Chapter I: I. Scaliger, in his “Diatriba de Europæorum Linguis” (Opuscula
varia: Parisiis, 1610), p. 119, distinguishes eleven classes: Latin,
Greek, Teutonic, Slavonic, Epirotic or Albanian, Tartaric,
Hungarian, Finnic, Irish, British in Wales and Brittany, and Bask or
Cantabrian.
112 “Initium oris et communis eloquii, et hoc omne quod loquimur,
Hebræam esse linguam qua vetus Testamentum scriptum est, universa
antiquitas tradidit.” In another place (Isaia, c. 7) he writes,
“Omnium enim fere linguarum verbis utuntur Hebræi.”
113 “Mansit lingua per Adam primitus data, ut putamus, Hebræa, in ea
parte hominum, quæ non pars alicujus angeli, sed quæ Dei portio
permansit.”
114 Guichard went so far as to maintain that as Hebrew was written from
right to left, and Greek from left to right, Greek words might be
traced back to Hebrew by being simply read from right to left.
115 Among the different systems of Rabbinical exegesis, there is one
according to which every letter in Hebrew is reduced to its
numerical value, and the word is explained by another of the same
quantity; thus, from the passage, “And all the inhabitants of the
earth were of one language.” (Gen. xi. 1), is deduced that they all
spoke Hebrew, שכה being changed for its synonym לשון, and הקרש, (5 +
100 + 4 + 300 = 409) is substituted for its equivalent אחת (1 + 8 +
400 = 409). _Coheleth_, ed. Ginsburg, p. 31.
116 Hermathena Joannis Goropii Becani: Antuerpiæ, 1580. Origines
Antverpianæ, 1569. André Kempe, in his work on the language of
Paradise, maintains that God spoke to Adam in Swedish, Adam answered
in Danish, and the serpent spoke to Eve in French.
Chardin relates that the Persians believe three languages to have
been spoken in Paradise; Arabic by the serpent, Persian by Adam and
Eve, and Turkish by Gabriel.
J. B. Erro, in his “El mundo primitivo,” Madrid, 1814, claims Bask
as the language spoken by Adam.
A curious discussion took place about two hundred years ago in the
Metropolitan Chapter of Pampeluna. The decision, as entered in the
minutes of the chapter, is as follows:—1. Was Bask the primitive
language of mankind? The learned members confess that, in spite of
their strong conviction on the subject, they dare not give an
affirmative answer. 2. Was Bask the only language spoken by Adam and
Eve in Paradise? On this point the chapter declares that no doubt
can exist in their minds, and that “it is impossible to bring
forward any serious or rational objection.” See Hennequin, “Essai
sur l’Analogie des Langues,” Bordeaux, 1838. p. 60.
117 Guhrauer’s Life of Leibniz, ii. p. 129.
118 Guhrauer, vol. ii. p. 127. In his “Dissertation on the Origin of
Nations,” 1710, Leibniz says:—“The study of languages must not be
conducted according to any other principles but those of the exact
sciences. Why begin with the unknown instead of the known? It stands
to reason that we ought to begin with studying the modern languages
which are within our reach, in order to compare them with one
another, to discover their differences and affinities, and then to
proceed to those which have preceded them in former ages, in order
to show their filiation and their origin, and then to ascend step by
step to the most ancient tongues, the analysis of which must lead us
to the only trustworthy conclusions.”
119 Nicolaes Witsen, Burgomaster of Amsterdam, travelled in Russia,
1666-1677; published his travels in 1672, dedicated to Peter the
Great. Second edition, 1705. It contains many collections of words.
120 Catherinens der Grossen Verdienste um die Vergleichende Sprachkunde,
von F. Adelung. Petersburg, 1815. Another letter of his to the
Vice-Chancellor, Baron Schaffiroff, is dated Pirmont, June 22, 1716.
121 Collectanea Etymologica, ii. 255. “Malim sine discrimine Dialectorum
corrogari Germanicas voces. Puto quasdam origines ex superioribus
Dialectis melius apparituras; ut ex Ulfilæ Pontogothicis, Otfridi
Franciscis.”
122 Monde primitif analysé et comparé avec le monde moderne: Paris,
1773.
123 Catalogo, i. 63.
124 “Mas se deben consultar gramaticas para conocer su caracter proprio
por medio de su artificio gramatical.”—_Catalogo_, i. 65. The same
principle was expressed by Lord Monboddo, about 1795, in his Ancient
Metaphysics, vol. iv. p. 326. “My last observation is, that, as the
art of a language is less arbitrary and more determined by rule than
either the sound or sense of words, it is one of the principal
things by which the connection of languages with one another is to
be discovered. And, therefore, when we find that two languages
practise these great arts of language,—derivation, composition, and
flexion,—in the same way, we may conclude, I think, with great
certainty, that the one language is the original of the other, or
that they are both dialects of the same language.”
125 Catalogo, ii. 468.
126 Ibid. i. 49. Witsen, too, in a letter to Leibniz, dated Mai 22,
1698, alludes to the affinity between the Tataric and Mongolic
languages. “On m’a dit que ces deux langues (la langue Moegale et
Tartare) sont différentes à peu près comme l’Allemand l’est du
Flamand, et qu’il est de même des Kalmucs et Moegals.”—_Collectanea
Etymologica_, ii. p. 363.
127 Leibniz held the same opinion (see Hervas, Catalogo, i. 50), though
he considered the Celts in Spain as descendants of the Iberians.
128 Catalogo, i. 30. “Verá que la lengua llamada _malaya_, la qual se
habla en la península de Malaca, es matriz de inumerables dialectos
de naciones isleñas, que desde dicha península se extienden por mas
de doscientos grados de longitud en los mares oriental y pacífico.”
Ibid. ii. 10. “De esta península de Malaca han salido enjambres de
pobladores de las islas del mar Indiano y Pacífico, en las que,
aunque parece haber otra nacion, que es de negros, la _malaya_ es
generalmente la mas dominante y extendida. La lengua malaya se habla
en dicha península, continente del Asia, en las islas Maldivas, en
la de Madagascar (perteneciente al Africa), en las de Sonda, en las
Molucas, en las Filipinas, en las del archipiélago de San Lázaro, y
en muchísimas del mar del Sur desde dicho archipiélago hasta islas,
que por su poca distancia de América se creian pobladas por
americanos. La isla de Madagascar se pone á 60 grados de longitud, y
á los 268 se pone la isla de Pasqua ó de Davis, en la que se habla
otro dialecto malayo; por lo que la extension de los dialectos
malayos es de 208 grados de longitud.”
129 Catalogo, ii. 134.
130 Ibid. ii. 135.
131 The first volume appeared in 1806. He died before the second volume
was published, which was brought out by Vater in 1809. The third and
fourth volumes followed in 1816 and 1817, edited by Vater and the
younger Adelung.
132 Evidence of this is to be found in Strahlenberg’s work on the “North
and East of Europe and Asia,” 1730; with tabula polyglotta, &c.; in
Messerschmidt’s “Travels in Siberia,” from 1729-1739; in
Bachmeister, “Idea et desideria de colligendis linguarum
speciminibus:” Petropoli, 1773; in Güldenstädt’s “Travels in the
Caucasus,” &c.
133 The empress wrote to Nicolai at Berlin to ask him to draw up a
catalogue of grammars and dictionaries. The work was sent to her in
manuscript from Berlin, in 1785.
134 “Glossarium comparativum Linguarum totius Orbis:” Petersburg, 1787.
A second edition, in which the words are arranged alphabetically,
appeared in 1790-91, in 4 vols., edited by Jankiewitsch de Miriewo.
It contains 279 (272) languages, _i.e._ 171 for Asia, 55 for Europe,
30 for Africa, and 23 for America. According to Pott,
“Ungleichheit,” p. 230, it contains 277 languages, 185 for Asia, 22
for Europe, 28 for Africa, 15 for America. This would make 280. It
is a very scarce book.
135 The Singhalese call Pali, Mungata; the Burmese, Magadabâsâ.
136 Works, vol. iii. p. 72.
137 M. M.’s Buddhism and Buddhist Pilgrims, p. 23.
138 Méthode pour déchiffrer et transcrire les noms Sanscrits qui se
rencontrent dans les livres chinois, inventée et démontrée par M.
