Chapter XI

NAVAL CONFLICT BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND THE DUTCH.

Remarks, by persons of mature age, are not uncommon, in our time, upon the precocity of the rising generation. It is alleged that we have no boys and girls nowadays, that they are too forward, know too much for their years, and are men and women before their time. Edward Montague, afterwards Earl of Sandwich, furnishes a notable illustration of precocity, in his generation.

Edward was the only surviving son of Sir Sidney Montague, and was a grandson of Lord Montague of Boughton, a staunch Royalist. Sir Sidney also adhered firmly to Charles I., and submitted to expulsion from the House of Commons, of which he was a member, rather than subscribe to an oath of allegiance to the Earl of Essex “to live and die with him,” in his conspiracy against the king.

Edward Montague was born 27th July 1625, the year of Charles I.’s accession to the throne, and of his marriage with Henrietta Maria, daughter of Henry IV., King of France. Some years before he reached his majority, young Montague entered the whirl of domestic and State affairs. When only seventeen years of age he married Jemima, daughter of Lord Crewe of Stene. In the following year, 1643, he received a commission from the Earl of Essex,--whom his father had refused to support,--to raise a regiment of horse, to serve against the king, to whom his father adhered. Such was the influence at the command of the young chief, and the ardour with which he entered upon the execution of his commission, that in six weeks he was ready to take the field at the head of his regiment, and he entered immediately upon active service. He assisted at the storming of Lincoln in May 1644, and also exhibited great bravery, at the battle of Marston Moor, in the July following. In 1645 he had a great deal of stirring service, fighting at Naseby in July, and taking part in the storming of Bridgewater. In September he commanded a brigade in the attack on Bristol, and subscribed the articles of the capitulation of that city by Prince Rupert. With Colonel Hammond he was deputed to carry the intelligence of this important success, to the Parliament in London.

While yet under age, so prominent a character was he in connection with public affairs, as to be elected, or more properly appointed, by those who had the power, a member of Parliament for Huntingdonshire. It is stated concerning his conduct as member of Parliament, that the plottings and contests of parties were distasteful to him, and that he shunned these,--as he did also intrigues and cabals in the army. His opinions were sought after and valued, and notwithstanding his youth, he exercised considerable influence in the direction of affairs. Cromwell affected to despise nobility and family lineage, but he had a keen eye for the men fitted to promote his objects, could fully appreciate their value, and was skilful and effective in his methods of attaching them to his person and cause. Montague had rendered distinguished service, but he was a supporter of a very different stamp from the ordinary Roundheads,--and his allegiance was held by a more uncertain tenure. His social and family relations probably drew him in a different direction. Cromwell was solicitous to have Montague fully committed to his cause; he extolled his valour, discretion, and independence, and snared him into a seat, at his Treasury board.

Montague rendered effective service at the Treasury, but was not in his element in the civil service, from which he obtained release in 1656, when, at the request of Admiral Blake, he was appointed, in conjunction with that distinguished commander, to the command of the fleet in the Mediterranean. Montague found great discontent with the service, prevailing among the officers of the fleet. Exercising patience and discretion with the disaffected, he succeeded in allaying their discontent, and the fleet sailed under the direction of its distinguished commanders, who cherished magnificent projects,--to be accomplished ere they returned to England. One of these was to fall upon the Spanish fleet in Cadiz harbour, which, however, on careful survey, they concluded it would be foolhardy to attempt. Another project designed was the reduction of Gibraltar. Montague doubted the success of an attack by sea, and decidedly favoured attack by a land force,--approaching by the isthmus. However, the attack was not then made, and, after cruising about for a time, the fleet made for the opposite coast of Barbary, the intention of the commanders being the chastisement of the Tripoli and Salee rovers. Notwithstanding the terror that Blake had inspired by a former visit, the pirates had become as troublesome, daring, and destructive to traders as they had been before.

BATTLE OF SOUTHWOLD OR SOLE BAY.]

Montague had experience in his early life, as a combatant, in successful land attacks, and seems to have had a decided preference for that method, which he again recommended in the conflict with the pirates, who were doubtless difficult to get at,--and who were not to be subdued by ordinary means. He was decidedly of opinion that forcible possession should be taken of a position on shore, as the best means of operating against the pirates, and protecting our trade in the Levant. Instructions from home, restricting rather than extending the powers of the admirals, prevented Montague’s design from being carried into effect.

