell you the state of
affairs between France and England, and even how matters are
passing in France, touching the new company[24] of this country.
Send me word what you desire to do; and if you wish to treat with
me about this affair, send me a person to that effect, whom, I
assure you, I will treat with all kind of attention, and I will
grant all reasonable demands that you may desire in resolving to
give up the settlement.

"Waiting your reply, I remain, Messieurs,

"Your affectionate servant,

"DAVID QUER.

"On board the 'Vicaille'(?) this 18th of July, 1628 (old style),
and addressed to 'Monsieur Champlain, Commandant at Quebec.'"

[24] On the 29th April, 1627, another company for the trade with
New France, to the exclusion of all previous associations, and
styled the Company of the Hundred Associates, was organized, and
the articles settled and signed, under the especial patronage and
influence of the Cardinal de Richelieu; and on the 29th June the
Duke de Ventadour resigned the post of viceroy of New France, in
consideration of the sum of seventy thousand livres, which the
President de Lauzun promised him on the part of the king. The
"Great Cardinal" had been already invested in 1626 with the
direction of all naval affairs, under the title of Grand Master
and Superintendant of Navigation and Commerce, those of admiral
and vice-admiral of France being suppressed. His first care was
to put down the rival companies, and take the trade into his own
hands; the next, to get rid of the Jesuits, and their tool the
Duke de Ventadour.

This logical, precise, and "affectionate" letter being read, "We concluded," says Champlain, "that if he wished to see us he had better come, and not threaten from such a distance;" so replied in equally polite terms to the purport, "That he did not in the least doubt the fact of Quer (or Keith) having the commission of his king, as great princes always select men of brave and generous courage," acknowledging the intelligence of the capture of Norot and De la Tour, and also the truth of the observation that, "the more provisions there were in a fortress the better it could hold out, still it could be maintained with but little, provided good order were kept; therefore, being still provided with grain, maize, beans, and peas, (besides what the country could furnish,) which his soldiers loved as well as the finest corn in the world, by surrendering the fort in so good a condition, he should be unworthy to appear before his sovereign, and should deserve chastisement before God and men. He was sure that Quer would respect him much more for defending himself, than for abandoning his charge, without first making trial of the English guns and batteries;" concluding, that he should expect his attack, and oppose, as well as he could, all attempts that might be made against the place; and signing, "Your affectionate servant, Champlain."

This courteous, but decided, and, under the circumstances, chivalrous answer, was given to the Basques to deliver to the English commander, who, finding that Champlain was determined to hold out, and thinking that the settlement was better provided with provisions and stores than it really was, contented himself with burning all the boats and vessels at Tadoussac, and set sail again to look for ships along the coast; and well it was for Champlain that he did so, as he writes, "Every man being reduced to seven ounces of peas a day, and only having about fifty pounds of gunpowder, hardly any matches or other commodities, if they had made their point, we could hardly have resisted them."

The English admiral or chief, David Quer, or Keith (most likely Kerr), was, it is said, a Calvinist of Dieppe, the son of a Scotchman, who had married there, and who had quitted France on account of the persecutions against the Protestants. It appears that De Caen, enraged at the privileges of the company of which he was the head being annulled, and himself excluded from the new company formed under the auspices of Cardinal Richelieu, betrayed the settlement, giving the English a full and complete account of the vessels employed, the number of men in the colony, its weak points, etc. Kerr had with him also a certain Jacques Michel, a Frenchman, from Dieppe, and a former associate of De Caen.[25]

[25] "Fauces illas, aditusque fluminis obsidebat jam aliquandiu
David Kersius, Anglus, ab navibus, militibusque Rupemontio
instructor ... praemonitus pridem ab exulceratis Cadomianis (De
Caen), qui exclusos sese ab Nova Francia, tanta vel ignominia,
vel rei familiaris jactura impotentissime ferebant, de navium
transmissarum numero, de Noyrotis actuario nominatim, de militum
robore, de commeatu, de omnibus denique, quae hostis incendere
cupiditatem, vel stimulare diligentiam, vel cautionem munire
posse videbantur."--De Creux, lib. i.