Stanislas Julien: Paris, 1861, p. 103.
139 “Fan-chou (brahmâkshara), les caractères de l’écriture indienne,
inventée par Fan, c’est-à-dire Fan-lan-mo (brahmâ).”—_Stanislas
Julien, Voyages des Pèlerins Bouddhistes_, vol. ii. p. 505.
140 Sir Henry Elliot’s Historians of India, p. 259.
141 See Professor Flügel, in Zeitschrift der D. M. G., xi., s. 148 and
325.
142 Elliot’s Historians of India, p. 96. Al Birúni knew the Harivanśa,
and fixes the date of the five Siddhântas. The great value of Al
Birúni’s work was first pointed out by M. Reinaud, in his excellent
“Mémoire sur l’Inde,” Paris, 1849.
143 In the Persian work Mujmalu-t-Tawárikh, there are chapters
translated from the Arabic of Abu Saleh ben Shib ben Jawa, who had
himself abridged them, a hundred years before, from a Sanskrit work,
called “Instruction of Kings” (Râjanîti?). The Persian translator
lived about 1150. See Elliot, l. c.
144 Sâlotar is not known as the author of such a work. Śâlotarîya occurs
instead of Śâlâturîya, in Rája Rádhakant; but Śâlâturîya is a name
of Pâņini, and the teacher of Suśruta is said to have been Divodâsa.
An Arabic translation of a Sanskrit work on veterinary medicine by
Châņakya is mentioned by Háji Chalfa, v. p. 59. A translation of the
Charaka from Sanskrit into Persian, and from Persian into Arabic, is
mentioned in the Fihrist, finished 987 A. D.
145 See Vans Kennedy, “Notice respecting the Religion introduced by
Akbar:” Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay: London,
1820, vol. ii. pp. 242-270.
146 Elliot, Historians of India, p. 249.
147 Müllbauer, Geschichte der Katholischen Missionen Ostindiens, p. 134.
148 Elliot, Historians of India, p. 248.
149 Ibid. pp. 259, 260. The Tarikh-i-Badauni, or Muntakhabu-t-Tawárikh,
written by Mulla Abdu-l-Kádir Maluk, Shah of Badáún, and finished in
1595, is a general history of India from the time of the Ghaznevides
to the 40th year of Akbar. The author is a bigoted Muhammedan and
judges Akbar severely, though he was himself under great obligations
to him. He was employed by Akbar to translate from Arabic and
Sanskrit into Persian: he translated the Râmâyaņa, two out of the
eighteen sections of the Mahâbhârata, and abridged a history of
Cashmir. These translations were made under the superintendence of
Faizi, the brother of the minister Abu-l-Fazl. “Abulfacel, ministro
de Akbar, sevalió del Amarasinha y del Mahabhárata, que traduxo en
persiano el año de 1586.”—_Hervas_, ii. 136.
150 See M. M.’s History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 327.
151 History of the Settlements of the Europeans in the East and West
Indies, translated from the French of the Abbé Bernal by J.
Justamond: Dublin, 1776, vol. i. p. 34.
152 Müllbauer, p. 67.
153 Ibid. p. 80. These Brahmans, according to Robert de Nobili, were of
a lower class, not initiated in the sacred literature. They were
ignorant, he says, “of the books Smarta, Apostamba, and
Sutra.”—_Müllbauer_, p. 188. Robert himself quotes from the
Âpastamba-Sûtra, in his defence, ibid. p. 192. He also quotes Scanda
Purâna, p. 193; Kadambari, p. 193.
_ 154 The Ezour-Veda_ is not the work of Robert de Nobili. It was
probably written by one of his converts. It is in Sanskrit verse, in
the style of the Pûraņas, and contains a wild mixture of Hindu and
Christian doctrine. The French translation was sent to Voltaire and
printed by him in 1778, “L’Ezour Vedam traduit du Sanscritam par un
Brame.” Voltaire expressed his belief that the original was four
centuries older than Alexander, and that it was the most precious
gift for which the West had been ever indebted to the East. Mr.
Ellis discovered the Sanskrit original at Pondichery. (Asiatic
Researches, vol. xiv.) There is no evidence for ascribing the work
to Robert, and it is not mentioned in the list of his works.
(Bertrand, la Mission du Maduré, Paris, 1847-50, t. iii. p. 116;
Müllbauer, p. 205, _note_.)
155 In 1677 a Mr. Marshall is said to have been a proficient in
Sanskrit. Elliot’s Historians of India, p. 265.
156 See an excellent account of this letter in an article of M. Biot in
the “Journal des Savants,” 1861.
157 Sidharubam seu Grammatica Samscrdamica, cui accedit dissertatio
historico-critica in linguam Samscrdamicam, vulgo Samscret dictam,
in qua hujus linguæ existentia, origo, præstantia, antiquitas,
extensio, maternitas ostenditur, libri aliqui in ea exarati critice
recensentur, et simul aliquæ antiquissimæ gentilium orationes
liturgicæ paucis attinguntur et explicantur autore Paulino a S.
Bartholomæo. Romæ, 1790.
158 The earliest publications were the “Bhagavadgîta,” translated by
Wilkins, 1785; the “Hitopadeśa,” translated by Wilkins, 1787; and
the “Sakuntalâ,” translated by W. Jones, 1789. Original grammars,
without mentioning mere compilations, were published by Colebrooke,
1805; by Carey, 1806; by Wilkins, 1808; by Forster, 1810; by Yates,
1820; by Wilson, 1841. In Germany, Bopp published his grammars in
1827, 1832, 1834; Benfey, in 1852 and 1855.
159 Halhed had published in 1776 the “Code of Gentoo Laws,” a digest of
the most important Sanskrit law-books made by eleven Brahmans, by
the order of Warren Hastings.
160 “On the Origin and Progress of Language,” second edition, Edinburgh,
1774. 6 vols.
161 “I have supposed that language could not be invented without
supernatural assistance, and, accordingly, I have maintained that it
was the invention of the Dæmon kings of Egypt, who, being more than
men, first taught themselves to articulate, and then taught others.
But, even among them, I am persuaded there was a progress in the
art, and that such a language as the Shanskrit was not at once
invented.”—_Monboddo, Antient Metaphysics_, vol. iv. p. 357.
162 Origin and Progress of Language, vol. vi. p. 97.
163 Antient Metaphysics, vol. iv. p. 322.
164 Conjugationssystem: Frankfurt, 1816.
165 New edition in 1856, much improved.
166 Second edition, 1859 and 1861. Pott’s work on the Language of the
Gipsies, 1846; his work on Proper Names, 1856.
167 “Although the Old Friesian documents rank, according to their dates,
with Middle rather than with Old German, the Friesian language
appears there in a much more ancient stage, which very nearly
approaches the Old High-German. The political isolation of the
Friesians, and their noble attachment to their traditional manners
and rights, have imparted to their language also a more conservative
spirit. After the fourteenth century the old inflections of the
Friesian decay most rapidly, whereas in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries they rival the Anglo-Saxon of the ninth and tenth
centuries.”—_Grimm_, _German Grammar_ (1st ed.), vol. i p. lxviii.
168 The dialects of Swabia (the Allemannish), of Bavaria and Austria, of
Franconia along the Main, and of Saxony, &c.
169 Über das Leben und die Lehre des Ulfila, Hannover, 1840. Über das
Leben des Ulfila von Dr. Bessell, Göttingen, 1860.
170 Bessell, l. c. p. 38.
171 Sozomenus, H. E. vii. 6.
172 Auxentius thus speaks of Ulfilas, (Waitz, p. 19:) “Et [ita
prædic]-ante et per Cristum cum dilectione Deo Patri gratias agente,
hæc et his similia exsequente, quadraginta annis in episcopatu
gloriose florens, apostolica gratia Græcam et Latinam et Goticam
linguam sine intermissione in una et sola eclesia Cristi
predicavit.... Qui et ipsis tribus linguis plures tractatus et
multas interpretationes volentibus ad utilitatem et ad
ædificationem, sibi ad æternam memoriam et mercedem post se
dereliquid. Quem condigne laudare non sufficio et penitus tacere non
audeo; cui plus omnium ego sum debitor, quantum et amplius in me
laboravit, qui me a prima etate mea a parentibus meis discipulum
suscepit et sacras litteras docuit et veritatem manifestavit et per
misericordiam Dei et gratiam Cristi et carnaliter et spiritaliter ut
filium suum in fide educavit.
