Chapter V: Euripides and Vase Painting (4)

The following, given by Hartwig, _Jahrbuch_, 1892, p. 154 ff., may be
mentioned as supplementing the list in Jahn’s well-known essay,
_Pentheus und die Mainaden_, Kiel, 1841.

(1) Attic pyxis, Louvre; pub. _Jahrbuch_, 1892, p. 156; date 420–400
B.C.

(2) Kylix in _Museo di Papa Giulio_, Rome, described by Hartwig, _op.
cit._ p. 163, who thinks it may have well been influenced by
Euripides, but he sets the date of the _Bakchai_ at 410 B.C.! I have
not seen the vase nor any publication of it, but should infer from
Hartwig’s description that it is older than the tragedy.

Footnote 174:

Lucanian fabric, no. 807 in Jahn’s cat., pub. Jahn’s _Pentheus und die
Mainaden_, pl. ii. a; Reinach-Millingen, _Peintures_, pl. 5 =
Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, ii. no. 1396.

Footnote 175:

The original shows no trace of the fire that is so prominent in the
publications. There can, however, be no doubt that a _burning_ torch
was meant, if not so painted originally.

Footnote 176:

vs. 954 ff., 1052, 1061 ff.

Footnote 177:

P. 25 above. It should be noted that this is the first example of a
Pentheus scene discovered in Pompeii or Herculaneum.

Footnote 178:

P. 23 above.

Footnote 179:

The episode seems to have been first told in the Ἰλίου Πέρσις of
Arktinos. Polyxena being led by Neoptolemos to the tomb of Achilles
appears on an Attic bl. fig. vase of _cir._ 550 B.C., vid. Berlin cat.
1902; pub. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 27. 17. Two gems of the severe
style in the Berlin Antiquarium (nos. 489, 490), pub. Overbeck, _op.
cit._ pl. 27. 13 and 14, also represent the sacrifice. The painting in
the Pinakotheke of the Propylaia may have been by Polygnotos (cf. p.
21 above), and if it was, Euripides no doubt had often seen it. This
showed her about to be sacrificed; Paus. 1. 22. 6.

Footnote 180:

‘Megarian Bowls’ is a name applied to a class of small cups decorated
with a band of relief. The ware is red or black, and appears both in
glazed and unglazed form. The largest number of the vases has been
found in Megara, hence the name ‘Megarian.’ As many have been
discovered also in Boeotia and other places, the present terminology
is somewhat misleading. Examples of this ware are to be found in every
large museum in Europe. The British Museum possesses no less than nine
such cups, and fragments from fourteen others (vid. cat. iv. pp.
251–256). The reliefs illustrate mostly scenes from the Theban and
Trojan Cycles. Whether the terra cotta presented a cheap way of
reproducing silver and gold cups, which were highly prized, and served
therefore the place of our casts, or whether the bowls were made from
special moulds and are to be considered independent works of art, is
quite uncertain. The fact that there are in existence three copies of
the same work, each agreeing in every detail with the others, would
seem to point to the former supposition. Robert, who has handled this
set of monuments most thoroughly, distinguishes two classes: (1) the
whole vase is cast from one mould; (2) the reliefs having been made
separately are stamped on the ready bowl. Vid. especially Robert’s
_Homerische Becher_ for the whole question; cf. also p. 27 ff. above.

Footnote 181:

Fig. 12, pub. by Robert, _op. cit._ p. 73 ff.

Footnote 182:

Fig. 13: pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ ii. pl. 12; Welcker, _Alte Denkmäler_,
iii. pl. 23. 2; Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 28. 2.

Footnote 183:

The first play belonged to the trilogy containing the _Aigeus_ and
_Theseus_, which made up a set of purely Attic interest. It is well
known that Euripides deepened and widened the belief in the Athenian
heroic period.

Footnote 184:

Suidas names an _Hippolytos_ of Lykophron—a poet of Alexandria.

Footnote 185:

The _Phaedra_ seems to have followed the first _Hippolytos_ of
Euripides.

Footnote 186:

Cf. _Met._ 15, vs. 497 ff., and _Heroid._ 4.

Footnote 187:

Cat. iv. F 272, pub. by Braun, _Mon. ed Annali_, 1854, pl. 16;
Engelmann’s _Atlas zum Homer_, ii, _Odyssee_, pl. 15. 93. First
correctly interpreted by Heydemann, _Arch. Ztg._ 1871, p. 158 ff.; cf.
also Vogel, _op. cit._ p. 66 f., and Kalkmann, _Arch. Ztg._ 1883, p.
62 ff. The vase is Apulian ware. The lower zone represents the
violence of the Centaurs at the marriage of Peirithoös’ daughter,
Laodameia. Theseus and the father are seen rushing to the help of the
bride.

