Chapter XI: The Control of Industry (2)

In some cases the smaller crafts seem to have been absorbed into the larger, but in the Norwich regulations of 1449,[839] when general orders were given for the annexation of the smaller crafts to the larger, the bladesmiths, locksmiths, and lorimers, for instance, being united to the smiths, it was laid down that such of the annexed misteries as had seven or more members should elect their own wardens, and that the mayor should appoint wardens for such as had fewer than seven members. This, which is interesting as showing how small some of these misteries were, points to a retention of control, the amalgamation being mainly concerned, no doubt, with the expenses of the pageant and the gild feasts. These latter became so elaborate and costly that many of the unfortunate members chosen as 'feast-makers' were ruined, and in 1495 orders were given at Norwich that the wardens alone should be feast-makers, and that they should provide one supper and one dinner, on the same day, and no more, and that should be at the common expense of the gild.[840] These orders had to be repeated in 1531, and it is rather interesting to read that in 1547[841] the dishes which had to be provided by the cordwainers' feast-makers were 'frumenty, goos, vell, custard, pig, lamb, and tarte. At soper—colde sute,[842] hot sute, moten, douset,[843] and tarte.'

With the pleasant picture of our craftsman resting from his labours and regaling himself in true English fashion, we may take leave of him and his work.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Galloway, _Annals of Coal Mining_, 5.

[2] See Wright's _Uriconium_.

[3] Petrie and Sharp, _Mon. Hist._, i, x.

[4] Printed by the Surtees Society and, more recently, in _V. C. H. Durham_.

[5] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 293.

[6] _Op. cit._ (Rolls Ser.), 160.

[7] Galloway, _op. cit._, 18.

[8] Riley, _Mems. of London_, p. xvi.

[9] Galloway, _op. cit._, 30.

[10] Assize R., 223, m. 4.

[11] Mat. Paris, _Chron._ (Rolls Ser.), vi. 96.

[12] _V. C. H. Glouc._, ii. 218.

[13] Pat., 40 Hen. III., m. 21.

[14] _V. C. H. Shrops._, i. 449.

[15] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 349.

[16] _Ann. Mon._ (Rolls Ser.), iii. 105.

[17] Pat., 35 Edw. I., m. 5d. Complaints had been made and commissions of inquiry appointed in 1285 (Pat., 13 Edw. I., m. 18d) and 1288 (Pat., 16 Edw. I., m. 12).

[18] Galloway, _op. cit._, 23.

[19] Colman, _Hist. of Barwick in Elmet_, 205.

[20] Mins. Accts., bdle. 1040, no. 18.

[21] _Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxix. 174.

[22] _Proc. Soc. of Ant._, xx. 262.

[23] _V. C. H. Lancs_., ii. 359.

[24] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 350.

[25] Add. Ch., 49516.

[26] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 351.

[27] _Ibid._

[28] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 350.

[29] _Ibid._, 351. Cf. a reference to 'le dampe' in 1316: _Hist. MSS. Com. Rep., Middleton MSS._, 88. This _Report_ contains a great deal of value for the early history of coal mining.

[30] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 350.

[31] A 'sowe' is mentioned at Cossall in 1316.—_Hist. MSS. Com. Rep., Middleton MSS._, 88.

[32] Galloway, _op. cit._, 53.

[33] _Ibid._, 46.

[34] _Finchale Priory_ (Surt. Soc.), p. cccxci.

[35] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 322.

[36] _V. C. H. War._, ii. 221.

[37] In 1366 in the manor of Bolsover, £4, 11s. was paid in wages to 'a man looking after the coals and mine at Shutehoode, and keeping tally against the colliers and diggers of the same coals and stones.'—Foreign R., 42 Edw. III., m. 13.

[38] Except that the coalminers in the Forest of Dean, thanks to their intimate association with the iron-miners there, shared in the latter's privileges.

[39] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 322.

[40] Exch. Dep. by Com., 29 Eliz., East. 4.

[41] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 352.

[42] 'Fines for digging coals in the lord's waste,' in fifteenth century.—Galloway, _op. cit._ 76; 'Licences to dig in sixteenth century,' _ibid._, 113.

[43] Exch. Dep. by Com., 21 Eliz., Hil. 8.

[44] See, _e.g._, _V. C. H. War._, ii. 219; _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 350; De Banco R., 275, m. 163d.