Some days afterwards a young man, of the name of Desdames, came to Quebec with ten men, bringing news of the arrival at Gaspey of the Sieur de Roquement, commanding the new company's ships, which were bringing stores, provisions, and workmen and their families for the colony. Champlain, whom the late surprise had rendered doubly cautious, asked for letters from De Roquement, before giving credence to this intelligence; surprised, moreover, that in such suspicious times, he had not written by his messenger, to say how affairs were going on in France, and tell him about this new company that had ousted De Caen and his partners, and of which Champlain knew nothing.[26] Desdames told him that he had left in such haste that De Roquement had not time to write, but in proof of the truth of his intelligence, produced a few lines from Father Lallemand, a Jesuit, who was on board De Roquement's vessel, saying that, in a short time, Champlain would see them, if not prevented by the English, who were stronger than they were. Desdames also informed him that De Roquement intended to attack the English squadron at Tadoussac, and that on his route he had heard cannon, which made him think that the battle had commenced.

[26] Champlain, however, shortly after received a commission from
the king, Louis XIII, appointing him commandant in New France
under Cardinal Richelieu, ordering him also to take an inventory
of all goods and property of every kind belonging to De Caen, and
to have them valued; and also, to send without delay an account
of the state of the settlement, the number of acres of cleared
land, and plans of the fort and buildings, etc., for the
deliberation of the royal council.

Champlain severely blamed the conduct of De Roquement in attacking the English, as, being sent for the sole purpose of succouring and revictualling the fort and settlement which were in want of almost every necessary, if he were beaten, he not only ruined himself but the country, leaving nearly a hundred men, women, and children to die of hunger, or abandon the fort and settlement to the first enemy that should present himself. On the contrary, the English being stronger in ships and men, he ought to have avoided them as much as possible. "The merit of a good captain," he exclaims, "is not in his courage alone; it ought to be accompanied by prudence, which causes him to be respected, being accompanied by many cunning stratagems and inventions; many have thus done much with little, and have rendered themselves glorious and redoubtable."

While waiting with impatience for news of the combat, "Nous mangions nos pois par compte," which short allowance greatly reduced the strength of the people, most of the men becoming feeble, and hardly able to work. "We were deprived of all," says Champlain; "even salt was wanting." His ingenuity, however, provided a partial remedy for the evil of eating the peas whole; he first had mortars made wherein the peas might be pounded to a coarse flour; but the labour required being considerable, he imagined that a hand-mill would be better, but there were no mill-stones; however, as by dint of seeking most things are to be found, his locksmith discovered stone fit for the purpose. "So that," Champlain writes, "this necessity made us find that which for twenty years had been deemed impossible." When the hand-mill was finished, every one brought his little supply of peas, which they received back in flour, and which, made into a kind of soup, "did us a great deal of good, and set us up better than we had been for some time." So with the addition of a small supply of eels, from time to time, from the Indians, who, by the bye, sold them very dear, he continued to rub on as best he might. The success of his hand-mill encouraged him to have water-mills erected during the winter, which would better relieve the people, and spare labour. He also sent out men to hunt in the winter, "as the savages did, but," he adds, indignantly, "they were not so honest as those people, as having taken a very large elk, they amused themselves with devouring it like ravenous wolves, without giving us any, save about twenty pounds; which made me reproach them for their gluttony, as I never had any provisions without sharing with them; but as they were men without honour or civility, so had they acted, and I sent them no more, occupying them with other things."

Champlain's difficulties and anxieties became daily greater, as, with the utmost possible economy, the few remaining provisions would hardly last longer than the end of May, and if the annual ships with supplies were lost or taken by the English, they must all perish with hunger; so he resolved that, if the vessels did not arrive by the end of June, and the English should return as they had promised, to make the best terms he could and give up the fort, as the people could not otherwise subsist; and if neither the English nor the ships should arrive, to patch up, as well as he could, a little vessel of seven or eight tons, which had been left at Quebec as being good for nothing, and go to Gaspey, Miscou, and other places to the north, to try and get a passage for the greater part of the settlers, in the vessels which went there for the fishery, retaining in the settlement only such a number as might subsist on the grain which would be gathered in the following August from the lands of "Hebert" before mentioned, and of the "Fathers," who seemed to have taken care of themselves in all this necessity. "To exist till August," says he, "our resource would be to seek for herbs and roots, and try and catch fish." If he found that the little vessel could not be repaired, he determined to take with him as many men as possible and make war on some of the savage tribes who had aided the Iroquois; to force one of their villages and fortify it, so as to pass the rest of the summer, the autumn, and winter, rather than all die of hunger at the settlement, "hoping for better things in the spring."