Footnote 188:

The fact that no succession of events, where one person appears more
than once, can be found in Hellenic art, forbids us interpreting this
group as again Phaidra and an attendant. I cannot, however, rid myself
of the feeling that the figure leaning on the _kline_ is not a
servant, but is more in rank with Phaidra. Her rôle is more than that
of the other attendants. This is shown by her attitude and dress. Her
appearance is exactly that required for Phaidra after she had ordered
her attendants to lift her up, remove her veil, and allow her hair to
drop over her shoulders (vs. 198–202).

Footnote 189:

Cf. the part of the pedagogue on the Medeia vase, fig. 23, p. 146.

Footnote 190:

There are, besides, fragments of several other reliefs. For the
literature vid. Kalkmann, _Arch. Ztg._ 1883, p. 65 ff., and Jahn,
_Arch. Beiträge_, p. 300 ff.

Footnote 191:

Cf. vs. 201 ff.

Footnote 192:

Pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1847, pl. 5 and 6.

Footnote 193:

Pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ vi. pl. 1, 2, 3.

Footnote 194:

So on the Constantinople relief, pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1857, pl. 100 =
Brunn’s _Vorlegeblätter_, pl. 9. 3; and on the Girgenti sarcophagi;
cf. note 1 above.

Footnote 195:

Clarac, _Musée de Sculpture_, pl. 213, no. 228, and _Mon. d. Inst._
viii. pl. 38. 1 = _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser. 5, pl. 12, and
Gerhard, _Antike Bildwerke_, pl. 26.

Footnote 196:

A number of vase paintings interpreted as Phaidra are not included
here since they all admit of a variety of interpretations. Vid. p. 179
below.

Footnote 197:

The remarkable feature in these reliefs that shows non-Euripidean
influence is the letter which the old nurse hands to Hippolytos. This
points to another handling of the myth, where the former confined
herself to a written statement rather than a word of mouth proposal.
Strikingly in harmony with Euripides, however, is the position of the
trophos. She grasps Hippolytos’ elbow—ναὶ πρός δε τῆσδε δεξιᾶς
εὐωλένου (v. 605). Cf. also the Pompeian wall painting, _Mus.
Borbonico_, 8, pl. 52. This and other wall paintings represent the
scene between Hippolytos and the nurse as taking place in the presence
of Phaidra, who sits quite alone.

Footnote 198:

Cf. fig. 15. Cat. vol. iv. F 279; pub. by Kalkmann, _Arch. Ztg._ 1883,
pl. 6; vid. _ibid._ p. 43 ff.

Footnote 199:

Cf. a similar group in fig. 23.

Footnote 200:

The same group of divinities, with the exception of Apollo, occurs on
the Naples amphora, no. 3256, pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ ii. 30, and Robert,
_Die Marathonschlacht_, p. 37; Robert calls attention to the fact that
this is an essentially Athenian assembly. Poseidon, Athena, and Pan
were inseparably associated with the Acropolis, the latter, of course,
after the battle of Marathon. The Naples vase represents a battle
between Greeks and barbarians, and according to Robert’s theory is
dependent upon Polygnotos’ painting in the Stoa Poikile. As
participants and spectators the gods occur in the upper section.
Athena, indeed, whirls into line on her chariot. If this ingenious
theory has hit the gist of the matter regarding the Naples painting,
then we may also claim the group of gods on the Hippolytos vase as
peculiarly Athenian. And such would be very appropriate for a picture
that represented an Attic tragedy, whose hero had a cult under the
shadow of the Acropolis.

Footnote 201:

vs. 1199 ff.

Footnote 202:

v. 1214; cf. also Ovid, _Met._ 15. 512, where the bull is described as
having his breast half out of the water.

Footnote 203:

Bk. ii. 4.

Footnote 204:

_Nat. Hist._ 35. 114.

Footnote 205:

Cf. _Mon. d. Inst._ vi. pl. 2; _Arch. Ztg._ 1847, pl. 6.

Footnote 206:

Körte, _I rilievi delle urne etrusche_, ii. pl. 33–36.

Footnote 207:

The urn in the _Brit. Mus._, no. 6, pl. 36, _op. cit._, has two such
figures.

Footnote 208:

So Bergk and Ribbeck.

Footnote 209:

v. 234 ff.

Footnote 210:

Pliny, 35. 73, says of the picture, _oratorum laudibus celebrata_.
Numerous mentions are in fact made of it by the orators. Cf.
especially Cic. _Orat._ 22. 74. Vid. further, Brunn’s _Griech.
Künstler_, ii. p. 82 ff.