“Hic Dei providentia et Cristi misericordia propter multorum salutem
in gente Gothorum de lectore triginta annorum episkopus est
ordinatus, ut non solum esset heres Dei et coheres Cristi, sed et in
hoc per gratiam Cristi imitator Cristi et sanctorum ejus, ut
quemadmodum sanctus David triginta annorum rex et profeta est
constitutus, ut regeret et doceret populum Dei et filios Hisdrael,
ita et iste beatus tamquam profeta est manifestatus et sacerdos
Cristi ordinatus, ut regeret et corrigeret et doceret et ædificaret
gentem Gothorum; quod et Deo volente et Cristo aucsiliante per
ministerium ipsius admirabiliter est adinpletum, et sicuti Josef in
Ægypto triginta annorum est manifes[tatus et] quemadmodum Dominus et
Deus noster Jhesus Cristus Filius Dei triginta annorum secundum
carnem constitutus et baptizatus, cœpit evangelium predicare et
animas hominum pascere: ita et iste sanctus, ipsius Cristi
dispositione et ordinatione, et in fame et penuria predicationis
indifferenter agentem ipsam gentem Gothorum secundum evangelicam et
apostolicam et profeticam regulam emendavit et vibere [Deo] docuit,
et Cristianos, vere Cristianos esse, manifestavit et multiplicavit.
“Ubi et ex invidia et operatione inimici thunc ab inreligioso et
sacrilego indice Gothorum tyrannico terrore in varbarico
Cristianorum persecutio est excitata, ut Satanas, qui male facere
cupiebat, nolens faceret bene, ut quos desiderabat prevaricatores
facere et desertores, Cristo opitulante et propugnante, fierent
martyres et confessores, ut persecutor confunderetur, et qui
persecutionem patiebantur, coronarentur, ut hic, qui temtabat
vincere, victus erubesceret, et qui temtabantur, victores gauderent.
Ubi et post multorum servorum et ancillarum Cristi gloriosum
martyrium, imminente vehementer ipsa persecutione, conpletis septem
annis tantummodo in episkopatum, supradictus sanctissimus vir beatus
Ulfila cum grandi populo confessorum de varbarico pulsus, in solo
Romanie a thu[n]c beate memorie Constantio principe honorifice est
susceptus, ut sicuti Deus per Moysem de potentia et violentia
Faraonis et Egyptorum po[pulum s]uum l[iberav]it [et Rubrum] Mare
transire fecit et sibi servire providit, ita et per sepe dictum Deus
confessores sancti Filii sui unigeniti de varbarico liberavit et per
Danubium transire fecit, et in montibus secundum sanctorum
imitationem sibi servire de[crevit] ..... eo populo in solo Romaniæ,
ubi sine illis septem annis, triginta et tribus annis veritatem
predicavit, ut et in hoc quorum sanctorum imitator erat [similis
esset], quod quadraginta annorum spatium et tempus ut multos .....
re et .... a[nn]orum ..... e vita.” .. “Qu[i] c[um] precepto
imperiali, conpletis quadraginta annis, ad Constantinopolitanam
urbem ad disputationem ..... contra p ... ie ... p. t. stas
perrexit, et eundo in .... nn .. ne. p ... ecias sibi ax ..... to
docerent et contestarent[ur] .... abat, et inge . e .... supradictam
[ci]vitatem, recogitato ei im .... de statu concilii, ne arguerentur
miseris miserabiliores, proprio judicio damnati et perpetuo
supplicio plectendi, statim cœpit infirmari; qua in infirmitate
susceptus est ad similitudine Elisei prophete. Considerare modo
oportet meritum viri, qui ad hoc duce Domino obit Constantinopolim,
immo vero Cristianopolim, ut sanctus et immaculatus sacerdos Cristi
a sanctis et consacerdotibus, a dignis dignus digne [per] tantum
multitudinem Cristianorum pro meritis [suis] mire et gloriose
honoraretur.”
“Unde et cum sancto Hulfila ceterisque consortibus ad alium
comitatum Constantinopolim venissent, ibique etiam et imperatores
adissent, adque eis promissum fuisset conci[li]um, ut sanctus
Aux[en]tius exposuit, [a]gnita promiss[io]ne prefati pr[e]positi
heretic[i] omnibus viribu[s] institerunt u[t] lex daretur, qu[æ]
concilium pro[hi]beret, sed nec p[ri]vatim in domo [nec] in publico,
vel i[n] quolibet loco di[s]putatio de fide haberetur, sic[ut]
textus indicat [le]gis, etc.”
173 Theodoret. H. E. V., 30.
174 For instances where Old High-German is more primitive than Gothic,
see Schleicher, Zeitschrift für V. S., b. iv. s. 266. Bugge, ibid.,
b. v. s. 59.
175 See Schleicher, Deutsche Sprache, p. 94.
176 Ibid. s. 60.
177 Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben, p. 27; Gunnlaugssaga, c. 7.
178 See Dasent’s Burnt Njal, Introduction.
179 The name Edda is not found before the fourteenth century. Snorri
Sturluson does not know the word Edda, nor any collection of ancient
poems attributed to Saemund; and though Saemund may have made the
first collection of national poetry, it is doubtful whether the work
which we possess under his name is his.
180 The people whom we call Wallachians, call themselves Romàni, and
their language Romània.
This Romance language is spoken in Wallachia and Moldavia, and in
parts of Hungary, Transylvania, and Bessarabia. On the right bank of
the Danube it occupies some parts of the old Thracia, Macedonia, and
even Thessaly.
It is divided by the Danube into two branches: the Northern or
Daco-romanic, and the Southern or Macedo-romanic. The former is less
mixed, and has received a certain literary culture; the latter has
borrowed a larger number of Albanian and Greek words, and has never
been fixed grammatically.
The modern Wallachian is the daughter of the language spoken in the
Roman province of Dacia.
The original inhabitants of Dacia were called Thracians, and their
language Illyrian. We have hardly any remains of the ancient
Illyrian language to enable us to form an opinion as to its
relationship with Greek or any other family of speech.
219 B. C., the Romans conquered Illyria; 30 B. C., they took Moesia;
and 107 A. D., the Emperor Trajan made Dacia a Roman province. At
that time the Thracian population had been displaced by the advance
of Sarmatian tribes, particularly the Yazyges. Roman colonists
introduced the Latin language; and Dacia was maintained as a colony
up to 272, when the Emperor Aurelian had to cede it to the Goths.
Part of the Roman inhabitants then emigrated and settled south of
the Danube.
In 489 the Slavonic tribes began their advance into Mœsia and
Thracia. They were settled in Mœsia by 678, and eighty years later a
province was founded in Macedonia, under the name of Slavinia.
181 The entire Bible has been published by the Bible Society in
Romanese, for the Grisons in Switzerland; and in Lower Romanese, or
Enghadine, as spoken on the borders of the Tyrol.
182 “Ed il primo, così Dante, che cominciò a dire come poeta volgare, si
mosse, perocchè volle far intendere le sue parole a donna alla quale
era malagevole ad intendere versi Latini.”—_Vita Nuova_.
183 Schleicher, Beiträge, i. 19.
184 Oldest dated MS. of 1056, written for Prince Ostromir. Some older
written with Glagolitic letters. Schleicher, Beiträge, b. i. s. 20.
185 Schleicher, s. 22.
186 Schleicher, Deutsche Sprache, s. 77.
187 1 Kings viii. 21.
188 1 Kings ix. 26.
189 1 Kings x. 11.
_ 190 Gutta_ in Malay means _gum_, _percha_ is the name of the tree
(Isonandra gutta), or of an island from which the tree was first
imported (Pulo-percha).
191 See Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, b. i. s. 537.
192 See also Sir Henry Elliot’s Supplementary Glossary, s. v. Aheer.
193 The arguments brought forward by Quatremère in his “Mémoire sur le
Pays d’Ophir” against fixing Ophir on the Indian coast are not
conclusive. The arguments derived from the names of the articles
exported from Ophir were unknown to him. It is necessary to mention
this, because Quatremère’s name carries great weight, and his essay
on Ophir has lately been republished in the Bibliothèque Classique
des Célébrités Contemporaines. 1861.