[45] Star Chamber Proc., Hen. VIII., file 22, no. 94.

[46] Star Chamber Proc., Edw. VI., file 6, no. 99.

[47] _Rot. Parl._, i. 228, 229.

[48] See _V. C. H. War._, ii. 219.

[49] The rent was sometimes paid, partly or wholly, in kind; as at Shippen in 1262 (Colman, _Hist. of Barwick-in-Elmet_, 205).

[50] _V. C. H. Shrops._, ii. 454.

[51] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 350.

[52] Such partnerships were not uncommon; _e.g._ in 1351 W. de Allesworth demanded 2s. 10½d. from Geoffrey Hardyng, as the seventh part of 20s. paid to Geoffrey and his partners for coal got at Nuneaton.—Add. Ch. 49532.

[53] Galloway, _op. cit._, 70.

[54] Add. Ch. 48948.

[55] Galloway (_op. cit._, 113-14) gives a late sixteenth-century case in Wakefield, where the 'heads, pillars, and other works ... for bearing up the ground' being cut away, the ground suddenly fell in.

[56] Galloway, _op. cit._, 45.

[57] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 324.

[58] Foreign R., 42 Edw. III., m. E.

[59] Pat., 8 Rich. II.

[60] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 148.

[61] Galloway, _op. cit._, 70, 87.

[62] Customs Accts., 106/1.

[63] _Ibid._, 111/40.

[64] _Ibid._, 171/26.

[65] Kendall, _Iron Ores_, 15; _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 241.

[66] _Journ. of Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxix. 121-9.

[67] _V. C. H. Somers._, i. 275. There was also a 'collegium fabrorum' at Chichester (Regnum).—_Suss. Arch. Coll._, vii. 61-3.

[68] Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._, no. 30.

[69] _Chron. Evesham_ (Rolls Ser.), 26. The legend was probably invented as an explanation of the remains of the (Roman) town found below the ground here, but the tradition of the smiths had no doubt some foundation.

[70] Dom. Bk., i. 162.

[71] _Ibid._

[72] _V. C. H. Cumberland_, ii. 340.

[73] _Facsimiles of Charters in B. M._, no. 64.

[74] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 356.

[75] Pipe Rolls, quoted in _V. C. H. Gloucs._, ii. 216.

[76] _V. C. H. Gloucs._, ii. 217.

[77] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 241.

[78] See Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, 7.

[79] _Ibid._, 467, 7 (7).

[80] _Ibid._, 467, 7 (7).

[81] _Roy. and Hist. Letters_ (Rolls Ser.), i. 278.

[82] _Furness Coucher_ (Chetham Soc.), pt. iii., Intro.

[83] _Ibid._

[84] Holinshed, _Chron._, sub anno.

[85] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 357.

[86] Peat was mixed with the charcoal in Lancashire, and doubtless elsewhere, when available.—_V. C. H. Lancs._, ii. 361.

[87] This process was used by the Romans at Beaufort, near Battle, in Sussex, amongst other places.—_Suss. Arch. Coll._, xxix. 173

[88] _Journ. of Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxix. 124.

[89] Even after the introduction of the footblast the 'cinders' or slag, contained about half the original iron, according to Dud Dudley (_Metallum Martis_), and were worth resmelting in the improved furnaces of later times.

[90] _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xiv. 513.

[91] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 358.

[92] _Furness Coucher_ (Chetham Soc.), pt. iii., Intro., and pp. 261-6.

[93] See above, p. 7.

[94] The same term is used in connection with burning tiles, and is no doubt derived from the same root as anneal.

[95] This account of the process of manufacture is compiled from several sources, the chief being: (1) the accounts of Tudeley Forge, Tunbridge, for the reign of Edw. III., in the P. R. O.; (2) the accounts of Bedbourne Forge, Durham, in 1408, _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xiv. 509-29; (3) several Sussex accounts summarised by the present writer in _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 244-5.

[96] Nicholls, _Iron Making in the Forest of Dean_, 20.

[97] _Cal. Chart. R._, iii. 95-6.

[98] _V. C. H. Glouc._, ii. 219, n. 5. Cf. the twelfth century grant to the monks of Louth Park of 'duas fabricas, id est duos focos ... scilicet unam fabricam blomeriam ... unam operariam.'—_V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 356.

