Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part III

The fields of Assyria were devoted by Julian to the calamities of
war; and the philosopher retaliated on a guiltless people the
acts of rapine and cruelty which had been committed by their
haughty master in the Roman provinces. The trembling Assyrians
summoned the rivers to their assistance; and completed, with
their own hands, the ruin of their country. The roads were
rendered impracticable; a flood of waters was poured into the
camp; and, during several days, the troops of Julian were obliged
to contend with the most discouraging hardships. But every
obstacle was surmounted by the perseverance of the legionaries,
who were inured to toil as well as to danger, and who felt
themselves animated by the spirit of their leader. The damage was
gradually repaired; the waters were restored to their proper
channels; whole groves of palm-trees were cut down, and placed
along the broken parts of the road; and the army passed over the
broad and deeper canals, on bridges of floating rafts, which were
supported by the help of bladders. Two cities of Assyria presumed
to resist the arms of a Roman emperor: and they both paid the
severe penalty of their rashness. At the distance of fifty miles
from the royal residence of Ctesiphon, Perisabor, 5711 or Anbar,
held the second rank in the province; a city, large, populous,
and well fortified, surrounded with a double wall, almost
encompassed by a branch of the Euphrates, and defended by the
valor of a numerous garrison. The exhortations of Hormisdas were
repulsed with contempt; and the ears of the Persian prince were
wounded by a just reproach, that, unmindful of his royal birth,
he conducted an army of strangers against his king and country.
The Assyrians maintained their loyalty by a skilful, as well as
vigorous, defence; till the lucky stroke of a battering-ram,
having opened a large breach, by shattering one of the angles of
the wall, they hastily retired into the fortifications of the
interior citadel. The soldiers of Julian rushed impetuously into
the town, and after the full gratification of every military
appetite, Perisabor was reduced to ashes; and the engines which
assaulted the citadel were planted on the ruins of the smoking
houses. The contest was continued by an incessant and mutual
discharge of missile weapons; and the superiority which the
Romans might derive from the mechanical powers of their balistæ
and catapultæ was counterbalanced by the advantage of the ground
on the side of the besieged. But as soon as an _Helepolis_ had
been constructed, which could engage on equal terms with the
loftiest ramparts, the tremendous aspect of a moving turret, that
would leave no hope of resistance or mercy, terrified the
defenders of the citadel into an humble submission; and the place
was surrendered only two days after Julian first appeared under
the walls of Perisabor. Two thousand five hundred persons, of
both sexes, the feeble remnant of a flourishing people, were
permitted to retire; the plentiful magazines of corn, of arms,
and of splendid furniture, were partly distributed among the
troops, and partly reserved for the public service; the useless
stores were destroyed by fire or thrown into the stream of the
Euphrates; and the fate of Amida was revenged by the total ruin
of Perisabor.

5711 (return) [ Libanius says that it was a great city of
Assyria, called after the name of the reigning king. The orator
of Antioch is not mistaken. The Persians and Syrians called it
Fyrouz Schapour or Fyrouz Schahbour; in Persian, the victory of
Schahpour. It owed that name to Sapor the First. It was before
called Anbar St. Martin, iii. 85.—M.]