194 Job xxii. 24.
_ 195 Zend-avesta_ is the name used by Chaqâni and other Muhammedan
writers. The Parsis use the name “_Avesta_ and _Zend_,” taking
_Avesta_ in the sense of text, and _Zend_ as the title of the
Pehlevi commentary. I doubt, however, whether this was the original
meaning of the word _Zend_. _Zend_ was more likely the same word as
the Sanskrit _chhandas_ (scandere) a name given to the Vedic hymns,
and _avesta_, the Sanskrit _avasthâna_, a word which, though it does
not occur in Sanskrit, would mean settled text. _Avasthita_, in
Sanskrit, means laid down, settled. The Zend-avesta now consists of
four books, Yasna, Vispered, Yashts, and Vendidad (Vendidad =
vidaeva dâta; in Pehlevi, Juddivdad). Dr. Haug, in his interesting
lecture on the “Origin of the Parsee Religion,” Bombay, 1861, takes
_Avesta_ in the sense of the most ancient texts, _Zend_ as
commentary, and _Pazend_ as explanatory notes, all equally written
in what we shall continue to call the Zend language.
196 “According to the Kissah-i-Sanján, a tract almost worthless as a
record of the early history of the Parsis, the fire-worshippers took
refuge in Khorassan forty-nine years before the era of Yezdegerd
(632 A. D.), or about 583. Here they stayed 100 years, to 683, then
departed to the city of Hormaz (Ormus, in the Persian Gulf), and
after staying fifteen years, proceeded in 698 to Diu, an island on
the south-west coast of Katiawar. Here they remained nineteen years,
to 717, and then proceeded to Sanján, a town about twenty-four miles
south of Damaun. After 300 years they spread to the neighboring
towns of Guzerat, and established the sacred fire successively at
Barsadah, Nauśari, near Surat, and Bombay.”—_Bombay Quarterly
Review_, 1856, No. viii. p. 67.
197 Alc. i. p. 122, _a_. Ὁ μὲν μαγείαν διδάσκει τὴν Ζωροάστρου τοῦ
Ὠρομάζον; ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο θεῶν θεραπεία.
198 In the inscriptions we find, nom. _Auramazdâ_, gen. _Auramazdâha_,
acc. _Auramazdam_.
199 Gen. _Ahurahe mazdâo_, dat. _mazdâi_, acc. _mazdam_.
200 Haug, Lecture, p. 11; and in Bunsen’s Egypt.
201 Berosus, as preserved in the Armenian translation of Eusebius,
mentions a Median dynasty of Babylon, beginning with a king
Zoroaster, long before Ninus; his date would be 2234 B. C.
Xanthus, the Lydian (470 B. C.), as quoted by Diogenes Laertius,
places Zoroaster, the prophet, 600 before the Trojan war (1800 B.
C.).
Aristotle and Eudoxus, according to Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxx. 1),
placed Zoroaster 6000 before Plato; Hermippus 5000 before the Trojan
war (Diog. Laert. proœm.).
Pliny (Hist. Nat. xxx. 2) places Zoroaster several thousand years
before Moses the Judæan, who founded another kind of Mageia.
202 Printed at the end of these Lectures.
203 See Schleicher, Deutsche Sprache, s. 81.
204 Farrar, Origin of Languages, p. 35.
205 “It has been common among grammarians to regard those terminational
changes as evolved by some unknown process from the body of the
noun, as the branches of a tree spring from the stem—or as elements,
unmeaning in themselves, but employed arbitrarily or conventionally
to modify the meanings of words. This latter view is countenanced by
Schlegel. ‘Languages with inflexions,’ says Schlegel, ‘are organic
languages, because they include a living principle of development
and increase, and alone possess, if I may so express myself, a
fruitful and abundant vegetation. The wonderful mechanism of these
languages consists in forming an immense variety of words, and in
marking the connection of ideas expressed by these words by the help
of an inconsiderable number of syllables, _which, viewed separately,
have no signification_, but which determine with precision the sense
of the words to which they are attached. By modifying radical
letters and by adding derivative syllables to the roots, derivative
words of various sorts are formed, and derivatives from those
derivatives. Words are compounded from several roots to express
complex ideas. Finally, substantives, adjectives, and pronouns are
declined, with gender, number, and case; verbs are conjugated
throughout voices, moods, tenses, numbers, and persons, by
employing, in like manner, terminations and sometimes augments,
which by themselves signify nothing. This method is attended with
the advantage of enunciating in a single word the principal idea,
frequently greatly modified, and extremely complex already, with its
whole array of accessory ideas and mutable
relations.’ ”—_Transactions of the Philological Society_, vol. ii.
p. 39.
206 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, p. 172.
207 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, s. 172.
208 “The Algonquins have but one case which may be called locative.” Du
Ponceau, p. 158.
209 Marsh, p. 579.
210 In Old Portuguese, Diez mentions _senhor rainha, mia sennor
formosa_, my beautiful mistress.
211 Marsh, p. 387. Barnes, Poems in Dorsetshire Dialect.
212 Survey of Languages, p. 21.
213 Fuchs, Romanische Sprachen, s. 344.
214 The Greek term for the future is ὁ μέλλων, and μέλλω is used as an
auxiliary verb to form certain futures in Greek. It has various
meanings, but they can all be traced back to the Sanskrit _man_
(_manyate_), to think. As _anya_, other, is changed to ἄλλος, so
_manye_, I think, to μέλλω. Il. ii. 39: θήσειν ἔτ᾽ ἔμελλεν ἐπ ἀλγέα
τε στοναchάς τε Τρωσί τε καὶ Δαναοῖσι, “he still thought to lay
sufferings on Trojans and Greeks.” Il. xxiii. 544: μέλλεις
ἀφαιρήσεσθαι ἄεθλον, “thou thinkest thou wouldst have stripped me of
the prize.” Od. xiii. 293: οὐκ ἄρ᾽ ἔμελλες λήξειν; “did you not
think of stopping?” _i.e._ were you not going to stop? Or again in
such phrases as Il. ii. 36, τὰ οὐ τελέσεσθαι ἔμελλον, “these things
were not meant to be accomplished,” literally, these things did not
mean to be accomplished. Thus μέλλω was used of things that were
likely to be, as if these things themselves meant or intended to be
or not to be; and, the original meaning being forgotten, μέλλω came
to be a mere auxiliary expressing probability. Μέλλω and μέλλομαι,
in the sense of “to hesitate,” are equally explained by the Sanskrit
_man_, to think or consider. In Old Norse the future is likewise
formed by _mun_, to mean.
215 Bopp, Comp. Grammar, § 620. Grimm, German Grammar, ii. 845.
216 Barnes, Dorsetshire Dialect, p. 39.
217 See M. M.’s Letter on the Turanian Languages, pp. 44, 46.
218 Sk. _dama_; Gr. δόμος; L. _domus_; Slav. _domü_; Celt. _daimh_.
219 See M. M.’s Essay on Comparative Mythology, Oxford Essays, 1856.
220 Ârya-bhûmi, and Ârya-deśa are used in the same sense.
221 Pân. iii. 1, 103.
222 In one of the Vedas, _arya_ with a short _a_ is used like _ârya_, as
opposed to Śûdra. For we read (Vâj-San. xx. 17): “Whatever sin we
have committed in the village, in the forest, in the home, in the
open air, against a Śûdra, against an Arya,—thou art our
deliverance.”
223 Lassen, Ind. Alt. b. i. s. 6.
224 Ibid. b. i. s. 526.
225 Ptolemy knows Ἀριάκαι, near the mouth of the Yaxartes. Ptol. vi. 14;
Lassen, loc. cit. i. 6.
226 Burnouf, Yaśna, notes, 61. In the same sense the Zend-avesta uses
the expression, Aryan provinces, “airyanâm daqyunâm” gen. plur., or
“airyâo dainhâvô,” provincias Arianas. Burnouf, Yaśna, 442; and
Notes, p. 70
227 Burnouf, Notes, p. 62.
228 Strabo, xi. 7, 11. Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 19. Ptol. vi. 2. De Sacy,
Mémoires sur diverses antiquités de la Perse, p. 48. Lassen,
Indische Alterthumskunde, i. 6.