The fleet was ordered back to Cadiz, to give the Spaniards an opportunity of engaging, if they would. While the main body lay off Cadiz, three ships were despatched to a bay along shore to take in fresh water, and obtain what provisions they could. On this expedition the detached squadron fell in with eight galleons, returning from South America, and promptly pounced upon them. One of the galleons was sunk, another burned, two were forced ashore, and others taken, on board of which were found treasure to the value of six hundred thousand pounds. In writing to Secretary Thurloe, Admiral Montague gives the following account of the silver taken in the galleons: “There have been some miscarriages by our ships that took the ships of Spain; I judge the best way to improve mercies of this kind is to look forward: however, that is my business at this time. The silver they brought is on board this ship, and in the vice-admiral: in the admiral we have five hundred and fifty bars of silver, and boxes of plate, and nine pieces of silver, not well refined, like sugar loaves. In the vice-admiral there are a hundred and twenty-four bars of silver, all of which we judge may produce nearly two hundred thousand pounds. I hope that it will make much more. In the galleons, also, there is a space between the main-mast and the bulkhead of the bread-room, not yet rummaged.”

Montague was charged with instructions to bring the treasure to England, and he requested that some trusty persons might be sent to Portsmouth to receive the silver. Great pains were taken to impress the public with a sense of the magnitude of the prize. When the silver reached London, it was placed in open carts and ammunition waggons, and conveyed in a triumphal procession through Southwark to the Tower to be coined. To show their confidence in the people, a guard of only ten soldiers accompanied the treasure. The intention of these arrangements was fully realised, and greatly increased Cromwell’s popularity. Montague also, although he had really had nothing to do with the actual capture of the treasure, but had only conveyed it home in safety, became quite a popular hero. Cromwell loaded him with praise, and Parliament thanked him formally, through the Speaker.

Montague was on the most intimate terms with Cromwell, and held in high esteem by the Protector, but he does not appear to have been cordially attached to his public employment, or satisfied with the instructions under which he was called to act.

In 1657, Montague was appointed to the command of a fleet in the Downs, the objects of which were--to keep a strict watch upon the Dutch, and to carry on the war with Spain. In his command of the fleet in the Downs he found no opportunity for useful action, and he chafed under the enforced stagnation; when called upon to act, he was not satisfied as to the justice of following the line the authorities wished him to take, or that it was compatible with manly honesty and safety to himself. His letters to Cromwell show the difficulties in which he felt himself placed, and also that the Protector expected him to follow his own course, although in doing so he might be unable, after the event, to justify himself, by official sanctions. A letter from Richard Cromwell to Montague illustrates the policy of the Protector, and the danger to which it exposed his admiral. He was commanded in express terms to insist upon honour to the flag, within the British seas, from all nations,--the writer stating, at the same time, that he did not know what were the limits of the British seas, and that the admiral must execute his orders with caution,--as peace or war might depend upon his acts. It was extremely difficult to obey such equivocal instructions, without incurring blame from one side or the other. Montague displayed great sagacity and prudence in the discharge of his delicate and difficult duties, but did not escape bitter complaints from the Dutch, because of the diligence he displayed in searching their vessels.

In 1658 Denmark and Sweden were at war. The Dutch believed it to be their interest to help Denmark; Cromwell thought that the defeat of Sweden would be a calamity to England,--and a powerful fleet was despatched to the Baltic under the command of Admiral Montague, with the avowed intention of negotiating an honourable peace between the belligerents. In the midst of these great events Oliver Cromwell died at Whitehall on the 3rd September 1658, and his son Richard was proclaimed ruler in his stead.