Footnote 211:

Discovered April 30, 1825, in the house of the ‘Tragic Poet’; pub.
Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, i. no. 807 = photo, Alinari, 12027. Vid.
Helbig, _Campanische Wandgemälde_, no. 1304. Here, however, Iphigeneia
is being carried (cf. Aisch. _Agam._ _loc. cit._), while Pliny speaks
of her as _stans_ in Timanthes’ painting.

Footnote 212:

Pub. Baumeister, _op. cit._ i. 806; vid. F.-W. no. 2143.

Footnote 213:

Vid. Michaelis in _Röm. Mitth._ 1893, p. 201 ff.; cf. p. 4 above.

Footnote 214:

Brunn, _I rilievi delle urne etrusche_, i. pl. 35–47. There are
altogether twenty-six reliefs, of which twenty-one belong to Perugia.
Cf. Schlie, _Die Darstellungen des troischen Sagenkreises auf
etruskischen Aschenkisten_, p. 60 f.

Footnote 215:

_Op. cit._ p. 81 f., but cf. my remarks on p. 10 ff.

Footnote 216:

Pub. by Robert, _Homerische Becher_, p. 51.

Footnote 217:

A second in Athens, pub. Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1887, pl. 5; a third, on the
authority of Furtwängler (vid. Robert, _loc. cit._), in the Branthegem
coll. in Brussels.

Footnote 218:

So at least one thinks of the case. Agamemnon ought to have been
inside at this moment, shut off from the public gaze. The Greek drama,
however, had to bring outside, before the public as it were, even
those delicate scenes such as the present where the _interior_ of
Agamemnon’s tent should have been the scene.

Footnote 219:

The name occurs six times on the vase, and is always without an N.
This is strong epigraphical evidence that our spelling Klytaim_n_estra
is incorrect.

Footnote 220:

P. 113 f.

Footnote 221:

Vid. p. 179.

Footnote 222:

Cf. Aisch. _Agam._ v. 224 ff.; Eur. _Iph. T._ v. 8 and 360; _Iph. A._
v. 873, 875, 935, 1177, are hardly to be taken in the literal sense.

Footnote 223:

_Elekt._ v. 157 and schol.

Footnote 224:

Cf. Proklos in Argum. to _Kypria_.

Footnote 225:

Frag. 123, and Paus. 1. 43. 1.

Footnote 226:

Bk. iv, ch. 103, and Paus. _loc. cit._

Footnote 227:

Vid. Suidas s.v.

Footnote 228:

1456^a. 6; 1453^b. 11.

Footnote 229:

Ribbeck, _Die römische Tragödie_, p. 50.

Footnote 230:

Ribbeck thinks of Naevius.

Footnote 231:

For these last two scenes as well as the others, vid. Robert, _Die
antiken Sarkophag-Reliefs_, vol. ii. pl. 57–59, and p. 165 f. and 177
ff.

Footnote 232:

Fig. 17, from Raoul-Rochette, _Mon. inéd._ pl. 41. Heydemann, _cat.
Santangelo_, no. 24; cf. Trendelenburg in _Annali d. Inst._ 1872, p.
114.

Footnote 233:

Vid. Robert, _op. cit._ nos. 157^b, 168, 171.

Footnote 234:

A wall painting from Herculaneum, pub. _Pitture di Ercolano_, i. pl.
12; Overbeck’s _Bildwerke_, pl. 30. 9; cf. Helbig, _Campanische
Wandgemälde_, no. 1334. Another painting from Pompeii is published in
_Arch. Ztg._ 1875, pl. 13; for the same on pastes and gems cf.
Overbeck, _op. cit._ pl. 30, and Furtwängler’s _Beschreibung der
geschnittenen Steine im Antiquarium_ (Berlin), nos. 791 ff.

Footnote 235:

Fig. 18 from a Ruvo amphora in Naples. Heydemann, no. 3223. Pub. _Mon.
d. Inst._ ii. pl. 43; Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 30. 4. Vid. _Annali
d. Inst._ vol. ix. p. 198 ff.; _Arch. Ztg._ 1875, p. 137; Vogel,
_Scenen eur. Trag._ p. 70 ff.

Footnote 236:

Cf. v. 1463, where the poet says Iphigeneia is to be κλῃδοῦχος for the
Brauronian Artemis. In Aisch. _Supp._, also, Io is spoken of as at one
time κλῃδοῦχος ἥρας. Cf. v. 291.

Footnote 237:

Cf. the monuments in Overbeck’s _Bildwerke_, pl. 30, that represent
this scene; and the central group on the front side of the Munich
sarcophagus, _op. cit._ no. 167.