229 Strabo. xi. 11; Burnouf, Notes, p. 110. “In another place
Eratosthenes is cited as describing the western boundary to be a
line separating Parthiene from Media, and Karmania from Parætakene
and Persia, thus taking in Yezd and Kerman, but excluding
Fars.”—_Wilson, Ariana antiqua_, p. 120.
230 Hellanicus, fragm. 166, ed. Müller. Ἄρια Περσικὴ χώρα.
231 Joseph Müller, Journal Asiatique, 1839, p. 298. Lassen, loc. cit. i.
6. From this the Elam of Genesis. Mélanges Asiatiques, i. p. 623.
232 Heeren, Ideen, i. p. 337: ὁμόγλωττοι παρὰ μικρόν. Strabo, p. 1054.
233 One of the Median classes is called Ἀριζαντοί, which may be
_âryajantu_. Herod, i. 101.
234 Μάγοι δὲ καὶ πὰν τὸ Ἄρειον γένος, ὡς καὶ τοῦτο γράφει ὁ Εὔδημος, οἱ
μὲν, τόπον, οἱ δὲ χρόνον καλοῦσι τὸ νοητὸν ἅπαν καὶ τὸ ἡνωμένον; ἐξ
οὐ διακριθῆναι ἡ θεὸν ἀγαθὸν καὶ δαίμονα κακὸν ἢ φῶς καὶ σκότος πρὸ
τούτων, ὡσ ἐνίους λέγειν. Οὐτοι δὲ οὖν καὶ αὐτοὶ μετὰ τὴν ἀδιάκριτον
φύσιν διακρινομένην ποιοῦσι τὴν διττὴν συστοιχὴν τῶν κρειττόνων, τῆς
μὲν ἡγεῖσθαι τὸν Ὀρομάσδη, τῆς δὲ τὸν Ἀρειμάνιον.—Damascius,
quæstiones de primis principiis, ed. Kopp, 1826, cap. 125, p. 384.
235 De Sacy, Mémoire, p. 47; Lassen, Ind. Alt. i. 8.
236 Burnouf, Notes, 107. Spiegel, Beiträge zur Vergl. Sprachf. i. 131.
Anquetil had no authority for taking the Zend _airyaman_ for
Armenia.
237 Bochart shows (Phaleg, l. 1, c. 3, col. 20) that the Chaldee
paraphrast renders the Minî of Jeremiah by Har Minî, and as the same
country is called Minyas by Nicolaus Damascenus, he infers that the
first syllable is the Semitic Har, a mountain. (See Rawlinson’s
Glossary, s. v.)
238 Lassen, Ind. Alt. i. 8, note. _Arikh_ also is used in Armenian as
the name of the Medians, and has been referred by Jos. Müller to
Aryaka, as a name of Media. Journ. As. 1839, p. 298. If, as
Quatremère says, _ari_ and _anari_ are used in Armenian for Medians
and Persians, this can only be ascribed to a misunderstanding, and
must be a phrase of later date.
239 Sjögren, Ossetic Grammar, p. 396. Scylax and Apollodorus mention
Ἄριοι and Ἀριάνια, south of the Caucasus. Pictet, Origines, 67;
Scylax Perip. p. 213, ed. Klausen; Apollodori Biblioth. p. 433, ed.
Heyne.
240 Burnouf, Notes, p. 105.
241 Ptol. vi. 2, and vi. 14. There are Ἀναριάκαι on the frontiers of
Hyrcania. Strabo, xi. 7; Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi. 19.
242 On Arimaspi and Aramæi, see Burnouf, Notes, p. 105; Plin. vi. 9.
_ 243 Qairizam_ in the Zend-avesta, _Uvârazmis_ in the inscriptions of
Darius.
244 Stephanus Byzantinus.
245 Grimm, Rechts alterthümer, p. 292, traces Arii and Ariovistus back
to the Gothic _harji_, army. If this is right, this part of our
argument must be given up.
246 Pictet, Les Origines Indo-Européennes, p. 31. “_Iar_, l’ouest, ne
s’écrit jamais _er_ ou _eir_, et la forme _Iarin_ ne se rencontre
nulle part pour Erin.” Zeuss gives _iar-rend_, insula occidentalis.
But _rend_ (recte _rind_) makes _rendo_ in the gen. sing.
247 Old Norse _írar_, Irishmen, Anglo-Saxon _ira_, Irishman.
248 Though I state these views on the authority of M. Pictet, I think it
right to add the following note which an eminent Irish scholar has
had the kindness to send me:—“The ordinary name of Ireland, in the
oldest Irish MSS., is (_h_)_ériu_, gen. (_h_)_érenn_, dat.
(_h_)_érinn_. The initial _h_, is often omitted. Before
etymologizing on the word, we must try to fix its Old Celtic form.
Of the ancient names of Ireland which are found in Greek and Latin
writers, the only one which _hériu_ can formally represent is
_Hiberio_. The abl. sing. of this form—_Hiberione_—is found in the
Book of Armagh, a Latin MS. of the early part of the ninth century.
From the same MS. we also learn that a name of the Irish people was
_Hyberionaces_, which is obviously a derivative from the stem of
_Hiberio_. Now if we remember that the Old Irish scribes often
prefixed _h_ to words beginning with a vowel (_e.g._ _h-abunde_,
_h-arundo_, _h-erimus_, _h-ostium_), and that they also often wrote
_b_ for the _v_ consonant (_e.g._ _bobes_, _fribulas_, _corbus_,
_fabonius_); if, moreover, we observe that the Welsh and Breton
names for Ireland—_Ywerddon_, _Iverdon_—point to an Old Celtic name
beginning with _iver_—, we shall have little difficulty in giving
_Hiberio_ a correctly latinized form, viz. _Iverio_. This in Old
Celtic would be _Iveriu_, gen. _Iverionos_. So the Old Celtic form
of _Fronto_ was _Frontû_, as we see from the Gaulish inscription at
Vieux Poitiers. As _v_ when flanked by vowels is always lost in
Irish, _Iveriû_ would become _ieriu_, and then, the first two vowels
running together, _ériu_. As regards the double _n_ in the oblique
cases of _ériu_, the genitive _érenn_ (_e.g._) is to _Iverionos_ as
the Old Irish _anmann_ ‘names’ is to the Skr. _nâmâni_, Lat.
_nomina_. The doubling of the _n_ may perhaps be due to the Old
Celtic accent. What then is the etymology of _Iveriû_? I venture to
think that it may (like the Lat. _Aver-nus_, Gr. Ἄφορ-νος) be
connected with the Skr. _avara_, ‘posterior,’ ‘western.’ So the
Irish _des_, Welsh _deheu_, ‘right,’ ‘south,’ is the Skr.
_dakshina_, ‘dexter,’ and the Irish _áir_ (in _an-áir_), if it stand
for _páir_, ‘east,’ is the Skr. _pûrva_, ‘anterior.’
“M. Pictet regards Ptolemy’s Ἰουερνια (Ivernia) as coming nearest to
the Old Celtic form of the name in question. He further sees in the
first syllable what he calls the Irish _ibh_, ‘land,’ ‘tribe of
people,’ and he thinks that this _ibh_ may be connected not only
with the Vedic _ibha_, ‘family,’ but with the Old High German
_eiba_, ‘a district.’ But, first, according to the Irish phonetic
laws, _ibha_ would have appeared as _eb_ in Old, _eabh_ in
Modern-Irish. Secondly, the _ei_ in _eiba_ is a diphthong = Gothic
_ái_, Irish _ói_, _óe_, Skr. _ê_. Consequently _ibh_ and _ibha_
cannot be identified with _eiba_. Thirdly, there is no such word as
_ibh_ in the nom. sing., although it is to be found in O’Reilly’s
dictionary, along with his explanation of the intensive prefix
_er_—, as ‘noble,’ and many other blunders and forgeries. The form
_ibh_ is, no doubt, producible, but it is a very modern dative
plural of _úa_, ‘a descendant.’ Irish districts were often called by
the names of the occupying clans. These clans were often called
‘descendants (_huí_, _hí_, _í_) of such an one.’ Hence the blunder
of the Irish lexicographer.”—W. S.