The city or rather fortress, of Maogamalcha, which was defended
by sixteen large towers, a deep ditch, and two strong and solid
walls of brick and bitumen, appears to have been constructed at
the distance of eleven miles, as the safeguard of the capital of
Persia. The emperor, apprehensive of leaving such an important
fortress in his rear, immediately formed the siege of
Maogamalcha; and the Roman army was distributed, for that
purpose, into three divisions. Victor, at the head of the
cavalry, and of a detachment of heavy-armed foot, was ordered to
clear the country, as far as the banks of the Tigris, and the
suburbs of Ctesiphon. The conduct of the attack was assumed by
Julian himself, who seemed to place his whole dependence in the
military engines which he erected against the walls; while he
secretly contrived a more efficacious method of introducing his
troops into the heart of the city. Under the direction of Nevitta
and Dagalaiphus, the trenches were opened at a considerable
distance, and gradually prolonged as far as the edge of the
ditch. The ditch was speedily filled with earth; and, by the
incessant labor of the troops, a mine was carried under the
foundations of the walls, and sustained, at sufficient intervals,
by props of timber. Three chosen cohorts, advancing in a single
file, silently explored the dark and dangerous passage; till
their intrepid leader whispered back the intelligence, that he
was ready to issue from his confinement into the streets of the
hostile city. Julian checked their ardor, that he might insure
their success; and immediately diverted the attention of the
garrison, by the tumult and clamor of a general assault. The
Persians, who, from their walls, contemptuously beheld the
progress of an impotent attack, celebrated with songs of triumph
the glory of Sapor; and ventured to assure the emperor, that he
might ascend the starry mansion of Ormusd, before he could hope
to take the impregnable city of Maogamalcha. The city was already
taken. History has recorded the name of a private soldier the
first who ascended from the mine into a deserted tower. The
passage was widened by his companions, who pressed forwards with
impatient valor. Fifteen hundred enemies were already in the
midst of the city. The astonished garrison abandoned the walls,
and their only hope of safety; the gates were instantly burst
open; and the revenge of the soldier, unless it were suspended by
lust or avarice, was satiated by an undistinguishing massacre.
The governor, who had yielded on a promise of mercy, was burnt
alive, a few days afterwards, on a charge of having uttered some
disrespectful words against the honor of Prince Hormisdas. The
fortifications were razed to the ground; and not a vestige was
left, that the city of Maogamalcha had ever existed. The
neighborhood of the capital of Persia was adorned with three
stately palaces, laboriously enriched with every production that
could gratify the luxury and pride of an Eastern monarch. The
pleasant situation of the gardens along the banks of the Tigris,
was improved, according to the Persian taste, by the symmetry of
flowers, fountains, and shady walks: and spacious parks were
enclosed for the reception of the bears, lions, and wild boars,
which were maintained at a considerable expense for the pleasure
of the royal chase. The park walls were broken down, the savage
game was abandoned to the darts of the soldiers, and the palaces
of Sapor were reduced to ashes, by the command of the Roman
emperor. Julian, on this occasion, showed himself ignorant, or
careless, of the laws of civility, which the prudence and
refinement of polished ages have established between hostile
princes. Yet these wanton ravages need not excite in our breasts
any vehement emotions of pity or resentment. A simple, naked
statue, finished by the hand of a Grecian artist, is of more
genuine value than all these rude and costly monuments of
Barbaric labor; and, if we are more deeply affected by the ruin
of a palace than by the conflagration of a cottage, our humanity
must have formed a very erroneous estimate of the miseries of
human life. 57

57 (return) [ The operations of the Assyrian war are
circumstantially related by Ammianus, (xxiv. 2, 3, 4, 5,)
Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 112-123, p. 335-347,) Zosimus, (l.
iii. p. 168-180,) and Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat iv. p. 113, 144.)
The _military_ criticisms of the saint are devoutly copied by
Tillemont, his faithful slave.]