Footnote 238:

Artemis sits on an altar in fig. 21, as do Orestes and Pylades on an
Etruscan mirror; vid. Gerhard’s _Etruskische Spiegel_, ii. 239, and v.
117. Neoptolemos jumps upon the βωμός in the _Andromache_ (v. 1123) to
avoid his foes. Cf. fig. 10, p. 84.

Footnote 239:

Cf. Robert, _op. cit._ nos. 177 and 178, the Berlin and Weimar
Sarcophagi, and no. 180, a fragment in the court of the Palazzo
Mattei. Robert properly refers to the next following moment when
Orestes and Pylades are left alone with the chorus, Iphigeneia having
gone inside to bring the letter. In order to obtain just the
sarcophagi scenes we have but to allow Iphigeneia to withdraw after
the close of her speech, v. 642.

Footnote 240:

Robert, _op. cit._ pl. 57–59, and p. 165 f. and 177 ff.; _Arch. Ztg._
1875, p. 134 ff.

Footnote 241:

The two wall paintings published by Overbeck, _Bildwerke_. pl. 30,
nos. 31 and 14, and interpreted as representing this same moment, have
since been explained by Petersen, _Arch. Ztg._ 1863, p. 113 ff., as
belonging to the _Alkestis_. While the former view has been generally
given up, the latter has not by any means been everywhere accepted. It
is, at most, probable.

Footnote 242:

Fig. 19, pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1849, pl. 12 = Overbeck, _op. cit._ pl. 30.
7 = _Mon. d. Inst._ iv. pl. 51. Vid. also under ‘Iphigeneia’ in
Baumeister, and Roscher. Cf. Vogel, _op. cit._ p. 72 ff., and _Arch.
Ztg._ 1875 p. 136.

Footnote 243:

Fig. 20, no. 420, in the cat. of the Hermitage, pub. _Mon. d. Inst._
vi. pl. 66; cf. _Annali d. Inst._ 1862, p. 116 ff., and Stephani in
_Compte Rendu_, 1863, p. 159 ff.

Footnote 244:

_Compte Rendu_, _loc. cit._

Footnote 245:

Fig. 21; pub. in the _Bullettino archeologico Napolitano_, 1862, pl.
7, and in Brunn’s _Vorlegeblätter_, pl. 13. 1. Cf. also Vogel, _op.
cit._ p. 74 ff.

Footnote 246:

P. 124.

Footnote 247:

Cf., however, Laborde’s _Vases Lamberg_, i. p. 14, also _Annali d.
Inst._ 1848, pl. L, and Overbeck’s _Bildwerke_, pl. 30. 8, for a vase
which probably shows the escape with the idol. It is not certain, but
this seems to be what is represented. The work is very ordinary.

Footnote 248:

Helbig, no. 1333, pub. in _Mon. d. Inst._ viii. pl. 22; photo,
Alinari, no. 12029. Cf. Helbig, _Untersuchungen über die Campanische
Wandmalerei_, p. 147 ff.

Footnote 249:

_Arch. Ztg._ 1875, p. 144.

Footnote 250:

_Loc. cit._

Footnote 251:

Vid. _Röm. Mitth._ 1896, p. 67.

Footnote 252:

We know of such an original, the famous painting of Timomachus. Pliny,
_Hist. Nat._ 35. 136, says, _Timomachus Byzantius Caesaris dictatoris
aetate Aiacem et Medeam pinxit_ ... TIMOMACHI AEQUE LAUDANTUR ORESTES,
IPHIGENIA IN TAURIS. Further than this we know nothing of the painter.
That he was immensely popular follows from Pliny’s statement (_loc.
cit._) that Caesar paid 80 talents for this Aiax. In regard to the
date of Timomachus we possess Pliny’s authority for _Caesaris aetate_.
Robert defends this (_Arch. Märchen_, p. 132), while others seek to
find an earlier date. Miss Sellers in _The Elder Pliny’s Chapters on
the History of Art_, Jex-Blake and Sellers, p. 160 f., argues for the
fourth century B.C. Vid. _loc. cit._ for the latest discussion of this
painter’s date, as well as for references to the literature. Further
reference may be made to Helbig, _Untersuchungen_, p. 147 ff., where
especially the influence of Timomachus on the wall paintings is dwelt
upon.

Footnote 253:

Cf. Arist. _Poet._ 1449^a. 19 and 20.

Footnote 254:

Miss Harrison, _J. H. S._ 1883, p. 248 ff., has brought together and
discussed thirteen vases connected with this myth, of which the first
twelve are bl. fig.

Footnote 255:

v. 99, Odysseus says he thinks they have dropped down on a city of
Bromios, so many are the satyrs whom he sees before the cave.