Although Montague was nominally in command of the Baltic fleet, three commissioners had been sent to conduct the negotiations, and control his actions. Before he had left home, Montague had suffered what seemed an unprovoked indignity, in being disjoined from his regiment of horse. He had never at any time, probably, been a very hearty Cromwellian,--and this treatment operated sharply in alienating him from the Parliamentary party. Montague had powerful personal influence in the fleet. The three commissioners--Colonel Algernon Sidney, Sir Robert Heywood, and Mr. Thomas Boon--regarded him as a disaffected subordinate, and the relations, between the commissioners and the admiral commanding, were the reverse of cordial. Montague’s colleagues were at Copenhagen, when he determined upon decisive action. He called a council of the flag-officers of the fleet, and, submitting to them a plain statement of the impossibility of doing anything for the honour of their country, by remaining where they were;--not having any authority to fight, and being therefore useless,--he suggested the necessity of returning home, which want of provisions, indeed, would soon compel them to do, as they had scarcely enough left to carry them to England. There was no dissent in the council, and the admiral at once issued orders to weigh anchor, set all sail, and shape course for England. Montague’s diplomatic colleagues had the mortification of witnessing, from the shore, the procession of the homeward-bound fleet. The rapidity of the movement was fortunate, as these diplomats had in their possession secret instructions to arrest Montague on board his own ship, and to place the command of the fleet in other hands. The worst they could do now was to send a strongly condemnatory despatch to the Parliament, charging Montague with treachery and desertion. Without waiting for a summons, he presented himself before Parliament, to give an account of his conduct. He had the unanimous support of his flag-officers, and presented such an unanswerable vindication, that Parliament had to be content with accepting his resignation, and letting him go. He retired from public life and service for a time, to his estate in the country.

A time of turbulence and anarchy ensued, which led to the restoration of Charles II. in the year 1660. In full accord and friendship with General Monk, Duke of Albemarle, Montague returned to the public service, and resumed naval command. He went with Monk to the Hague to bring over the king. After completion of certain ceremonials at the Hague, Montague conveyed the king to England,--the Duke of York being Lord High Admiral under the restored royal ruler. Two days after the king’s landing, he sent to Montague, by Garter king at arms, the Garter, in acknowledgment of his eminent services. He was also, as soon as the court was established, created by letters patent, Baron Montague of St. Neots, Viscount Hitchinbroke in Huntingdon, and Earl of Sandwich in Kent. He was sworn a member of the Privy Council, appointed Master of the King’s Wardrobe, Admiral of the Narrow Seas, and Lieutenant Admiral to the Duke of York.

As Admiral of the Narrow Seas, the duty devolved upon Lord Sandwich of conveying or escorting all persons of distinction, passing between England and foreign countries. He gave much attention to State affairs, and was a constant attender at meetings of the Privy Council, especially when questions of foreign policy were under consideration, and, ere long, was regarded as one of the king’s most capable and deservedly influential and trusted advisers.

An important question, in the settlement of which he took a leading part, was the disposal of Dunkirk, which had been taken by Cromwell from the Spaniards. The Commonwealth being at an end, the Spaniards claimed the restoration of the place; the question for the determination of the Privy Council was whether Dunkirk should be sold or kept. The matter caused lively and protracted discussion, and has been treated very fully by Clarendon, Burnet, and others. For advising or sanctioning the sale or surrender of Dunkirk, some historians have condemned, while others have defended, Lord Sandwich.

The Earl of Sandwich had courtly duties to perform in his capacity of Admiral of the Narrow Seas. In September 1660, with a squadron of nine ships of war, he proceeded to Helvoetsluys to bring over the Princess of Orange, the king’s sister. When the fleet returned, the king and the Duke of York went on board the _Resolution_, the admiral’s ship, where they passed the night, and they reviewed the squadron on the following day.