[99] The date of the introduction of hammers driven by water power is problematic: a 'great waterhamor' was working in Ashdown Forest, Sussex, in 1496.—Misc. Bks. Exch. T. R., 8, f. 49.

[100] The unworked bloom was called a 'loop,' which appears to be derived from the French _loup_, a wolf, the German equivalent, _Stück_, being applied to such a mass of iron.—Swank, _Iron in All Ages_, 80.

[101] A furnace once lit might be kept in blast sometimes for as long as forty weeks, in the seventeenth century, but the periods usual in earlier times were no doubt much shorter.

[102] _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xiv. 529.

[103] _Furness Coucher_, pt. iii., Intro. The word used is 'band,' but it is apparently equivalent to 'bloom.'

[104] Exch. K. R. Accts., 485, no. 11.

[105] _Ibid._, 466, no. 20.

[106] _Suss. Arch. Coll._, ii. 202.

[107] Exch. K. R. Accts., 546, no. 16.

[108] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 246.

[109] Exch. K. R. Accts., 483, no. 19.

[110] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 245.

[111] _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xiv. 509-29.

[112] Exch. K. R. Accts., 485, no. 11.

[113] Mins. Accts., 890, no. 25.

[114] Latinised in one place as '_anteriores flatores_.'

[115] _Suss. Arch. Coll._, xiii. 128.

[116] At some iron mills near Teddesley in Staffordshire in 1583 the filler and fyner were identical, and there was a hammerman and a founder.—Exch. K. R. Accts., 546, no. 16.

[117] Nicholls, _Ironmaking in the Forest of Dean_; _V. C. H. Gloucs._, ii. 219-23.

[118] This was farmed in 1280 for £23, so that the amount exported annually must have been well over 10,000 loads.

[119] The surface material which has to be removed before the ore is reached.

[120] _Arch. Cambr_. (S. 3), iii. 418.

[121] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 247

[122] Exch. Dep. by Com., 22 Eliz., Trin. 4.

[123] _Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxxi. 129-42. For a list of Roman pigs found in England, see _ibid._, liv. 272.

[124] _Ibid._

[125] Birch, _Cart. Sax._, i. 579.

[126] _V. C. H. Glouc._, ii. 237.

[127] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 323.

[128] Pipe Rolls of Hen. II.

[129] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 348.

[130] _V. C. H. Somers._, ii. 363.

[131] Pat., 20 Hen. III., m. 13.

[132] _V. C. H. Cumberland_, ii. 339.

[133] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 326.

[134] _V. C. H. Somers._, ii. 367-9.

[135] _V. C. H. Cumb._, ii. 340.

[136] Pat., 15 Edw. IV., pt. i., m. 22.

[137] Assize R., 143, m. 1. The Scottish king's dominial rights over Alston, apart from the mines, seem to have been well established. William the Lion granted land at Alston as 'in Tyndale,' to William de Vipont, and later to his son Ivo de Vipont, the latter grant being confirmed by King John in 1210. Finally, after the whole matter had been carefully examined, Edward I. gave the manor of Alston in 1282 to Nicholas de Vipont to hold of the King of Scotland, reserving, however, the liberty of the mines.—Assize Rolls, 143, m. 1; 132, m. 34; Chanc. Misc. 53, file 1, nos. 20, 22.

[138] _V. C. H. Cumb._, ii. 340.

[139] Assize R., 143, m. 1.

[140] Assize R., 132, m. 34; 143, m. 1.

[141] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 339.

[142] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 19.

[143] _e.g._ at Eyam and Litton.—_V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 338.

[144] Until the nineteenth century the would-be miner had to set up a model stow, fastened with wooden pins and not with nails.

[145] _i.e._ forwards and backwards along the line of the vein.

[146] It is not quite clear whether he threw from the old pit, in which case he would naturally throw a very short distance, or from his own pit, in which case he might so throw as to cover much of the vein which would have belonged to the elder pitchers.

[147] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 328.

[148] The Derbyshire standard dish made in 1512 and still preserved at Wirksworth contains about sixty lbs. of ore.

[149] Assize R., 132, m. 34.

[150] _Ibid._

[151] Memo. R., K. R., Mich., 2 Edw. II., no. 55.

[152] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 332.