Julian was an object of hatred and terror to the Persian and the
painters of that nation represented the invader of their country
under the emblem of a furious lion, who vomited from his mouth a
consuming fire. 58 To his friends and soldiers the philosophic
hero appeared in a more amiable light; and his virtues were never
more conspicuously displayed, than in the last and most active
period of his life. He practised, without effort, and almost
without merit, the habitual qualities of temperance and sobriety.
According to the dictates of that artificial wisdom, which
assumes an absolute dominion over the mind and body, he sternly
refused himself the indulgence of the most natural appetites. 59
In the warm climate of Assyria, which solicited a luxurious
people to the gratification of every sensual desire, 60 a
youthful conqueror preserved his chastity pure and inviolate; nor
was Julian ever tempted, even by a motive of curiosity, to visit
his female captives of exquisite beauty, 61 who, instead of
resisting his power, would have disputed with each other the
honor of his embraces. With the same firmness that he resisted
the allurements of love, he sustained the hardships of war. When
the Romans marched through the flat and flooded country, their
sovereign, on foot, at the head of his legions, shared their
fatigues and animated their diligence. In every useful labor, the
hand of Julian was prompt and strenuous; and the Imperial purple
was wet and dirty as the coarse garment of the meanest soldier.
The two sieges allowed him some remarkable opportunities of
signalizing his personal valor, which, in the improved state of
the military art, can seldom be exerted by a prudent general. The
emperor stood before the citadel of Perisabor, insensible of his
extreme danger, and encouraged his troops to burst open the gates
of iron, till he was almost overwhelmed under a cloud of missile
weapons and huge stones, that were directed against his person.
As he examined the exterior fortifications of Maogamalcha, two
Persians, devoting themselves for their country, suddenly rushed
upon him with drawn cimeters: the emperor dexterously received
their blows on his uplifted shield; and, with a steady and
well-aimed thrust, laid one of his adversaries dead at his feet.
The esteem of a prince who possesses the virtues which he
approves, is the noblest recompense of a deserving subject; and
the authority which Julian derived from his personal merit,
enabled him to revive and enforce the rigor of ancient
discipline. He punished with death or ignominy the misbehavior of
three troops of horse, who, in a skirmish with the Surenas, had
lost their honor and one of their standards: and he distinguished
with _obsidional_ 62 crowns the valor of the foremost soldiers,
who had ascended into the city of Maogamalcha.

After the siege of Perisabor, the firmness of the emperor was
exercised by the insolent avarice of the army, who loudly
complained, that their services were rewarded by a trifling
donative of one hundred pieces of silver. His just indignation
was expressed in the grave and manly language of a Roman. “Riches
are the object of your desires; those riches are in the hands of
the Persians; and the spoils of this fruitful country are
proposed as the prize of your valor and discipline. Believe me,”
added Julian, “the Roman republic, which formerly possessed such
immense treasures, is now reduced to want and wretchedness once
our princes have been persuaded, by weak and interested
ministers, to purchase with gold the tranquillity of the
Barbarians. The revenue is exhausted; the cities are ruined; the
provinces are dispeopled. For myself, the only inheritance that I
have received from my royal ancestors is a soul incapable of
fear; and as long as I am convinced that every real advantage is
seated in the mind, I shall not blush to acknowledge an honorable
poverty, which, in the days of ancient virtue, was considered as
the glory of Fabricius. That glory, and that virtue, may be your
own, if you will listen to the voice of Heaven and of your
leader. But if you will rashly persist, if you are determined to
renew the shameful and mischievous examples of old seditions,
proceed. As it becomes an emperor who has filled the first rank
among men, I am prepared to die, standing; and to despise a
precarious life, which, every hour, may depend on an accidental
fever. If I have been found unworthy of the command, there are
now among you, (I speak it with pride and pleasure,) there are
many chiefs whose merit and experience are equal to the conduct
of the most important war. Such has been the temper of my reign,
that I can retire, without regret, and without apprehension, to
the obscurity of a private station” 63 The modest resolution of
Julian was answered by the unanimous applause and cheerful
obedience of the Romans, who declared their confidence of
victory, while they fought under the banners of their heroic
prince. Their courage was kindled by his frequent and familiar
asseverations, (for such wishes were the oaths of Julian,) “So
may I reduce the Persians under the yoke!” “Thus may I restore
the strength and splendor of the republic!” The love of fame was
the ardent passion of his soul: but it was not before he trampled
on the ruins of Maogamalcha, that he allowed himself to say, “We
have now provided some materials for the sophist of Antioch.” 64

58 (return) [ Libanius de ulciscenda Juliani nece, c. 13, p.
162.]

59 (return) [ The famous examples of Cyrus, Alexander, and
Scipio, were acts of justice. Julian’s chastity was voluntary,
and, in his opinion, meritorious.]