While in this extreme tribulation, an Indian chief, of a tribe some eight days journey from Quebec, paid Champlain a visit for the purpose of soliciting his aid against the old foe, the Iroquois. Considering it an excellent opportunity for relieving the settlement of many surplus mouths, he agreed to help them as well as he could in that year if the vessels should not arrive, and, at any rate, in the next year he would join them with as many men as possible; at least he and his people would be fed, and if the English took possession of the settlement, his alliance with the Indians would enable him in due time to drive them out. With this promise the Indian chief departed highly pleased, and Champlain sent a confidential man to reconnoitre the enemy's country, giving his Indian friends instructions how to attack the Iroquois villages or forts till he could join them. He then sent a small boat to Gaspey to try and get some grain, and applied to "Father Joseph De la Roche," (he does not say of which mission, Jesuit or Recollet,) to know if he might hope for some supplies from their stock if the ships should not arrive; the worthy Father Joseph replied that, if it depended upon him, he would gladly consent, but that "Father Joseph Caron, the guardian, must be first applied to." Whether the said supplies were forthcoming does not appear; from the continuance, and even increase of suffering, it should seem not.

On the 20th of May, twenty Indian warriors, coming from Tadoussac, on their way to make war on the Iroquois, brought some account of the battle which had been fought between the English and French ships. Some men had been killed; the Sieur De Roquement wounded in the foot, and the French vessels taken and carried into Gaspey; the crews had been all put on board one of the ships to be sent to France, the officers kept as prisoners of war, and the English, after burning a "cache" of corn belonging to the Jesuits at Gaspey, had set sail for England.

About this time Champlain formed an alliance with an Indian chief named "Chomina," who greatly relieved his anxieties about future subsistence by promising to assist him, as much as possible, with provisions, and in case of need, against the English. Desdames also arrived from Gaspey, confirming the intelligence brought by the Indians of the total defeat and capture of the French ships, and that eight English vessels were cruising on the coast of Acadia.

On the 26th of June Champlain dispatched his brother-in-law, Boulle, with all who wished to leave the settlement, to Gaspey, with orders to seek a passage to France, by every possible means, charging him with letters for the king, the cardinal, the council of state, and the company, giving details of all that had passed, and of the strait to which he was reduced. Du Pont Grave, who had remained at Quebec, was also desirous of returning, but on Champlain's representations of the difficulties and danger of life he would incur from his infirm state, in so hazardous a journey, he remained at the settlement, so tormented with the gout that he was almost constantly laid up.

When Boulle and his people had departed, Champlain employed those who remained in preparing the ground and sowing turnips against the winter, and, while awaiting the harvest, parties were sent every day to seek for roots, which occasioned great fatigue, having to go seven or eight leagues to find any, and even then hardly getting enough for bare subsistence. Some tried fishing, but with little success, "nets, lines, and hooks being wanting," and gunpowder so scarce, that he preferred suffering rather than use for hunting the little he had left, which was not more than thirty or forty pounds, and that very bad.

Every day also he was in expectation of the arrival of some Hurons with twenty Frenchmen, who had gone with them some time before to relieve the settlement a little--"pour nous soulager de nos pois"--as Champlain expresses it; and these expected additions to the claims on the said "pois" gave him no small anxiety, "as we had nothing whatever to give them, unless they brought flour with them." He hoped that the Hurons would take them with them again, or that he could distribute them among other tribes near him; but that was very uncertain. His troubles were, however, considerably relieved by his friend "Chomina offering to go to the Huron country to seek for flour," and, still more, by the arrival of one of his men whom he had sent to examine the country of the "Abenaquoit"(?) Indians, who gave him a full report of the rapids and other difficulties of the route thither, and, what was then better and more to the purpose, that the said "Abenaquoits" were very friendly, and had offered to take some of his people and keep them during the winter, or till he should receive supplies by the arrival of the ships or otherwise.