249 See Rawlinson’s Glossary, s. v.
250 W. Ouseley, Orient. Geog. of Ebn. Haukal. Burnouf, Yasna, Notes, p.
102.
251 Ptol. vi. c. 17.
252 It has been supposed that _harôyûm_ in the Zend-avesta stands for
_haraêvem_, and that the nominative was not _Harôyu_, but _Haraêvô_.
(Oppert, Journal Asiatique, 1851, p. 280.) Without denying the
possibility of the correctness of this view, which is partially
supported by the accusative _vidôyum_, from _vidaêvo_, enemy of the
Divs, there is no reason why _Harôyûm_ should not be taken for a
regular accusative of _Harôyu_. This _Harôyu_ would be as natural
and regular a form as _Sarayu_ in Sanskrit, nay even more regular,
as _harôyu_ would presuppose a Sanskrit _sarasyu_ or _saroyu_, from
_saras_. M. Oppert identifies the people of _Haraiva_ with the
Ἀρεῖοι, but not, like Grimm, with the Ἄριοι.
253 It is derived from a root _sar_ or _sṛi_, to go, to run, from which
_saras_, water, _sarit_, river, and _Sarayu_, the proper name of the
river near Oude; and we may conclude with great probability that
this Sarayu or Sarasyu gave the name to the river Arius or Heri, and
to the county of Ἄρια or Herat. Anyhow Ἄρια, as the name of Herat,
has no connection with Ἄρια the wide country of the Âryas.
254 Diversions of Purley, p. 190.
255 AR might be traced back to the Sanskrit root, _ṛi_, to go (Pott,
Etymologische Forschungen, i. 218); but for our present purposes the
root, AR, is sufficient.
256 If, as has been supposed, the Cornish and Welsh words were
corruptions of the Latin _arâtrum_ they would have appeared as
_areuder_, _arawd_, respectively.
257 Grimm remarks justly that _airtha_ could not be derived from
_arjan_, on account of the difference in the vowels. But _airtha_ is
a much more ancient formation, and comes from the root _ar_, which
root, again, was originally _ṛi_ or _ir_ (Benfey, Kurze Gr., p. 27).
From this primitive root _ṛi_ or _ir_, we must derive both the
Sanskrit _irâ_ or _iḍâ_, and the Gothic _airtha_. The latter would
correspond to the Sanskrit _ṛita_. The true meaning of the Sanskrit
_iḍâ_ has never been discovered. The Brahmans explain it as prayer,
but this is not its original meaning.
258 Grimm derives _arbeit_, Gothic _arbaiths_, Old High-German
_arapeit_, Modern High-German _arbeit_, directly from the Gothic
_arbja_, heir; but admits a relationship between _arbja_ and the
root _arjan_, to plough. He identifies _arbja_ with the Slavonic,
_rab_, servant, slave, and _arbeit_ with _rabota_, _corvée_,
supposing that sons and heirs were the first natural slaves. He
supposes even a relationship between _rabota_ and the Latin _labor_.
German Dictionary, s. v. _Arbeit_.
259 Latin _remus_ (O. Irish _rám_) for _resmus_, connected with ἐρετμός.
From ἐρέτης, ἐρέσσω; and ὑπηρέτης, servant, helper. _Rostrum_ from
_rodere_.
260 Cf. Eur. Hec. 455, κώπη ἁλιήρης. Ἀμφήρης means having oars on both
sides.
261 From Sanskrit _plu_, πλέω; cf. fleet and float.
262 Other similes: ὕνις, and ὕννις, ploughshare, derived by Plutarch
from ὗς, boar. A plough is said to be called a pigsnose. The Latin
_porca_, a ploughed field, is derived from _porcus_, hog; and the
German _furicha_, furrow, is connected with _farah_, boar. The
Sanskrit _vṛika_, wolf, from _vraśch_, to tear, is used for plough,
Rv. i. 117, 21. _Godaraņa_, earth-tearer, is another word for plough
in Sanskrit. Gothic _hoha_, plough = Sk. _koka_, wolf. See Grimm,
Deutsche Sprache, and Kuhn, Indische Studien, vol. i. p. 321.
263 In the Vale of Blackmore, a waggon is called _plough_, or _plow_,
and _zull_ (A.-S. syl) is used for _aratrum_ (Barnes, Dorset
Dialect, p. 369).
264 Pott, Etymologische Forschungen, p. 267; Benfey, Griechisches
Wurzelwörterbuch, p. 236.
265 The Greek υποδρα, askance, is derived from ὑπὸ, and δρα, which is
connected with δέρκομαι, I see; the Sanskrit, dṛiś.
266 Generi coloniali, colonial goods. Marsh, p. 253. In Spanish,
generos, merchandise.
267 Many derivatives might have been added, such as _specimen_,
_spectator_, _le spectacle_, _specialité_, _spectrum_, _spectacles_,
_specious_, _specula_, &c.
268 Benloew, Aperçu Général, p. 28 _seq._
269 Benfey, Grammatik, § 147:—
Roots of the 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9 classes: 226
Roots of the 1, 4, 6, 10 classes: 1480
Total: 1706, including 143 of the 10th class.
270 Renan, Histoire des Langues sémitiques, p. 138. Benloew estimates
the necessary radicals of Gothic at 600, of modern German at 250, p.
22. Pott thinks that each language has about 1000 roots.
271 The exact number in the Imperial Dictionary of Khang-hi amounts to
42,718. About one-fourth part has become obsolete; and one-half of
the rest may be considered of rare occurrence, thus leaving only
about 15,000 words in actual use. “The exact number of the classical
characters is 42,718. Many of them are no longer in use in the
modern language, but they occur in the canonical and in the
classical books. They may be found sometimes in official documents,
when an attempt is made at imitating the old style. A considerable
portion of these are names of persons, places, mountains, rivers,
&c. In order to compete for the place of imperial historian, it was
necessary to know 9,000, which were collected in a separate
manual.”—_Stanislas Julien._
272 The study of the English language by A. D’Orsey, p. 15.
273 This is the number of words in the Vocabulary given by Bunsen, in
the first volume of his Egypt, pp. 453-491. Several of these words,
however, though identical in sound, must be separated
etymologically, and later researches have still further increased
the number. The number of hieroglyphic groups in Sharpe’s “Egyptian
Hieroglyphics,” 1861, amounts to 2030.
274 Marsh, Lectures, p. 182. M. Thommerel stated the number of words in
the Dictionaries of Robertson and Webster as 43,566. Todd’s edition
of Johnson, however, is said to contain 58,000 words, and the later
editions of Webster have reached the number of 70,000, counting the
participles of the present and perfect as independent vocables.
Flügel estimated the number of words in his own dictionary at
94,464, of which 65,085 are simple, 29,379 compound. This was in
1843; and he then expressed a hope that in his next edition the
number of words would far exceed 100,000. This is the number fixed
upon by Mr. Marsh as the minimum of the _copia vocabulorum_ in
English. See _Saturday Review_, Nov. 2, 1861.
275 Renan, Histoire, p. 138.
276 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, § 128.
277 If two words are placed like _jin ta_, the first may form the
predicate of the second, the second being used as a substantive.
Thus _jin ta_ might mean the greatness of man, but in this case it
is more usual to say _jin tci ta_.
“Another instance, _chen_, virtue; Ex. jin tchi chen, the virtue of
man; _chen_, virtuous; Ex. chen jin, the virtuous man; _chen_, to
approve; Ex. chen tchi, to find it good; _chen_, well; Ex. chen ko,
to sing well.”—_Stanislas Julien._
278 Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, b. ii. s. 521.
279 Each verb in Greek, if conjugated through all its voices, tenses,
moods, and persons, yields, together with its participles, about
1300 forms.
280 Histoire Générale et Système Comparé des Langues sémitiques, par
Ernest Renan. Seconde édition. Paris, 1858.
_ 281 Peshito_ means simple. The Old Testament was translated from
Hebrew, the New Testament from Greek, about 200, if not earlier.
Ephraem Syrus lived in the middle of the fourth century. During the
eighth and ninth centuries the Nestorians of Syria acted as the
instructors of the Arabs. Their literary and intellectual supremacy
began to fail in the tenth century. It was revived for a time by
Gregorius Barhebræus (Abulfaraj) in the thirteenth century. See
Renan, p. 257.