60 (return) [ Sallust (ap. Vet. Scholiast. Juvenal. Satir. i.
104) observes, that nihil corruptius moribus. The matrons and
virgins of Babylon freely mingled with the men in licentious
banquets; and as they felt the intoxication of wine and love,
they gradually, and almost completely, threw aside the
encumbrance of dress; ad ultimum ima corporum velamenta
projiciunt. Q. Curtius, v. 1.]

61 (return) [ Ex virginibus autem quæ speciosæ sunt captæ, et in
Perside, ubi fæminarum pulchritudo excellit, nec contrectare
aliquam votuit nec videre. Ammian. xxiv. 4. The native race of
Persians is small and ugly; but it has been improved by the
perpetual mixture of Circassian blood, (Herodot. l. iii. c. 97.
Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. iii. p. 420.)]

62 (return) [ Obsidionalibus coronis donati. Ammian. xxiv. 4.
Either Julian or his historian were unskillful antiquaries. He
should have given mural crowns. The _obsidional_ were the reward
of a general who had delivered a besieged city, (Aulus Gellius,
Noct. Attic. v. 6.)]

63 (return) [ I give this speech as original and genuine.
Ammianus might hear, could transcribe, and was incapable of
inventing, it. I have used some slight freedoms, and conclude
with the most forcibic sentence.]

64 (return) [ Ammian. xxiv. 3. Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 122, p.
346.]

The successful valor of Julian had triumphed over all the
obstacles that opposed his march to the gates of Ctesiphon. But
the reduction, or even the siege, of the capital of Persia, was
still at a distance: nor can the military conduct of the emperor
be clearly apprehended, without a knowledge of the country which
was the theatre of his bold and skilful operations. 65 Twenty
miles to the south of Bagdad, and on the eastern bank of the
Tigris, the curiosity of travellers has observed some ruins of
the palaces of Ctesiphon, which, in the time of Julian, was a
great and populous city. The name and glory of the adjacent
Seleucia were forever extinguished; and the only remaining
quarter of that Greek colony had resumed, with the Assyrian
language and manners, the primitive appellation of Coche. Coche
was situate on the western side of the Tigris; but it was
naturally considered as a suburb of Ctesiphon, with which we may
suppose it to have been connected by a permanent bridge of boats.

The united parts contribute to form the common epithet of Al
Modain, the cities, which the Orientals have bestowed on the
winter residence of the Sassinadees; and the whole circumference
of the Persian capital was strongly fortified by the waters of
the river, by lofty walls, and by impracticable morasses. Near
the ruins of Seleucia, the camp of Julian was fixed, and secured,
by a ditch and rampart, against the sallies of the numerous and
enterprising garrison of Coche. In this fruitful and pleasant
country, the Romans were plentifully supplied with water and
forage: and several forts, which might have embarrassed the
motions of the army, submitted, after some resistance, to the
efforts of their valor. The fleet passed from the Euphrates into
an artificial derivation of that river, which pours a copious and
navigable stream into the Tigris, at a small distance _below_ the
great city. If they had followed this royal canal, which bore the
name of Nahar-Malcha, 66 the intermediate situation of Coche
would have separated the fleet and army of Julian; and the rash
attempt of steering against the current of the Tigris, and
forcing their way through the midst of a hostile capital, must
have been attended with the total destruction of the Roman navy.
The prudence of the emperor foresaw the danger, and provided the
remedy. As he had minutely studied the operations of Trajan in
the same country, he soon recollected that his warlike
predecessor had dug a new and navigable canal, which, leaving
Coche on the right hand, conveyed the waters of the Nahar-Malcha
into the river Tigris, at some distance _above_ the cities. From
the information of the peasants, Julian ascertained the vestiges
of this ancient work, which were almost obliterated by design or
accident. By the indefatigable labor of the soldiers, a broad and
deep channel was speedily prepared for the reception of the
Euphrates. A strong dike was constructed to interrupt the
ordinary current of the Nahar-Malcha: a flood of waters rushed
impetuously into their new bed; and the Roman fleet, steering
their triumphant course into the Tigris, derided the vain and
ineffectual barriers which the Persians of Ctesiphon had erected
to oppose their passage.