On the 17th of July, the Hurons and their French guests arrived, but bringing hardly any provisions, so that they were obliged to do as Champlain and his people did, "seek for roots that they might live." He deliberated about sending them to the friendly "Abenaquoits" to reside with them till the spring, "having no longer any hope," he touchingly adds, "of seeing either friends or enemies, the season being, to all appearance, past." The Hurons could only offer for sale two sacks of flour, one of which was bought by the Recollet fathers, the other by Du Pont Grave. "As for me," says Champlain, "it was quite out of my power to have any, much or little, and they did not offer me even a plateful, either our own people or others: however, I took patience, having always good courage, waiting for the pea harvest, and some grain from the clearing of the widow Herbert and her son-in-law, who had sown some six or seven acres, not being able to apply elsewhere; and I can say with truth, that I have assisted every one as much as is possible, but they were little grateful." The Jesuits and Recollets had tolerable supplies on hand, and ground cleared and sown besides; and they _promised_ to assist him with any supplies they might have, "but there were but few liberalities 'made.'"

At this critical time an Indian brought intelligence of the return of the English squadron. "When this news arrived," writes Champlain, "I was alone in the fort, part of my companions having gone fishing, others to seek for roots, and my servant and the two little 'sauvagesses' (the Indian girls before mentioned) had gone also. About ten o'clock some returned to the settlement, my servant bringing four little bags of roots: he told me that he had seen the English ships about a league from Quebec, behind Cape Levy." Champlain thereupon called a council, and, considering that they were without provisions, powder, match, or prospect of succour, and thus quite unable to hold out, it was resolved that they would endeavour to make the best terms they could, and see what the English would say; but determined, if they would not grant good conditions, to make them feel on landing "what it was to take away all hope."

Shortly after, the English sent a boat with a flag of truce, and a gentleman bearing a letter from the two brothers of the "General Quer" or Guer (sometimes the name is also spelt "Kertk"), who remained at Tadoussac with his ships,--one, named Louis, was to command the fort; the other, Thomas, was "vice-admiral" to his brother. The missive was as follows:

"Monsieur,--In consequence of what our brother told you last year,
that sooner or later he would have Quebec, if not succoured, he has
charged us to assure you of his friendship as we do of ours; and
knowing very well the extreme need of every thing in which you are,
desires that you should surrender the fort and settlement to us;
assuring you of every kind of courtesy for you and yours, and also
of honourable and reasonable terms, such as you may wish. Waiting
your reply, we remain, Monsieur, your very affectionate servants,

"LOUIS AND THOMAS GUER.

"On board the Filbot, this 19th July, 1629."

To this courteous letter, Champlain replied, that it was true that negligence or risks of the sea had prevented the expected aid from arriving, and, consequently, deprived him of the power of opposing their intentions; that, on the morrow, he would let them know the terms on which he would give up the settlement, and begging them in the meantime to withdraw out of cannon-shot and not to attempt a landing. In the evening, Captain Louis Guer sent for the terms, which were:

"That Guer (Kerk) should show his commission from the king of
England, to prove that there really was 'legitimate war' between
England and France; also the powers of his brother, commanding the
fleet, to treat.

"That a vessel should be given for passage to France, for Champlain
and all his companions, with all who had been made prisoners; also
all the missionaries, both Jesuits and Recollets, and the two
'sauvagesses,' who had been given to Champlain two years before
(what became of the third girl is not stated).

"That all, the 'religious' and others, should be allowed to leave
with arms and baggage and all their furniture, and that a
sufficient supply of provisions for the passage to France should be
given, in exchange for peltry, etc.

"That all should have the most favourable treatment possible,
without violence to any.

"That the ship in which they were to embark for France, should be
ready in three days after their arrival at Tadoussac, and a vessel
provided for the transport of their goods, etc., to that place."

Soon after the reception of these conditions, the English captains sent their ultimatum, which was:

"That Kerk's commission should be shewn, and his powers to his
brothers to treat. As to providing a vessel to take Champlain and
his people direct to France, that could not be done; but they would
give them passage to England and from thence to France, whereby
they would avoid being again taken by any English cruiser on their
route. For the 'sauvagesses'--that clause could not be granted, for
reasons which would be explained. As to leaving with arms and
baggage,--the officers might take with them their arms, clothes,
and peltries belonging to them, and the soldiers their clothes and
a beaver robe each. As for the holy fathers, they must be contented
with their robes and books."