In 1661 an imposing fleet was equipped, with the several objects of bringing home the Infanta of Portugal to be married to the king,--of securing Tangier against the Moors,--and of punishing the Barbary and Algerine pirates, who, since the death of Admiral Blake, and in disregard of the terms which that powerful commander had imposed upon them, had resumed their rapacious, destructive attacks upon the merchant ships of England, as also upon those of Holland and France. The fleet consisted of eighteen men-of-war ships, and two fire-ships; it was placed under the command of the Earl of Sandwich and Sir John Lawson. The fleet sailed from the Downs on the 19th June, and was before Algiers on the 29th July. A council of war was held under the presidency of Lord Sandwich, which determined to require--as an article in any treaty with the Algerines--an undertaking that, for the future, English ships were not to be liable to search, upon any pretext whatever. Captain Spragge and Mr. Brown, the English consul, were deputed to attempt negotiation of a treaty with the Algerian Government, who professed willingness to enter into a treaty, but refused point-blank to give up their right of search, and insolently followed up their refusal by opening fire upon the fleet. The strength of the land batteries greatly preponderated over the power of the fleet for either attack or defence, and Lord Sandwich prudently withdrew from range of the guns, but did not abandon the purpose of crippling the pirates. Sir John Lawson was left with a strong squadron to cruise in the Mediterranean, for the protection of English merchantmen and the chastisement of the pirates. Sir John swept as many of the pirates off the seas as he could get at,--and at Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis, made such imposing demonstrations as compelled the barbaric powers to renew their treaties with England. At Algiers, however, he had much difficulty in arriving at a satisfactory settlement. He obtained the release there of one hundred and fifty slaves,--English, Irish, and Scottish sailors, who had been captured by the pirates. These men he sent home, with several captured ships, but the Algerines stopped short at surrender of the goods in the ships that had been captured. Lawson continued hostilities, seized an Algerine corsair of thirty-four guns, and sold the Turks and Moors by which it was manned to the French admiral, who was then cruising in the Mediterranean. Lawson was called home, and the duty of suppressing the pirates taken up by his successor, Sir Thomas Allen, who replaced him with twelve ships of war, and, acting with great energy and skill, compelled the Algerines to accept a satisfactory treaty. The Earl of Sandwich, in accordance with his instructions, proceeded to Tangier, of which he obtained possession from the Queen Regent of Portugal,--as part of the dowry of the Infanta, affianced to the King of England. After manning Tangier with English soldiers, and settling affairs, Lord Sandwich set sail for Lisbon, to take on board the royal bride. His reception at Lisbon was all that he could have desired; house, equipage, and appointments on a scale befitting his dignity, as an ambassador extraordinary to the queen. But the “business” entrusted to him presented a most unsatisfactory aspect. The dowry of the Infanta had been fixed, and his instructions were explicit; he was to ask for no more, but to take no less, than the sum that had been agreed upon, and to take payment only in “hard cash.” Tangier had already been secured, as part of the dowry, but the part to be paid in specie was not forthcoming. The queen-mother pleaded poverty, and asked for “time.” She averred that “the straits and poverty of the kingdom were so great that there could at this time be paid only one-half of the queen’s portion; that the other half should infallibly be paid within a year, with which she hoped the king, her brother, would be satisfied; and that, for the better doing it, she resolved to send back the ambassador, who had brought so good a work, with God’s blessing, to so good an end, with her daughter to the king.” The situation was further awkward, in this, that it was proposed to make the half payment in kind, not in cash--in jewels, sugar, and other commodities. The earl had no difficulty about taking off the young lady, but the “goods” were a serious embarrassment; his royal master he knew right well wanted cash badly, but he did not suppose him to be solicitous about “goods consignments.” The earl proved equal to the occasion. He distinctly refused to accept goods of any kind, at any “quotation” as regards price or value, but he would permit them to be shipped,--to be received and accounted for by some person in London, who should be appointed to transact the business. This difficulty was got over, and the goods were satisfactorily converted into cash, through the instrumentality of Diego Silvas, a wealthy Jew of Amsterdam, who accompanied the goods to London. Lord Sandwich gave a receipt for any denomination of money paid on account of the Infanta’s dowry, and took from the queen-mother a special promise to pay the balance, within the year following date of agreement. The Infanta and her retinue were safely landed at Portsmouth in May 1662.

In the great naval conflict between the English and the Dutch in 1664–65, the Earl of Sandwich highly distinguished himself. The English fleet was made up of 114 men-of-war and frigates, 28 fire-ships and ketches, and about 21,000 sailors and soldiers. It was divided into three squadrons; the first, under the red flag, was commanded by the Duke of York, and with him Admirals Penn and Lawson; the white squadron was commanded by Prince Rupert, and the blue squadron by the Earl of Sandwich. The fleet arrived at the Texel on the 28th April 1664, and cruised off the Dutch coast for about a month. Towards the end of May the Dutch fleet was descried near the Dogger Bank. Accounts vary as to the strength of the Dutch fleet. One careful historian puts it at 121 men-of-war, besides fire-ships, yachts, etc. Other writers give lower estimates of the strength of the fleet. It carried 4869 guns, and upwards of 22,000 men. It was divided into seven squadrons, commanded by valiant and skilful admirals, some of them of the highest renown. They were, Admirals Baron Opdam, Evertsen, Cortenaer, Stillingwerth, Van Tromp, son of the famous old fighting admiral, Cornelius Evertsen, and Schram.