65 (return) [ M. d’Anville, (Mém. de l’Académie des Inscriptions,
tom. xxxviii p. 246-259) has ascertained the true position and
distance of Babylon, Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Bagdad, &c. The Roman
traveller, Pietro della Valle, (tom. i. lett. xvii. p. 650-780,)
seems to be the most intelligent spectator of that famous
province. He is a gentleman and a scholar, but intolerably vain
and prolix.]

66 (return) [ The Royal Canal (_Nahar-Malcha_) might be
successively restored, altered, divided, &c., (Cellarius,
Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. p. 453;) and these changes may serve to
explain the seeming contradictions of antiquity. In the time of
Julian, it must have fallen into the Euphrates _below_
Ctesiphon.]

As it became necessary to transport the Roman army over the
Tigris, another labor presented itself, of less toil, but of more
danger, than the preceding expedition. The stream was broad and
rapid; the ascent steep and difficult; and the intrenchments
which had been formed on the ridge of the opposite bank, were
lined with a numerous army of heavy cuirrasiers, dexterous
archers, and huge elephants; who (according to the extravagant
hyperbole of Libanius) could trample with the same ease a field
of corn, or a legion of Romans. 67 In the presence of such an
enemy, the construction of a bridge was impracticable; and the
intrepid prince, who instantly seized the only possible
expedient, concealed his design, till the moment of execution,
from the knowledge of the Barbarians, of his own troops, and even
of his generals themselves. Under the specious pretence of
examining the state of the magazines, fourscore vessels 6711 were
gradually unladen; and a select detachment, apparently destined
for some secret expedition, was ordered to stand to their arms on
the first signal. Julian disguised the silent anxiety of his own
mind with smiles of confidence and joy; and amused the hostile
nations with the spectacle of military games, which he
insultingly celebrated under the walls of Coche. The day was
consecrated to pleasure; but, as soon as the hour of supper was
passed, the emperor summoned the generals to his tent, and
acquainted them that he had fixed that night for the passage of
the Tigris. They stood in silent and respectful astonishment;
but, when the venerable Sallust assumed the privilege of his age
and experience, the rest of the chiefs supported with freedom the
weight of his prudent remonstrances. 68 Julian contented himself
with observing, that conquest and safety depended on the attempt;
that instead of diminishing, the number of their enemies would be
increased, by successive reenforcements; and that a longer delay
would neither contract the breadth of the stream, nor level the
height of the bank. The signal was instantly given, and obeyed;
the most impatient of the legionaries leaped into five vessels
that lay nearest to the bank; and as they plied their oars with
intrepid diligence, they were lost, after a few moments, in the
darkness of the night. A flame arose on the opposite side; and
Julian, who too clearly understood that his foremost vessels, in
attempting to land, had been fired by the enemy, dexterously
converted their extreme danger into a presage of victory. “Our
fellow-soldiers,” he eagerly exclaimed, “are already masters of
the bank; see—they make the appointed signal; let us hasten to
emulate and assist their courage.” The united and rapid motion of
a great fleet broke the violence of the current, and they reached
the eastern shore of the Tigris with sufficient speed to
extinguish the flames, and rescue their adventurous companions.
The difficulties of a steep and lofty ascent were increased by
the weight of armor, and the darkness of the night. A shower of
stones, darts, and fire, was incessantly discharged on the heads
of the assailants; who, after an arduous struggle, climbed the
bank and stood victorious upon the rampart. As soon as they
possessed a more equal field, Julian, who, with his light
infantry, had led the attack, 69 darted through the ranks a
skilful and experienced eye: his bravest soldiers, according to
the precepts of Homer, 70 were distributed in the front and rear:
and all the trumpets of the Imperial army sounded to battle. The
Romans, after sending up a military shout, advanced in measured
steps to the animating notes of martial music; launched their
formidable javelins; and rushed forwards with drawn swords, to
deprive the Barbarians, by a closer onset, of the advantage of
their missile weapons. The whole engagement lasted above twelve
hours; till the gradual retreat of the Persians was changed into
a disorderly flight, of which the shameful example was given by
the principal leader, and the Surenas himself. They were pursued
to the gates of Ctesiphon; and the conquerors might have entered
the dismayed city, 71 if their general, Victor, who was
dangerously wounded with an arrow, had not conjured them to
desist from a rash attempt, which must be fatal, if it were not
successful. On _their_ side, the Romans acknowledged the loss of
only seventy-five men; while they affirmed, that the Barbarians
had left on the field of battle two thousand five hundred, or
even six thousand, of their bravest soldiers. The spoil was such
as might be expected from the riches and luxury of an Oriental
camp; large quantities of silver and gold, splendid arms and
trappings, and beds and tables of massy silver. 7111 The
victorious emperor distributed, as the rewards of valor, some
honorable gifts, civic, and mural, and naval crowns; which he,
and perhaps he alone, esteemed more precious than the wealth of
Asia. A solemn sacrifice was offered to the god of war, but the
appearances of the victims threatened the most inauspicious
events; and Julian soon discovered, by less ambiguous signs, that
he had now reached the term of his prosperity. 72