All these articles accepted, were duly ratified by David "Kertk" (so spelt this time) at Tadoussac on the 19th August, 1629 (new style).

On the following day the three English vessels cast anchor before Quebec, namely, the "Flibot," of one hundred tons, and ten guns, and two "pataches" (advice boats) of forty tons and six guns each, with about a hundred and fifty men.

Champlain was very desirous to know why he would not be permitted to take with him the two little Indian girls, whom he had taken care of for two years past, "having had them taught needlework of various kinds and other useful things"; so he went to Captain Louis Kerk, and so persuaded him that he consented to their going, "at which the said girls were very much rejoiced."

Then Captain Louis landed with a hundred and fifty men to take possession of the settlement; the keys of the magazine of the company being delivered to him--not by Du Pont Grave, but by deputy--the poor man being, as usual, confined to his bed with the gout, and quite unable to act. Kerk gave the keys to a certain Baillif, a Frenchman and native of Amiens, whom he had taken as clerk, and who, with three other Frenchmen, as great rascals as himself, had joined the English voluntarily, "to serve them, and aid them to ruin us," says Champlain, indignantly. He then took possession of the fort, treating Champlain with every possible courtesy, but not allowing him to leave Quebec. He permitted mass to be said at Champlain's request, and, "with all kind of affection," gave him a certificate of all supplies and property that were found in the fort and settlement, from which it appeared that all the ammunition remaining consisted of forty pounds of powder and fifty-one iron cannon balls.

Kerk took also many articles belonging to the reverend fathers, the Jesuits and Recollets, of which he would not give any account, saying, "If they be given back, (which I do not think they will be,) nothing will be lost, so it is not worth while to mention them; and as for the provisions we have found, we will not spoil paper and ink about them, preferring rather to assist you with ours;" for which Champlain heartily thanked him, "unless he should make him pay very dear for them."

The next day the English flag was hoisted on the fort, the drums beat, the cannon and musketry of the shipping and town fired in token of rejoicing, and solemn possession taken of Quebec in the name of the king of England.

The English conducted themselves with all honour, forbearance, and honesty; not so the French renegades who had joined them, who seemed to have lost no time in filling their pockets. On the very next night, the before-named Frenchman, Baillif, took from the company's chief clerk one hundred livres in gold and silver, a silver cup, "some silk stockings, and other bagatelles," being moreover vehemently suspected of purloining a silver gilt chalice from the chapel, worth a hundred livres or more. Complaints were made to Louis Kerk, who instituted an inquiry, but without effect. Baillif of course swore that he was innocent; "but," says Champlain, "he was without faith or law, although calling himself a Catholic, as did the three others, but who did not scruple to eat flesh on the Friday and Saturday to please the English, who, on the contrary, blamed them for it. I showed him all the evil and reproaches he would one day feel, which did not trouble him much; every wickedness that he could practise against the French he did. From the English we received every kindness; from this wretch every evil. I leave him for what he is worth, expecting that one day God will chastise him for his impieties and blasphemies."

Since the English had taken possession of Quebec, "the days seemed months" to Champlain, who begged Louis Kerk to allow him to go to Tadoussac, and wait for the sailing of the ships, offering to remain with the "general," his brother, which was kindly granted; so, leaving some of his furniture for Louis Kerk's use, he embarked with the remainder of his property and his two little "sauvagesses," poor gouty Du Pont Grave remaining with the rest of the people, as did the reverend fathers, the Jesuits, etc.

The widow Hebert and her son-in-law, who, with her deceased husband, were the first settlers in Quebec, and who seem to have been the only really industrious and provident residents in the colony, were greatly afraid that their lands would be seized or ravaged by the English; but, on the contrary, they were well treated, every assistance being afforded them, and assurance given that they might remain in as great security of person, property, and trade as before. "Louis Quer" (Kerk), says Champlain, "was courteous, having something of the French nature in him, and loving the nation. He was the son of a Scotchman who had married at Dieppe; so he desired to oblige the French families, preferring their conversation to that of the English, to whom his humour was repugnant!"