Footnote 256:

P. 23.

Footnote 257:

Pliny 35, 74. A _Cyclops dormiens_ so large that a number of satyrs
were engaged in measuring his thumb with a thyrsos. I follow Robert
(_Bild und Lied_, p. 35) and Winter (_Jahrbuch_, 1891, p. 272) in
connecting this painting with Euripides.

Footnote 258:

The painting is on a krater in the possession of Sir Francis Cook,
Richmond, England; pub. by Winter, _Jahrbuch_, 1891, pl. 6. He thinks
the work Attic, but Furtwängler (_Masterpieces_, p. 109, note 8) is
sure it is Lower Italy ware.

Footnote 259:

The three eyes are plainly visible. One huge eye alone in the centre
of the forehead belongs to later times.

Footnote 260:

Furtwängler, _loc. cit._, remarks that the publication is not exactly
correct, as fire is plainly noticeable on the wood that the youths are
contributing.

Footnote 261:

Polyphemos here is strikingly like the figure on an Etruscan urn.
Brunn, _I rilievi_, i. pl. 873. The Kyklops is in both cases stretched
out upon his left side, and is on the point of being attacked.

Footnote 262:

The poet mentions the krater, and in the next breath the skyphos,
neither of which is exactly found in the rough sketch in the painting.
Besides these, Euripides names in this play the kylix, amphora, and
pithos—a considerable vocabulary of ceramic terms.

Footnote 263:

My remark applies only to the extant monuments, for one finds that
Pausanias saw the marriage of Jason and Medeia represented on the
Kypselos Chest (5. 18. 3). This is in keeping with the Corinthian
origin of the Chest. It is hardly to be expected that such domestic
events in Medeia’s career would have found their place in any work of
art that was not made in Corinth, or at least in a place essentially
influenced by Corinthian legend.

Footnote 264:

Vid. _Arch. Ztg._ 1867, p. 58.

Footnote 265:

Benndorf und Schöne, _Die antiken Bildwerke des Lateranensischen
Museums_, p. 61 ff.; F.-W. no. 1200. The Berlin copy of this relief,
long supposed to be of Renaissance origin, has lately been proved to
be antique; vid. Kekulé von Stradonitz in _Jahrbuch_, 1897, p. 96 ff.

Footnote 266:

Cf. Baumeister’s _Denkmäler_, i. p. 142; ii. p. 875; iii. p. 1852.

Footnote 267:

Kekulé’s _Die antiken Terracotten_, ii. p. 21.

Footnote 268:

Vid. Roscher’s _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2513.

Footnote 269:

Robert in _Die antiken Sarkophag-Reliefs_, ii. p. 205–217, gives all
the literature; cf. also pl. 62–65. Vid. _Arch. Ztg._ 1866, p. 234
ff.; _Annali d. Inst._ 1869, p. 5 ff.; Urlichs’ _Würzburger Programm,
ein Medea-Sarkophag_, 1888. (This fine sarcophagus is now in the
Berlin museum.) Robert and Urlichs have, to my mind, shown
conclusively that these reliefs go back to Euripides’ _Medeia_ for
their literary source. Notwithstanding that they all date from about
the second century A.D., and could thus be based on various Roman
plays, the arrangement of the events on the reliefs bears a remarkable
similarity to the scenes in Euripides. The reliefs on the long sides
are taken up with exactly the scenes of the Greek poet. Those on the
ends are but indifferently worked out, and often do not represent any
events in the Medeia-Jason adventures.

Footnote 270:

A half-tone reproduction of the vase is shown in the _frontispiece_.
The section with the painting is given separately in fig. 23. It is
no. 810 in Jahn’s catalogue; pub. in Millin’s _Tombeaux de Canose_,
1816, pl. 7; _Arch. Ztg._ 1847, pl. 3; _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser.
i. pl. 12; Baumeister’s _Denkmäler_, ii. p. 903; Roscher’s _Lexikon_,
ii. p. 2510; Inghirami, _Vasi fitt._ iv. pl. 388; Engelmann,
_Bilderatlas zu Ovid_, pl. 13, 81. Discussed by Jahn, _Arch. Ztg._
1847, p. 33 ff.; _ibid._ (by Dilthey) 1875, p. 68 f.; Robert, _Bild
und Lied_, p. 37 ff., and _Hermes_, vol. 30, p. 567 note; Körte,
_Ueber Personificationen psychologischer Affecte_, p. 38 ff.; Vogel,
_Scenen eur. Trag._ p. 146 ff.; Seeliger in Roscher’s _Lexikon_, _loc.
cit._; Bethe, _Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altertum_,
p. 148, note 6.

Footnote 271:

The latter name is found in schol. Eur. _Med._ v. 19, and in Hyginus.
_fab._ 25.