67 (return) [ Rien n’est beau que le vrai; a maxim which should
be inscribed on the desk of every rhetorician.]

6711 (return) [ This is a mistake; each vessel (according to
Zosimus two, according to Ammianus five) had eighty men. Amm.
xxiv. 6, with Wagner’s note. Gibbon must have read _octogenas_
for _octogenis_. The five vessels selected for this service were
remarkably large and strong provision transports. The strength of
the fleet remained with Julian to carry over the army—M.]

68 (return) [ Libanius alludes to the most powerful of the
generals. I have ventured to name _Sallust_. Ammianus says, of
all the leaders, quod acri metû territ acrimetu territi duces
concordi precatû precaut fieri prohibere tentarent. * Note: It is
evident that Gibbon has mistaken the sense of Libanius; his words
can only apply to a commander of a detachment, not to so eminent
a person as the Præfect of the East. St. Martin, iii. 313.—M.]

69 (return) [ Hinc Imperator.... (says Ammianus) ipse cum levis
armaturæ auxiliis per prima postremaque discurrens, &c. Yet
Zosimus, his friend, does not allow him to pass the river till
two days after the battle.]

70 (return) [ Secundum Homericam dispositionem. A similar
disposition is ascribed to the wise Nestor, in the fourth book of
the Iliad; and Homer was never absent from the mind of Julian.]

71 (return) [ Persas terrore subito miscuerunt, versisque
agminibus totius gentis, apertas Ctesiphontis portas victor miles
intrâsset, ni major prædarum occasio fuisset, quam cura victoriæ,
(Sextus Rufus de Provinciis c. 28.) Their avarice might dispose
them to hear the advice of Victor.]

7111 (return) [ The suburbs of Ctesiphon, according to a new
fragment of Eunapius, were so full of provisions, that the
soldiers were in danger of suffering from excess. Mai, p. 260.
Eunapius in Niebuhr. Nov. Byz. Coll. 68. Julian exhibited warlike
dances and games in his camp to recreate the soldiers Ibid.—M.]

72 (return) [ The labor of the canal, the passage of the Tigris,
and the victory, are described by Ammianus, (xxiv. 5, 6,)
Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 124-128, p. 347-353,) Greg.
Nazianzen, (Orat. iv. p. 115,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 181-183,) and
Sextus Rufus, (de Provinciis, c. 28.)]