282 Messrs. Perkins and Stoddard, the latter the author of a grammar,
published in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. v.
1.
283 Renan, p. 214 _seq._, “Le chaldéen biblique serait un dialecte
araméen légèrement hébraisé.”
284 Arabic, _tarjam_, to explain; _Dragoman_, Arabic, _tarjamân_.
285 The most ancient are those of Onkelos and Jonathan, in the second
century after Christ. Others are much later, later even than the
Talmud. Renan, p. 220.
286 Renan, pp. 220-222.
_ 287 Talmud_ (instruction) consists of _Mishna_ and _Gemara_. _Mishna_
means repetition, viz. of the Law. It was collected and written down
about 218, by Jehuda. _Gemara_ is a continuation and commentary of
the Mishna; that of Jerusalem was finished towards the end of the
fourth, that of Babylon towards the end of the fifth, century.
288 First printed in the Rabbinic Bible, Venice, 1525.
289 Quatremère, Mémoire sur les Nabatéens, p. 139.
290 Renan, p. 241.
291 Ibid. p. 237.
292 Quatremère, Mémoire sur les Nabatéens, p. 116.
293 Ibn-Wahshiyyah was a Mussulman, but his family had been converted
for three generations only. He translated a collection of Nabatean
books. Three have been preserved, 1, the Nabatean Agriculture; 2,
the book on poisons; 3, the book of Tenkelusha (Teucros) the
Babylonian; besides fragments of the book of the secrets of the Sun
and Moon. The Nabatean Agriculture was referred by Quatremère
(Journal Asiatique, 1835) to the period between Belesis who
delivered the Babylonians from their Median masters, and the taking
of Babylon by Cyrus. Prof. Chwolson, of St. Petersburg, who has
examined all the MSS., places Kuthami at the beginning of the
thirteenth ceatury B. C.
294 Renan, Mémoire sur l’âge du livre intitulé Agriculture Nabatéenne,
p. 38. Paris, 1860.
295 See Letter on Turanian Languages, p. 62.
296 Renan, Histoire des Langues sémitiques, p. 137.
297 Pococke, Notes to Abulfaragius, p. 153; Glossology, p. 352.
298 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, p. 223.
299 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, p. 339.
300 “In this word _tse_ (tseu) does not signify son; it is an addition
of frequent occurrence after nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Thus,
_lao_, old, + _tseu_ is father; _neï_, the interior, + _tseu_ is
wife; _hiang_, scent, + _tseu_ is clove; _hoa_, to beg, + _tseu_, a
mendicant; _hi_, to act, + _tseu_, an actor.”—_Stanislas Julien_.
301 Letter on the Turanian Languages, p. 24.
302 Survey of Languages, p. 90.
303 The Abbé Molina states that the language of Chili is entirely free
from irregular forms. Du Ponceau, Mémoire, p. 90.
304 Letter on Turanian Languages, p. 206.
305 Of these I can only give a tabular survey at the end of these
Lectures, referring for further particulars to my “Letter on the
Turanian Languages.” The Gangetic and Lohitic dialects are those
comprehended under the name of Bhotîya.
306 Professor Boller of Vienna, who has given a most accurate analysis
of the Turanian languages in the “Transactions of the Vienna
Academy,” has lately established the Turanian character of Japanese.
307 Letter on the Turanian Languages, p. 75.
308 M. Stanislas Julien remarks that the numerous compounds which occur
in Chinese prove the wide-spread influence of the principle of
agglutination in that language. The fact is, that in Chinese every
sound has numerous meanings; and in order to avoid ambiguity, one
word is frequently followed by another which agrees with it in that
particular meaning which is intended by the speaker. Thus:—
_chi-youen_ (beginning-origin) signifies beginning.
_ken-youen_ (root-origin) signifies beginning.
_youen-chi_n (origin-beginning) signifies beginning.
_meï-miai_ (beautiful-remarkable) signifies beautiful.
_meï-li_ (beautiful-elegant) signifies beautiful.
_chen-youen_ (charming-lovely) signifies beautiful.
_yong-i_ (easy-facile) signifies easily.
_tsong-yong_ (to obey, easy) signifies easily.
In order to express “to boast,” the Chinese say _king-koua_,
_king-fu_, &c., both words having one and the same meaning.
This peculiar system of _juxta-position_, however, cannot be
considered as agglutination in the strict sense of the word.
309 Turanian Languages, p. 24.
310 These “Outlines” form vols. iii. and iv. of Bunsen’s work,
“Christianity and Mankind,” in seven vols. (London, 1854: Longman),
and are sold separately.
311 Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1855, p. 298.
312 Ibid., p. 302, note.
313 “Here the lines converge as they recede into the geological ages,
and point to conclusions which, upon Darwin’s theory, are
inevitable, but hardly welcome. The very first step backward makes
the negro and the Hottentot our blood-relations; not that reason or
Scripture objects to that, though pride may.” Asa Gray, “Natural
Selection not inconsistent with Natural Theology,” 1861, p. 5.
“One good effect is already manifest, its enabling the advocates of
the hypothesis of a multiplicity of human species to perceive the
double insecurity of their ground. When the races of men are
admitted to be of one species, the corollary, that they are of one
origin, may be expected to follow. Those who allow them to be of one
species must admit an actual diversification into strongly marked
and persistent varieties; while those, on the other hand, who
recognize several or numerous human species, will hardly be able to
maintain that such species were primordial and supernatural in the
ordinary sense of the word.” Asa Gray, Nat. Sel. p. 54.
314 Professor Pott, the most distinguished advocate of the polygenetic
dogma, has pleaded the necessity of admitting more than one
beginning for the human race and for language in an article in the
Journal of the German Oriental Society, ix. 405, “Max Müller und die
Kennzeichen der Sprachverwandtschaft,” 1855; in a treatise “Die
Ungleichheit menschlicher Rassen,” 1856; and in the new edition of
his “Etymologische Forschungen,” 1861.
315 Dugald Stewart, vol. iii. p. 35.
316 Herder, as quoted by Steinthal, “Ursprung der Sprache,” s. 39.
317 “In all these paths of research, when we travel far backwards the
aspect of the earlier portions becomes very different from that of
the advanced part on which we now stand; but in all cases the path
is lost in obscurity as it is traced backwards towards its starting
point:—it becomes not only invisible, but unimaginable; it is not
only an interruption, but an abyss, which interposes itself between
us and any intelligible beginning of things.” Whewell, Indications,
p. 166.
318 “Der Mensch ist nur Mensch durch Sprache; um aber die Sprache zu
erfinden, müsste er schon Mensch sein.”—_W. von Humboldt, Sämmtliche
Werke_, b. iii. s. 252. The same argument is ridden to death by
Süssmilch, “Versuch eines Beweises dass die erste Sprache ihrem
Ursprung nicht vom Menschen, sondern allein vom Schöpfer erhalten
habe.” Berlin, 1766.
319 Farrar, Origin of Language, p. 10; Grimm, Ursprung der Sprache, s.
32. The word βεκός, which these children are reported to have
uttered, and which, in the Phrygian language, meant bread, thus
proving, it was supposed, that the Phrygian was the primitive
language of mankind, is derived from the same root which exists in
the English, to bake. How these unfortunate children came by the
idea of baked bread, involving the ideas of corn, mill, oven, fire,
&c., seems never to have struck the ancient sages of Egypt.
320 “L’usage de la main, la marche à deux pieds, la ressemblance,
quoique grossière, de la face, tous les actes qui peuvent résulter
de cette conformité d’organisation, ont fait donner au singe le nom
d’_homme sauvage_, par des homines à la vérité qui l’étaient à demi,
et qui ne savaient comparer que les rapports extérieurs. Que
serait-ce, si, par une combinaison de nature aussi possible que
toute autre, le singe eût eu la voix du perroquet, et, comme lui, la
faculté de la parole? Le singe parlant eût rendu muette d’étonnement
l’espèce humaine entière, et l’aurait séduite au point que le
philosophe aurait eu grand’peine à démontrer qu’avec tous ces beaux
attributs humains le singe n’en était pas moins une bête. Il est
donc heureux, pour notre intelligence, que la nature ait séparé et
placé, dans deux espèces très-différentes, l’imitation de la parole
et celle de nos gestes.”—_Buffon_, as quoted by Flourens, p. 77.