Footnote 272:

Diod. Sic. iv. 55. 5, calls Kreusa’s brother Hippotes.

Footnote 273:

The reading Κ ... ΩΝ in Millin’s publication, followed also by Conze
in the _Vorlegeblätter_ and by Baumeister, is incorrect as Jahn (vid.
cat. no. 810, note) expressly stated, and as is plainly proved by a
glance at the original. Hence the useless conjectures that have been
made to fill up the space between the first and last letters. There is
absolutely no trace of the Κ, but there are faint remains of letters
preceding ΩΝ, and the correct reading is without question, ΚΡΕ]ΩΝ.

Footnote 274:

Cf. p. 152, and note 3.

Footnote 275:

This inscription, which is very distinct, does not appear in Conze’s
publication. All the inscriptions occurring on the palace are painted
in white. All others are incised.

Footnote 276:

This moment is shown on another vase (vid. fig. 24), and so, too, on
the sarcophagi Kreusa is always represented in the moment of falling
or springing from the κλίνη.

Footnote 277:

In spite of this, Vogel, p. 149, asks, _Warum zeigt uns der Vasenmaler
den Kreon nicht in dem Augenblicke, wo er seine Tochter von den
unheilvollen Brautgeschenken der Medeia befreien will, sondern in dem,
wo er überwältigt von dem Unglücke das Scepter seinen Händen entfallen
lässt und starr und seiner selbst nicht mehr mächtig seine Blicke auf
die herbeieilende Merope lenkt?_ i. e. why did the vase painter not
paint another scene instead of the one he did?

Footnote 278:

Cf. note 7, p. 145. On fragment no. 197, Robert, _op. cit._, the arms
of Kreon are incorrectly restored, and his hands are represented as
clasped. On all the reliefs Kreon is turned towards Kreusa and not
away, as on the vase. I refuse, however, to believe with Jahn and
others that Kreon is staring at Merope. He sees nothing and nobody.

Footnote 279:

Apollod. I. 9. 3.

Footnote 280:

Soph. _Oed. Rex_, v. 775, the wife of Πόλυβος Κορίνθιος.

Footnote 281:

Supposing the word to be a pure invention of the painter, there are
still in Euripides suggestions of the name if one were seeking such
for the figure. In v. 404, Medeia declares she ‘will not be a
laughing-stock to the race of _Sisyphos_ and Jason’s new alliances’;
and in v. 1381, γη δε τηδε Σισύφου, the former queens would be
suggested with the name Merope. It is but natural that the vase
painter took the name thus suggested by Euripides.

Footnote 282:

P. 149.

Footnote 283:

Suidas refers to a _Medeia_ by Neophron. Ennius’ _Medea_ was,
according to Cicero, _De Fin._ 1. 2. 4, a literal translation from
Euripides. The _Medea exul_ by the same poet has generally been held
to be a version of Euripides’ _Aigeus_.

Footnote 284:

_Hermes_, vol. 31, p. 567 note.

Footnote 285:

_Bild und Lied_, p. 42.

Footnote 286:

_Zeichnungen von Sandro Botticelli zu Dantes Goettlicher Komoedie nach
den Originalen im König. Kupferstichkabinet zu Berlin_, von Dr. F.
Lippmann.

Footnote 287:

In _canto_ iii, Charon is an old man; Botticelli drew him as the
devil. In the second plate to this same _canto_ the souls are swimming
out to Charon’s boat, a fact which Dante does not mention. The
illustration to _canto_ xx has only two persons identical with those
of the poet, and in _Purgatorio_ iii the souls on the shore and in the
boat are additions of the artist.

Footnote 288:

Cf. Dilthey in _Annali d. Inst._ 1876, p. 294, and pl. 35 in _Mon. d.
Inst._ x.

Footnote 289:

Vid. Klein’s _Euphronios_, p. 89, and Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, _Her.
Fur._ vol. ii, ed. 1, p. 214.

Footnote 290:

Cf. fig. 24, where the female figure on the left is none other than a
nurse.

Footnote 291:

_Bild und Lied_, p. 38.

Footnote 292:

Cf. figs. 24 and 25 and Baumeister’s _Denkmäler_, i. p. 142.

Footnote 293:

It will be observed that the writer does not share the view of Bethe,
_Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altertum_, p. 142 ff.,
that the _Flugmaschine_ was not in use in the Greek theatre before 425
B.C. Robert, _Hermes_, vol. 31, p. 530–577, has conclusively shown the
incorrectness of Bethe’s arguments, and not only proved the use of the
_Flugmaschine_ for the _Medeia_, 431 B.C., but also for a much earlier
date. Bethe’s remark, _Demnach ist für die erste Aufführung der Medea
im Jahre 431 ihr Erscheinen in der Höhe, also auch die Anwendung der
Flugmaschine, nicht möglich_ (p. 146), is based upon a false
conception of the resources at hand in that period of Athenian
architectural activity.