It was said that neither the king nor the Duke of York approved the policy of this war, and it was believed that influences were at work to diminish the zeal and enthusiasm of the Dutch. De Witt, who was the ruling spirit in the States, sent a letter to Opdam of a peremptory character, ordering him to attack at once. Opdam and his officers were agreed that the time was inopportune, and would have delayed, for a brief space at least, until the wind and other circumstances were more favourable, but his orders were imperative, and he felt that his honour demanded prompt action upon them. The Dutch admiral came in sight of the English fleet not far from Harwich, in the early morning of the 3rd June. He bore down upon the duke’s ship with the intention of boarding. At the commencement of the action the English had the advantage in the weather-gage. The two fleets charged through each other’s lines with great fury and intrepidity. Critics have given the opinion that the English, having the wind in their favour, ought to have contented themselves with meeting the attack of the enemy, without changing their relative position more than could be avoided. For nine hours the onslaught was terrible and sanguinary, without either party having gained any decided advantage. About mid-day a brilliant movement was executed by the Earl of Sandwich, that greatly improved the prospects of the English. With his blue squadron compactly arranged, Lord Sandwich broke through the enemy’s centre, and threw the whole Dutch fleet into confusion and dire disorder.

Opdam’s determination from the beginning of the fight, to board the English admiral, had never slumbered. In the midst of the consternation caused by the dashing action of the Earl of Sandwich, Opdam, in the _Eendract_, of eighty-four guns, was engaged in a fierce contest with the Duke of York in the _Royal Charles_, of eighty guns. The fight was close and deadly--yard-arm and yard-arm. The Earl of Falmouth, Lord Muskerry, Mr. Boyle, son of the Earl of Burlington, and a number of others, the duke’s attendants, were killed by a chain-shot, when quite near His Grace’s person. In this terrific onslaught, either by accident or by a grenade from the _Royal Charles_, the gun-room of the _Eendract_, the Dutch admiral’s ship, was ignited, and the ship blown up. Five hundred men perished in this terrible catastrophe, including the noble and valiant Baron Opdam, and a number of volunteers belonging to some of the best families in Holland.

The greatest confusion prevailed among the Dutch ships; they fell foul of, and burned each other. The whole Dutch fleet seemed to be ablaze, and the cries of the wretched men perishing by fire and water were even more frightful and hideous than the noise of the cannon. The shelter of night permitted the shattered remnant of the Dutch fleet to escape. Had the light held out a little longer, the entire remainder of the armament would have been captured or destroyed. In addition to Opdam, Admirals Stillingwerth and Cortenaer were killed, upwards of four thousand of the Dutchmen perished, and two thousand were taken prisoners. Eighteen of the largest Dutch ships were taken, and fourteen more were sunk or burned. The English had one ship taken, had two hundred and fifty men killed, and three hundred and forty wounded. The fight lasted without intermission from three o’clock in the morning, till seven o’clock in the evening.