The mass of the colonists, not knowing whether to go or to stay, asked Champlain's advice. He told them that, as the exercise of their religion would no longer be free, or even possible, having no more priests, and as they would be deprived consequently of confession, and those holy sacraments which would give their souls repose for ever, they had better dispose of all their peltry, etc., getting as much money as they could for it, and return to France in the way that the English commander had offered; "for," he added, "you must care more for the soul than the body, and having money with you in France, you can keep above want." They thanked him for his counsel, which they promised to follow, "hoping, nevertheless, to meet again next year, if it pleased God."

On the 24th of July, the vessel of Thomas Kerk set sail for Tadoussac with Champlain on board. About twenty-five leagues from Quebec, a ship was discovered which, on seeing the English, endeavoured to escape. It turned out to be a vessel of the elder De Caen, commanded by his nephew, Emery, who was endeavouring to get secretly to Quebec, to bring away the peltry and other property claimed by the uncle, and to endeavour to trade with the Indians. Kerk fired a gun to bring the Frenchman to, and was answered with a broadside, which killed one of his men. The enemy still endeavouring to get the advantage of the wind, Kerk determined to board, and thereupon ordered Champlain and his companions to go below. It should appear that Kerk was badly seconded by his men, as they went below also, and he was obliged to drive them to the deck with the flat of his sword. He was in a great strait, as few even then would follow him, when, luckily, Emery De Caen, who seems to have been as much afraid as Kerk's men were, cried out for quarter, which Kerk was very glad to grant. De Caen asked to speak with Champlain, whom Kerk rather unwarrantably warned that, if another shot was fired, he should be put to death; telling him to recommend the French to surrender promptly, as if two English ships, then in sight, should come up before the flag was struck, they would all be killed. To which Champlain replied, "that Kerk could certainly kill him, being in his power, but that he would be for ever dishonoured by so retracting the pledge, which both he and his brother Louis had given for the safety of them all; that he could not command the people of the other ship, or prevent them doing their duty as brave men should do, and for which Kerk should rather praise than blame them." Kerk then desired him to offer good terms, which being done, De Caen and his lieutenant went on board the English ship to make their submission.

They then continued their route to Tadoussac, where they found the "General" David Kerk, who received them very kindly. Champlain also met his brother-in-brother, Boulle, who had been made prisoner, and the arch-traitor and rebel, Jacques Michel, who had guided the English in both their expeditions. He was vice-admiral of the fleet, which consisted of five large ships of four to five hundred tons, and about one hundred and twenty men each. "With the exception of the officers," says Champlain, "they were no great things."

The commander in chief, David Quer, Guer, Kertk, or Kerk (for his name is spelt in all these ways), proceeded up the river to Quebec, to see how matters were going on, while Champlain remained at Tadoussac, "passing the time as well as we could till his return." The "General" came back in ten or twelve days, and at supper a few days after, to Champlain's great amazement and anger, produced a letter which he had received from a certain Marsolet, a deserter from the settlement and an abominable scoundrel, who acted as interpreter to the English, to the effect that a canoe had arrived at Quebec, bringing intelligence of a council having been held by the Indians to deliberate whether Champlain should take the two little girls, whom they had given him, to France; and that the result had been that the girls were not to be allowed to go, and the General was requested to detain them.

"I judged immediately," says Champlain, "that the gallant had invented this cunning story to keep the girls," as one of them, named Esperance, had shortly before told him that Marsolet had solicited her to leave Champlain and go with him, promising all sorts of things if she would consent. Champlain represented to the "General" that the girls had been freely given him by the Indians to be brought up in the Christian faith, and that he loved them as his own daughters. He entreated him to allow them to go with him to France, otherwise "they might, by remaining in the country, fall back into the hands of the devil, from which he had extricated them"; and that Marsolet had invented the tale of the Indian council to gain his ends and ruin the poor girls, as he, Champlain, knew, that at the council which had been held at Trois Rivieres, there had been no question whatever either of the girls or of Marsolet, and that two men, whom he could produce, could prove that the Indians were very glad that the girls should remain with him. The "General," however, for some reason or other which he did not mention, was not disposed to let the young "sauvagesses" go, notwithstanding the intervention of his brother Thomas and of Michel, and the bitter weeping of the poor girls themselves, "who could neither eat nor drink for crying," begging him, whom they loved as a father, not to abandon them.