Footnote 294:

It has already been pointed out above, p. 159, that Medeia entered the
palace to slay the boys, and that they might or might not have been
alone. At any rate it was not allowable to represent them in art
without some older companion. Robert’s remark, _Bild und Lied_, p. 39,
_Den Kindern die bereits bei der Mutter angelangt sind, muss aber
jetzt noch ein anderer Begleiter zugestellt werden_, is inexplicable.
Where had the children gone to reach their mother? Was it not just the
reverse, viz. that the mother had gone to them?

Footnote 295:

iv. 54. 7.

Footnote 296:

One must remember that Diodorus gathered his excerpts together at
least 300 years after the date of our vase, during all of which time
the mythographers had been busy helping to straighten out the family
affairs that the tragedians of the fifth century had treated
imperfectly!

Footnote 297:

As a matter of fact this reference, although brought in under another
φασί than the first remark, where three sons are named, τοὺς μὲν
πρεσβυτάτους δίο διδύμους Θετταλόν τε καὶ Ἀλκιμένην, τὸν δὲ τρίτον
πολυνεώτερον τούτων Τίσανδρον, iv. 54. 1, seems to me to speak of a
common origin, and I hold both as coming from the same authority,
under whose influence our vase painter certainly never stood.

Footnote 298:

Eur. _Orest._ v. 791.

Footnote 299:

As in the _Medeia_, nothing is said to indicate how the chariot was
drawn. It is only from the monuments and later literary references
(vid. Argum. to the _Medeia_ and schol. on v. 1320) that one learns of
the dragons; or is the utterance of Jason, vs. 1297 f., ἢ πτηνὸν ἆραι
σῶμ’ ες αἰθέρος βάθος | εἰ μὴ τυράννων δώμασιν δώσειν δίκην | πέποιθ’,
an intimation of the strange escape of the sorceress? How was Lyssa’s
chariot drawn? Why not also by dragons?

Footnote 300:

Cf. fig. 26, where the figure that stands beside the dragons has been
identified as Οἶστρος or Λύσσα. That the latter is the child of night
harmonizes well with the night escape indicated by Selene and the
stars on this vase.

Footnote 301:

On a vase of Assteas, vid. p. 179 below, which shows Herakles in the
act of murdering his sons, the painter calls the personification of
Lyssa, _mania_.

Footnote 302:

Mention should be made here of the Parian inscription, which gives us
the curious information that there was a society of _hetairai_
established under the patronage of the goddess Οἰστρώ; cf. Pernice,
_Athen. Mitth._ 1893, p. 16. 2, and Maass, _ibid._ p. 25 f. There is,
of course, a wide distinction between the personification and the cult
use of οἶστρος, but it is worth while to point out that Eur. _Hipp._
vs. 1300 ff., gives the same notion that Maass suggests and supports
by a quotation from Paullus Silentiarius (_Anth. Plan._ v. 234), where
οἰστροφόρου Παφίης occurs. Artemis, speaking to Theseus of Hippolytos’
death and its cause, says, ἀλλ’ ἐς τόδ’ ἦλθον, παιδὸς ἐκδεῖξαι φρένα |
τοῦ σοῦ δικαίαν, ὁς ὑπ’ εὐκλείας θάνῃ | καὶ σῦς γυναικὸς οἶστρον, ἢ
τρόπον τινὰ | γενναιότητα, where we may suppose Euripides to have
thought of Phaidra as possessed with οἶστρος, which means τῆς ἐχθίστης
θεῶν (v. 1301), i.e. τῆς Κύπριδος (v. 1304).

Footnote 303:

Cf. Aisch. _Pers._ vs. 681–842, where the εἴδωλον of Dareios is one of
the _dramatis personae_. Also Eur. _Hek._, where the prologue is
spoken by the εἴδωλον of Polydoros.

Footnote 304:

Dilthey, _Arch._ 219, 1875, p. 71, followed also by Vogel, _Scen. eur.
Trag._ p. 151. How do these scholars account for the appearance of
Megara and her sons upon the ‘under-world’ vases where Herakles is
also represented in his last labour of capturing Kerberos? This latter
must have been finished and Herakles must have returned to the upper
world before Megara and the boys _could be thought of as in fact in
the under-world_.

Footnote 305:

_Bild und Lied_, p. 39 f.

Footnote 306:

P. 156 above.

Footnote 307:

Cp. among other places in the _Medeia_, vs. 133, 328, 405, 475 ff.,
536 ff., 550, 1330.