The Duke of York was severely blamed by some critics for his failure to secure the full advantages that might have been gained by this decisive victory. Clarendon says apologetically, that “the duke had received so many blows on his own and the other ships, that it was necessary to retire into port, where they might be repaired.” Bishop Burnet’s account of the duke’s conduct after the fight puts His Grace in an unenviable light and position. Burnet, in his circumstantial style of minute narration, says: “After the flight of the Dutch vessels, the duke ordered all the sail to be set on to overtake them. There was a council of war called to concert the method of action, when they should come up with them. In that council, Penn, who commanded under the duke, happened to say that they must prepare for hotter work, in the next engagement. He knew well the courage of the Dutch was never so high as when they were desperate.” Burnet adds that “the Earl of Montague, a volunteer, one of the duke’s court, said to me it was very visible, that made an impression. All the duke’s domestics said he had got honour enough,--why should he venture a second time? The duchess had also given a strict charge to the duke’s servants, to do all they could, to hinder him from engaging too far. When matters were settled, they went to sleep; and the duke ordered a call to be given him, when they should get up to the Dutch fleet. It is not known what passed between the duke and Brounker, who was of his bed-chamber, and was then in waiting; but he came to Penn, as from the duke, and said the duke ordered sail to be slackened. Penn was struck with the order, but did not go to argue the matter with the duke himself, as he ought to have done, but obeyed the order. When the duke had slept, he, upon his waking, went out on the quarter-deck, and seemed amazed to see the sails slackened, and that thereby all hope of overtaking the Dutch was lost. He questioned Penn upon it; Penn blamed Brounker, who said nothing. The duke denied having given any such order, but he neither punished Brounker for carrying it, nor Penn for obeying it. He put Brounker out of his service, but durst do no more, because he was so strong in the king’s favour. Penn was more in his favour after that than even before,--which favour was continued to his son after him, though a Quaker; and it was thought that all that favour was shown to oblige him to keep the secret. Lord Montague did believe “that the duke was struck, and that he had no mind to engage again, and that Penn was privately with him.” Other accounts of the affair have been given,--but none of them are a satisfactory vindication of the duke’s valour, or evidence that he followed up his advantage, as a brave and capable commander should have done.

The fleet returned home, and was refitted with expedition, and in less than a month was again ready for sea. Sixty ships sailed from Southwold Bay on the 5th July 1665, under the command of the Earl of Sandwich. The fleet sailed northwards, and at Bergen engaged in a series of tangled manœuvres and operations,--complicated by the part necessarily taken by the Danish authorities. In the course of his cruise, the earl, on the 4th September, fell in with four Dutch East Indiamen and several merchantmen in the North Sea. They were protected by a strong convoy. Lord Sandwich promptly attacked the Dutch, and, after a severe conflict, captured eight of the Dutch men-of-war, two of the richest of the East Indiamen, and several of the merchant ships;--the others were scattered by the storm, and escaped. On the 9th of September, four men-of-war, two fire-ships, and thirty merchantmen, losing their courses in the fog, joined the English fleet by mistake, and were all taken, with upwards of a thousand prisoners. The Earl of Sandwich brought home his fleet in triumph. The contribution to the Treasury from this expedition was most acceptable, and much needed to provide for further costly naval operations, necessary to maintain England’s “sovereignty of the seas.”

The valiant Earl of Sandwich, like most other eminent and successful men, had his enemies and detractors, and foremost among these was Sir William Coventry, the secretary to the Duke of York; “a sullen, ill-natured, proud man, whose ambition had no limits, nor could be contained within any.” He had prevented Prince Rupert from being associated with Lord Sandwich in the command of the fleet, not to favour the earl, but to mortify the prince. Clarendon pronounced him a man “who never paid a civility to any worthy man, but as it was a disobligation to another, whom he cared less for.” Without provocation he proceeded to pluck the earl of the honours he had taken part in conferring upon him. Coventry did his utmost to have the earl dismissed from the service.

In 1666 the Earl of Sandwich was appointed to an office of great trust and dignity--Ambassador Extraordinary, to mediate and negotiate a peace between England and Spain and Portugal. He accomplished his delicate mission with signal success, and in the course of a year brought the complicated negotiations to an amicable conclusion. He arrived at Madrid on the 26th May 1666, and a treaty of forty articles was signed, on the 13th May 1667. Having been successful with Spain, he next proceeded to Lisbon, and successfully arranged the conditions of a treaty with Portugal, which was signed on the 13th February 1668.

The Earl of Sandwich achieved a high reputation by the manner in which he conducted these important affairs of State. His despatches were pronounced models of sound judgment, dignity, and patriotism,--remarkable alike for accuracy of expression and honesty of purpose. In Spain and Portugal he produced a highly favourable impression, tending powerfully towards the cultivation of friendly relations with England. The king and the Duke of York sent Lord Sandwich autograph letters complimenting him highly upon the skill and success with which he had fulfilled his mission. On his return to England he was received with marked favour, and admitted to greater confidence at court than he had ever, up to that time, enjoyed.