321 Odyssey, xvii. 300.
322 “The evident marks of reasoning in the other animals,—of reasoning
which I cannot but think as unquestionable as the instincts that
mingle with it.”—_Brown, Works_, vol. i. p. 446.
323 Flourens, De la Raison, p. 51.
324 To allow that “brutes have certain mental endowments in common with
men,” ... “desires, affections, memory, simple imagination, or the
power of reproducing the sensible past in mental pictures, and even
judgment of the simple or intuition kind;”—that “they compare and
judge,” (Mem. Amer. Acad. 8, p. 118,)—is to concede that the
intellect of brutes really acts, so far as we know, like human
intellect, as far as it goes; for the philosophical logicians tell
us that all reasoning is reducible to a series of simple judgments.
And Aristotle declares that even reminiscence,—which is, we suppose,
“reproducing the sensible past in mental pictures,”—is a sort of
reasoning (τὶ ἀναμιμνήσκεσθαί ἐστι οἱον συλλογισμός τισ.) Asa Gray,
Natural Selection, &c., p. 58, _note_.
325 Conscience, Boek der Natuer, vi., quoted by Marsh, p. 32.
326 Book ii. chapter xi. § 10.
327 I regret to find that the expressions here used have given offence
to several of my reviewers. They were used because the names
Onomatopoetic and Interjectional are awkward and not very clear.
They were not intended to be disrespectful to those who hold the one
or the other theory, some of them scholars for whose achievements in
comparative philology I entertain the most sincere respect.
328 A fuller account of the views of Herder and other philosophers on
the origin of language may be found in Steinthal’s useful little
work, “Der Ursprung der Sprache:” Berlin, 1853.
329 Farrar, p. 74.
330 Pott, Etymologische Forschungen, i. 87; Zeitschrift, iii. 43.
_ 331 Kârava_, explained in Sanskrit by _ku-rava_, having a bad voice, is
supposed to be a mere dialectical corruption of _krava_ or _karva_.
Κορώνη presupposes κορων = κοροον = _h_(_a_)_raban_. The Sanskrit
_kârava_ may, however, be derived from _kâru_, singer; but in that
case _kâru_ must not be derived from _kṛi_.
332 See Pictet, Aryas Primitifs, p. 381.
333 In Chinese the number of imitative sounds is very considerable. They
are mostly written phonetically, and followed by the determinative
sign “mouth.” We give a few, together with the corresponding sounds
in Mandshu. The difference between the two will show how differently
the same sounds strike different ears, and how differently they are
rendered into articulate language:—
The cock crows kiao kiao in Chinese, dchor dchor in Mandshu.
The wild goose cries kao kao in Chinese, kôr kor in Mandshu.
The wind and rain sound siao siao in Chinese, chor chor in Mandshu.
Waggons sound lin lin in Chinese, koungour koungour in Mandshu.
Dogs coupled together sound ling-ling in Chinese, kalang kalang in
Mandshu.
Chains coupled together sound tsiang-tsiang in Chinese, kiling
kiling in Mandshu.
Bells coupled together sound tsiang-tsiang in Chinese, tang tang in
Mandshu.
Drums coupled together sound ḱan ḱan in Chinese, tung tung in
Mandshu.
334 Ὁ γὰρ Ἐπίκουρος ἔλεγεν, ὅτι οὑχὶ ἐπιστημόνως οὖτοι ἔθεντο τὰ
ὀνόματα, ἀλλὰ φυσικῶς κινούμενοι, ὡς οἱ βήσσοντες καὶ πταίροντες καὶ
μυκώμενοι καὶ ὐλακτοῦντες καὶ στενάζοντες.—Lersch,
Sprach-philosophie der Alten, i. 40. The statement is taken from
Proclus, and I doubt whether he represented Epicurus rightly.
335 Diversions of Purley, p. 32.
336 The following list of Chinese interjections may be of interest:—
hu, to express surprise.
fu, the same.
tsai, to express admiration and approbation.
i, to express distress.
tsie, vocative particle.
tsie tsie, exhortative particle.
ài, to express contempt.
ŭ-hu, to express pain.
shin-ĭ, ah, indeed.
pŭ sin, alas!
ngo, stop!
In many cases interjections were originally words, just as the
French _hélas_ is derived from _lassus_, tired, miserable. Diez,
Lexicon Etymologicum, s. v. _lasso_.
337 Sir W. Hamilton’s Lectures, ii. p. 319.
338 Nouveaux Essais, lib. iii. c. i. p. 297 (Erdmann); Sir W. Hamilton,
Lectures, ii. 324.
339 Pott, Etymologische Forschungen, p. 324, _seq._
340 Benfey, Griech. Wurzel Lex. p. 611. From _sku_ or _ku_, σκῦτος,
skin; _cŭtis_, _haut_.
341 Sir William Hamilton (Lectures on Metaphysics, ii. p. 327) holds a
view intermediate between those of Adam Smith and Leibniz. “As our
knowledge,” he says, “proceeds from the confused to the distinct,
from the vague to the determinate, so, in the mouths of children,
language at first expresses neither the precisely general nor the
determinately individual, but the vague and confused, and out of
this the universal is elaborated by generification, the particular
and singular by specification and individualisation.” Some further
remarks on this point in the Literary Gazette, 1861, p. 173.
342 “We receive the impression of the falling of a large mass of water,
descending always from the same height and with the same difficulty.
The scattering of the drops of water, the formation of froth, the
sound of the fall by the roaring and by the froth, are constantly
produced by the same causes, and, consequently, are always the same.
The impression which all this produces on us is no doubt at first
felt as multiform, but it soon forms a whole, or, in other terms, we
feel all the diversity of the isolated impressions as the work of a
great physical activity which results from the particular nature of
the spot. We may, perhaps, till we are better informed, call all
that is fixed in the phenomenon, _the thoughts of
nature_.”—_Oersted, Esprit dans la Nature_, p. 152.
343 “Ce qui trompe l’homme, c’est qu’il voit faire aux bêtes plusieurs
des choses qu’il fait, et qu’il ne voit pas que, dans ces choses-là
même, les bêtes ne mettent qu’une intelligence grossière, bornée, et
qu’il met, lui, une intelligence _doublée d’esprit_.”—_Flourens, De
la Raison_, p. 73.
344 See Heyse, System der Sprachwissenschaft, s. 97.
345 The word _quinsy_, as was pointed out to me, offers a striking
illustration of the ravages produced by phonetic decay. The root
_anh_ has here completely vanished. But it was there originally, for
_quinsy_ is the Greek κυνάγχη, dog-throttling. See Richardson’s
Dictionary, s. v. quinancy.
346 Greek χαμαί, Zend _zem_, Lithuanian _zeme_, and _źmenes_, _homines_.
See Bopp, Glossarium Sanscritum, s. v.
347 See Windischmann, Fortschritt der Sprachenkunde, p. 23.
348 Farrar, Origin of Language, p. 85.
349 Θήσω τὰ μὲν φύσει λεγόμενα ποιεῖσθαι θείᾳ τέχνη.
350 This view was propounded many years ago by Professor Heyse in the
lectures which he gave at Berlin, and which have been very carefully
published since his death by one of his pupils, Dr. Steinthal. The
fact that wood, metals, cords, &c., if struck, vibrate and ring,
can, of course, be used as an illustration only, and not as an
explanation. The faculty peculiar to man, in his primitive state, by
which every impression from without received its vocal expression
from within, must be accepted as an ultimate fact. That faculty must
have existed in man, because its effects continue to exist.
Analogies from the inanimate world, however, are useful, and deserve
farther examination.
351 Dr. Murray’s primitive roots were, ag, bag, dwag, cwag, lag, mag,
nag, rag, swag.
352 Curtius, Griechische Etymologie, p. 13. Dr. Schmidt derives all
Greek words from the root _e_, and all Latin words from the
arch-radical _hi_.
353 Endlicher, Chinesische Grammatik, p. 163.
354 System der Sprachwissenschaft, p. 16.
355 See Schleicher, Deutsche Sprache, p. 144.
356 Marsh, p. 388.
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Lectures on the Science of LanguageChapter I: I. Scaliger, in his “Diatriba de Europæorum Linguis” (Opuscula
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