Footnote 308:

Cf. the Dareios vase in Naples, also found in Canosa; pub.
Baumeister’s _Denkmäler_, i. no. 449; also the costume of the judges
on the so-called ‘under-world’ vases, pub. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_,
ser. E. 1–3.

Footnote 309:

Apoll. Rhod. 1. 122 and 341 ff.; Hyg. _fab._ 14; Diod. Sic. iv. 53. 4.

Footnote 310:

Apoll. Rhod. 1. 108 ff.; Apollod. 1. 9. 16; Hyg. _fab._ 14.

Footnote 311:

Apoll. Rhod. 1. 146 ff.; Paus., 1. 18. 1, relates that in the temple
of the Dioskouroi in Athens, known also as the Anakeion, Mikon painted
events from the Argonautic expedition.

Footnote 312:

Fig. 24. Heydemann, _cat. Mus. Santangelo_, no. 526. Pub. in
Raoul-Rochette’s _Choiseaux de Peintures_, p. 263. Discussed by Jahn,
_Arch. Ztg._ 1867, p. 59, and referred to by Vogel, _Scen. eur. Trag._
p. 151.

Footnote 313:

Fig. 25; pub. Raoul-Rochette, _Choiseaux de Peintures_, p. 277.
Described by Jahn, _Arch. Ztg._ 1867, p. 60; cf. Vogel, _op. cit._ p.
79.

Footnote 314:

Fig. 26. Heydemann, no. 3221, A. Cf. _Arch. Ztg._ 1867, p. 62 and pl.
224. 1.

Footnote 315:

The Theban Cycle was handled in the Θηβαΐς and the Οἰδιπόδεια, from
which the tragedians probably drew their material. For the subject in
the fifth century B.C. vid. Benndorfs _Heroon von Gjölbaschi_, p. 187
ff. and pl. 24. A1–A5. Kapaneus’ catastrophe in attempting to storm
the walls was often shown. Cf. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, 1889, pl. 11,
nos. 13, 14, 16, 17. The death of Amphiaraos was another popular
story. Cf. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, 1889, pl. 11. 8. 15. There are
many interesting monuments which represent the conference of the
chiefs before the assault. Cf. especially the famous Etruscan gem with
inscriptions naming Polyneikes, Amphiaraos, Adrastos, Tydeus, and
Parthenopaios; pub. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, 1889, pl. 11. 5;
Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, iii. no. 1839, no. 369 in _Bilderheft_. An
Etruscan mirror, Gerhard, _Etruskische Spiegel_, ii. pl. 178, gives
Adrastos, Amphiaraos, and Tydeus.

Footnote 316:

Brit. Mus., vase cat. vol. iv. G 104. Pub. _ibid._ pl. 16. Cf. _Class.
Review_, 1894, p. 325.

Footnote 317:

The fratricide, so common on the Etruscan urns, is rare on Greek
monuments. (1) The group was on the Kypselos Chest (Paus. 5. 19, 6).
(2) Pythagoras worked the brothers in marble (vid. Overbeck,
_Schriftquellen_, no. 501). (3) One group on the Heroön from
Gjölbaschi, cf. Benndorf, _op. cit._ pl. 24. A. 3. There are thirty
urns representing the scene: vid. Körte, _I rilievi delle urne
etrusche_, ii. pl. 8–20, and 36, and supplement. p. 261 ff. Cf.
further Overbeck’s _Bildwerke_, pl. 5 and 6. An Etruscan mirror, which
shows a composition remarkably like that in the inside of the
Penthesileia kylix (Munich, no. 370, pub. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl.
17. 3), and must be from a fifth century pattern, is perhaps the
oldest of the extant representations. Vid. Gerhard, _Etruskische
Spiegel_, v. pl. 95.

Footnote 318:

Brit. Mus., cat. iv. G 105_{1}; pub. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, 1889,
pl. 9. 13; Robert, _Homerische Becher_, p. 59; first correctly
interpreted by Murray, _Class. Rev._ 1888, p. 328.

OXFORD: HORACE HART
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

------------------------------------------------------------------------

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. P. xx, changed “Scenen euripideisher Tragödien in griechischen Vasengemälden” to “Scenen euripideischer Tragödien in griechischen Vasengemälden”. 2. P. 128, changed “In her left close by her side” to “In her left hand close by her side”. 3. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. 4. Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed. 5. Footnotes were re-indexed using numbers and collected together at the end of the last chapter. 6. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. 7. Superscripts are denoted by a caret before a single superscript character or a series of superscripted characters enclosed in curly braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}. 8. Subscripts are denoted by an underscore before a series of subscripted characters enclosed in curly braces, e.g. H_{2}O.