The earl was, on the 3rd August 1670, sworn in President of a newly-appointed Council in Trade and Plantations, to whom the government of the Colonies was entrusted. As Vice-Admiral, Privy Councillor, and President of the Council of Trade, he had many opportunities of rendering important public services. He availed himself of these with great zeal, and exercised his authority in the most impartial spirit. He set his face against all factions, and in doing so, made for himself some bitter enemies. The Cabal did all they could to thwart and undermine him. He introduced a new system into the navy, founding promotion upon meritorious services. He was idolised by the fleet, but hated by the hunters after rank, who had no better claim to promotion than connection or private interest.

In 1672 war with the Dutch again broke out. The interval that had elapsed, since the close of the former hostilities, had been diligently employed by the Dutch in refitting their navy, and they turned out a powerful fleet of ships, improved in construction, well equipped, and commanded by the distinguished Admiral De Ruyter. The naval force of France acted in conjunction with that of England. The Duke of York, although his conduct in the former actions had been at least questionable, again assumed the chief command of the English fleet, in the red squadron which took the centre. The Earl of Sandwich commanded the blue squadron, and Count D’Estrées, the French vice-admiral, the white squadron. A trustworthy writer has given the strength of the united English and French fleets as sixty-five line of battle ships, exclusive of frigates and all necessary attendant vessels, making up the total force, including the French contingent, to something above one hundred sail. The Dutch fleet consisted of seventy-five large ships, and forty frigates and fire-ships, commanded by De Ruyter as chief, by Bancquert in the van, and Van Ghent in the rear. These divisions corresponded with those of the combined fleet.

After cruising about from the first week in May till the 28th, the Dutch fleet was descried at break of day, approaching with great speed. The utmost haste was needed in the English fleet to prepare for battle; and many of the ships had to cut their cables to get away and form in order. The blue squadron, commanded by the Earl of Sandwich, in his flag-ship the _Royal James_, of one hundred guns, commenced the action by a hot attack on the squadron of Van Ghent. The earl’s object in his attack was partly to give the vessels of the combined fleet time to form. In this he was completely successful. Captain Brackel, in the _Great Holland_, made a furious attack upon the _Royal James_, but got much the worst of the fight, and was, with several others of the Dutch men-of-war, disabled by their powerful antagonist, which also sank three of the Dutch fire-ships. The white squadron, under D’Estrées, the French vice-admiral, withstood for a time the fierce onslaught of the Dutch, but soon sheered off,--keeping aloof from the engagement during the remainder of the day.

The Duke of York and De Ruyter were warmly engaged against each other for several hours. The main-mast of the _St. Michael_, the duke’s ship, was shot down, and it sustained such serious damage as to compel him to change into the _Loyal London_. The most desperate part of the battle was that in which the Earl of Sandwich was engaged. Soon after he was attacked by the _Great Holland_, which had grappled with him for an hour and a half, when the whole of Van Ghent’s squadron bore down upon him. He was completely surrounded by Dutch men-of-war and fire-ships. In the midst of this tremendous struggle Van Ghent fell. The _Great Holland_ was shattered, and became a wreck; Brackel, the commander, was wounded, and almost all the other officers were killed or wounded. In this unequal contest, which had lasted for more than five hours, the Earl of Sandwich defended his ship with the most heroic and dauntless bravery, and--although he had not received from the rest of the squadron the support he had a right to claim and expect--he succeeded in so far repulsing the enemy as to break through their wall of fire, and continue his daring conflict with them from the outer side. He carried on, against fearful odds, the struggle for victory. In his desperate strait, the vice-admiral, Sir Joseph Jordan, might have assisted him, had the duke demanded his assistance, but he sailed past, heedless of the condition of the wrecked flag-ship, and the claims upon a brave comrade, its gallant commander. When the earl saw Jordan pass unheeding, he exclaimed, “There is nothing left for us now but to defend the ship, to the last man.” The situation was appalling. Of one thousand men on board the _Royal James_ at the commencement of the action, six hundred lay dead upon the deck. The devastation continued,--men dropped rapidly,--and the ship was so shattered that it was impossible to carry her off. A fourth fire-ship grappled the doomed _Royal James_, and accomplished its mission of destruction. The gallant ship was speedily in flames. The earl entreated his captain, Sir Richard Haddock, his servants, and all who could, to get into the boats and save themselves, which at last they did. Haddock was afterwards taken out of the sea alive, but severely wounded in the thigh. The attempts to extinguish the fire by the few sailors who remained on board were utterly vain, and about noon the _Royal James_ blew up, and all who had remained in the ship perished, including the brave Earl of Sandwich and one of his sons. The body of the earl was not recovered till a fortnight after the terrible event. The following announcement appeared in the _Gazette_ of 10th June 1672:--