On the second day after the battle, the domestic guards, the
Jovians and Herculians, and the remaining troops, which composed
near two thirds of the whole army, were securely wafted over the
Tigris. 73 While the Persians beheld from the walls of Ctesiphon
the desolation of the adjacent country, Julian cast many an
anxious look towards the North, in full expectation, that as he
himself had victoriously penetrated to the capital of Sapor, the
march and junction of his lieutenants, Sebastian and Procopius,
would be executed with the same courage and diligence. His
expectations were disappointed by the treachery of the Armenian
king, who permitted, and most probably directed, the desertion of
his auxiliary troops from the camp of the Romans; 74 and by the
dissensions of the two generals, who were incapable of forming or
executing any plan for the public service. When the emperor had
relinquished the hope of this important reenforcement, he
condescended to hold a council of war, and approved, after a full
debate, the sentiment of those generals, who dissuaded the siege
of Ctesiphon, as a fruitless and pernicious undertaking. It is
not easy for us to conceive, by what arts of fortification a city
thrice besieged and taken by the predecessors of Julian could be
rendered impregnable against an army of sixty thousand Romans,
commanded by a brave and experienced general, and abundantly
supplied with ships, provisions, battering engines, and military
stores. But we may rest assured, from the love of glory, and
contempt of danger, which formed the character of Julian, that he
was not discouraged by any trivial or imaginary obstacles. 75 At
the very time when he declined the siege of Ctesiphon, he
rejected, with obstinacy and disdain, the most flattering offers
of a negotiation of peace. Sapor, who had been so long accustomed
to the tardy ostentation of Constantius, was surprised by the
intrepid diligence of his successor. As far as the confines of
India and Scythia, the satraps of the distant provinces were
ordered to assemble their troops, and to march, without delay, to
the assistance of their monarch. But their preparations were
dilatory, their motions slow; and before Sapor could lead an army
into the field, he received the melancholy intelligence of the
devastation of Assyria, the ruin of his palaces, and the
slaughter of his bravest troops, who defended the passage of the
Tigris. The pride of royalty was humbled in the dust; he took his
repasts on the ground; and the disorder of his hair expressed the
grief and anxiety of his mind. Perhaps he would not have refused
to purchase, with one half of his kingdom, the safety of the
remainder; and he would have gladly subscribed himself, in a
treaty of peace, the faithful and dependent ally of the Roman
conqueror. Under the pretence of private business, a minister of
rank and confidence was secretly despatched to embrace the knees
of Hormisdas, and to request, in the language of a suppliant,
that he might be introduced into the presence of the emperor. The
Sassanian prince, whether he listened to the voice of pride or
humanity, whether he consulted the sentiments of his birth, or
the duties of his situation, was equally inclined to promote a
salutary measure, which would terminate the calamities of Persia,
and secure the triumph of Rome. He was astonished by the
inflexible firmness of a hero, who remembered, most unfortunately
for himself and for his country, that Alexander had uniformly
rejected the propositions of Darius. But as Julian was sensible,
that the hope of a safe and honorable peace might cool the ardor
of his troops, he earnestly requested that Hormisdas would
privately dismiss the minister of Sapor, and conceal this
dangerous temptation from the knowledge of the camp. 76

73 (return) [ The fleet and army were formed in three divisions,
of which the first only had passed during the night.]

74 (return) [ Moses of Chorene (Hist. Armen. l. iii. c. 15, p.
246) supplies us with a national tradition, and a spurious
letter. I have borrowed only the leading circumstance, which is
consistent with truth, probability, and Libanius, (Orat. Parent.
c. 131, p. 355.)]

75 (return) [ Civitas inexpugnabilis, facinus audax et
importunum. Ammianus, xxiv. 7. His fellow-soldier, Eutropius,
turns aside from the difficulty, Assyriamque populatus, castra
apud Ctesiphontem stativa aliquandiu habuit: remeansbue victor,
&c. x. 16. Zosimus is artful or ignorant, and Socrates
inaccurate.]

76 (return) [ Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 130, p. 354, c. 139, p.
361. Socrates, l. iii. c. 21. The ecclesiastical historian
imputes the refusal of peace to the advice of Maximus. Such
advice was unworthy of a philosopher; but the philosopher was
likewise a magician, who flattered the hopes and passions of his
master.]