"I did all I could," says Champlain, "to save their poor souls"; so he told the "General" that, supposing Marsolet's story to be true, there was still a way to settle the matter, which was to make the Indians a present, and that he would abandon for that purpose beaver-skins and other property to the value of a thousand livres; but the "General" was deaf to his entreaties. One day, however, when in good humour, he gave some hopes of their deliverance when Marsolet should come to Tadoussac; but the artful rascal, on his arrival, persuaded Kerk that the Indians would not accept any present, and that he had better keep the girls as hostages for the good behaviour of the savages; besides, if he should suffer them to depart, and if anything should happen to them afterwards, the Indians would consider it as his (the General's) fault, and much evil might come of it; whereupon the "General" "stiffened" himself anew, and would not hear of the girls' departure. The poor "sauvagesses" continued to weep and lament, but in vain; nevertheless they kept a high spirit, which manifested itself one day in the presence and greatly to the surprise of the "General" and his officers while at supper, when Esperance roundly reproached Marsolet with his indecency, his villainies and treachery. "You know," she exclaimed, "wretch that you are, that I wished to go to France with Monsieur Champlain, who has brought me up, with every possible kindness, teaching me to pray to God, and many other virtuous things, and that the whole country had consented; but you, instead of having compassion on two poor girls, behave worse than a dog to them; but, remember this, though I am only a girl, I will contrive your death, if possible; and if in future you ever shall dare to approach me, I will plant a knife in your breast, if I should die for it. A dog is better than you: he follows those who have given him existence, but you betray and destroy those among whom you received your being, selling your countrymen for money." Marsolet said that "she had learned her lesson well," and turning to her sister, Charite, sneeringly asked "if she had nothing to say to him." "All that I can tell you," she replied, "my companion has said; I can only add, that if I held your heart, I would eat it, and with better appetite than the meats on that table!"--"Every body admired the courage and discourse of this girl," says Champlain, "who did not speak at all like a 'sauvagesse.'" Some of my readers may possibly differ with him.

Marsolet was astounded at this speech from a girl of twelve years old; but for all that, the general's heart remained unmoved; so the poor young girls were raised to the dignity of hostages, to preserve the peace of the country from attacks or inroads of tribes to which they did not belong, or which might not know or care about them. Champlain consoled them, as he best might, with hopes of the return of the French, giving them such useful presents as he could, and telling them to take courage, be good and virtuous, and continue to say the prayers that he had taught them. At his request also, one of the interpreters, named Coulart, promised to let them stay with his wife, which much relieved Champlain's anxiety; as for the girls, they gratefully promised to be to Coulart and his wife, as daughters, till he should return.

About this time, the arch-renegade, Jacques Michel, "being suddenly seized with great heaviness," remained thirty-five hours without speaking, and then died, "rendering his soul," writes Champlain; "which, if we may judge from the works and actions that he had committed, even on the previous day swearing in a horrible manner, and dying in the 'pretended' religion, I doubt not, is in hell."

There was more gladness than regret among the English at Michel's death; however, he was buried with all the honours of his rank; but the "mourning" lasted but a very little while; on the contrary, the English were never more happy, particularly on board his own ship, "where," slily insinuates Champlain, "there were certain casks of Spanish wine."

The "General," or Admiral, having furnished the fort and settlement at Quebec with all that was necessary for defence and support, and careened and refitted his ships, set sail for England; and on the 20th November, 1629, anchored at "Plemue" (Plymouth), where they heard that peace had been concluded some months before, which greatly displeased the said "General." On the 27th, the Jesuits, Recollets, and all those who wished to return to France, were disembarked in Dover roads, and Champlain proceeded with the ship to London, where he arrived on the 29th.

On the morrow, he obtained an interview with the French Ambassador, to whom he gave a full account of his proceedings, and of all that had happened, complaining bitterly of his fort and himself having been taken fully two months after peace had been proclaimed; but shewing that his surrender had been solely from want of ammunition and provisions, relating the hardships endured, being obliged to seek for roots in the woods for his people's bare subsistence, etc.; all of which the ambassador laid before the king of England, who "gave him good hope of the restoration of the colony, together with all peltry and other goods which had been seized."