“HARWICH, _10th June_.

“This day the body of the Right Honourable Edward, Earl of
Sandwich, being, by the order upon his coat, discovered floating
on the sea by one of His Majesty’s ketches, was taken up and
brought into this port, where Sir Charles Littleton, the governor,
receiving it, took immediate care for its embalming and honourable
disposing, till His Majesty’s pleasure should be known concerning
it; for the obtaining of which His Majesty was attended at
Whitehall the next day by the master of the said vessel, who, by
Sir Charles Littleton’s order, was sent to present His Majesty with
the George found upon the body of the said Earl, which remained,
at the time of its taking up, in every part unblemished, saving by
some impression made by the fire upon his face and breast; upon
which His Majesty, out of his great regard to the deservings of the
said Earl, and his unexampled performances in this last act of his
life, hath resolved to have his body brought up to London; there
at his charge, to receive the rites of funeral due to his great
quality and merits.”

Reverting to the terrible contest, it is stated that the battle raged with incessant fury from a little after seven in the morning until nine o’clock in the evening. Tremendous losses were sustained by both the English and the Dutch, on whose side their admirals, Evertsen and Van Ghent, with many of their chief officers, were killed, and De Ruyter was wounded. The English also lost many officers, besides the brave Earl of Sandwich,--and vast numbers of men fell in both fleets. Victory was claimed by both sides, but it seems to have been gained by neither. They fought as long as a remnant of fighting life and strength were left in either of them. At the end of the dreadful day’s work the Dutch sailed away, which does not look like victory. The English did not pursue them, which looks also as if they had had enough of it.

The body of the deceased earl was conveyed from Harwich to Deptford in one of the king’s yachts. The _Gazette_ of 4th July informs us that the body was at Deptford on the 3rd July 1672, “laid in the most solemn manner in a sumptuous barge, and conveyed to Westminster Bridge,[3] attended by the King’s barge, His Royal Highness the Duke of York’s, as also with the several barges of the nobility, Lord Mayor, and the several companies of the city of London, adorned suitably to the melancholy occasion, with trumpets and other music that sounded the deepest notes. On passing by the Tower, the great guns there were discharged, as well as at Whitehall; and about five o’clock in the evening, the body being taken out of the barge at Westminster Bridge, there was a procession to the Abbey church, with the greatest magnificence. Eight earls were assistant to his son Edward, Earl of Sandwich, chief mourner; and most of the nobility, and other persons of quality in town, gave their assistance to his interment.” In this order they proceeded through a double line of the King’s Guards drawn up on each side of the street, to the west end of the Abbey, where the dean, prebends, and choir received them, and conducted them into Henry Seventh’s Chapel, where the remains of the Earl of Sandwich were most solemnly committed to, the Duke of Albemarle’s vault,--which done, the officers broke their white staffs, and Garter proclaimed the titles of the most noble earl deceased. The great earl perished in the prime of life, having only reached his forty-seventh year.

[3] A causeway so called at that time.

The high character and noble qualities of the Earl of Sandwich are so clearly revealed in his life, as to render comment upon his character, or enumeration of his qualities, superfluous. He took no share in intrigues, either under the Commonwealth or the Monarchy, both of which he served. His life was a continuous series of public services. He was brave, wise, just, and generous,--the advocate of no party. His highest ambition was to be instrumental in promoting the prosperity of his country, and maintaining its honour among the nations.

PRINCE RUPERT,

NAVAL AND MILITARY COMMANDER.