[153] Memo. R., L. T. R., 25-26 Edw. I., m. 51.

[154] The load, or lade (_lada_), contained nine dishes (_disci_, _scutella_).

[155] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 19.

[156] _Ibid._, 261, no. 25.

[157] Memo. R., L. T. R., 25-26 Edw. I., m. 51.

[158] In 1302 there were four mines: the South Mine, the Middle Mine, the Mine of Fershull, and the Old Mine.—Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 22.

[159] The smiths were paid 12d.-18d. a week.—_Ibid._

[160] Exch. K. R. Accts., 261, no. 25.

[161] Anct. Corresp., xlviii. 81.

[162] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 16.

[163] Anct. Corresp., xlviii, 81.

[164] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 22.

[165] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.

[166] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 349.

[167] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.

[168] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 6.

[169] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.

[170] _V. C. H. Somers._, ii. 373.

[171] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 22.

[172] _Archæologia_, lvij, 113-124.

[173] _e.g._ 'In 6510 turbis tannitis emptis ad inde faciendos cineres pro plumbo affinando.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 4.

[174] Memo., L. T. R., 25-26 Edw. I., m. 51.

[175] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 7.

[176] _Ibid._, no. 19.

[177] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.

[178] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 324.

[179] It is possible that 'cut' is the Celtic word '_cwt_', meaning a piece, and dates back to British times.—_Ibid._

[180] _Ibid._

[181] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.

[182] Pat., 27 Edw. I., m. 28.

[183] Exch. K. R. Accts., 126, no. 9.

[184] Pat., 35 Edw. I., m. 19.

[185] Mins. Accts., 826, no. 12.

[186] _Ibid._, no. 11.

[187] Exch. K. R. Accts., 265, no. 9.

[188] _Ibid._, no. 10.

[189] Close 24 Edw. I., m. 11d.

[190] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.

[191] _Ibid._

[192] Anct. Corresp., xlviii. 177.

[193] 'Minera' may also bear the sense of 'ore.'

[194] Close 7 Edw. II., m. 6.

[195] Anct. Pet., 13552.

[196] Pat., 17 Edw. II., p. 2, m. 15.

[197] Assize R., 135, m. 26d.

[198] Pat., 14 Edw. IV., p. 1, m. 7d.

[199] Pat., 15 Edw. IV., p. 1, m. 22.

[200] Pat., 18 Edw. IV., p. 2, m. 30.

[201] Pat., 2 Edw. IV., p. 1, m. 7.

[202] Exch. K. R. Accts., 262, no. 2.

[203] _Acts of Privy Council_, 1542-7, p. 367.

[204] _Jour. of Brit. Arch. Ass._, lxii. 145-60.

[205] _Archæologia_, lix. 281-8.

[206] _V. C. H. Cornw._, i. 523.

[207] _Ibid._

[208] Vol. iii. of _Harvard Economic Studies_. The same writer has contributed a valuable article on tin-mining to _V. C. H. Cornwall_.

[209] Lewis, _op. cit._, 5.

[210] Lewis, _op. cit._, 11.

[211] A case of a London goldsmith making engines and instruments to drain a deep tin mine near Truro occurs in first quarter of the sixteenth century—Early Chanc. Proc., 481, no. 46.

[212] Memo. R., L. T. R., 9 Eliz., Mich., 3.

[213] Either the channel by which the blast was admitted, or else the channel conveying water to the wheel.

[214] The ore was sometimes roasted before smelting.

[215] _V. C. H. Cornw._, i. 539.

[216] Lewis, _op. cit._, 133-4.

[217] W. de Wrotham, when appointed warden of the stannaries in 1198, ordered all masters of ships in Cornwall and Devon to swear not to take unstamped tin out of the country.—Lewis, _op. cit._, 337.

[218] Lewis, _op. cit._, 190.

[219] _Op. cit._, 187.

[220] _V. C. H. Cornw._, i. 523.

[221] Lewis, _op. cit._, 34.

[222] For output, see Lewis, _op. cit._, App. J.

[223] Lewis, _op. cit._, App. K.

[224] _Ibid._, Apps. L-T.

[225] _Chron. of Battle Abbey_, 11.

[226] _V. C. H. Northants._, ii. 293-5.

[227] _Ibid._, 295.

[228] _Fabric R. of York_ (Surtees Soc.), _passim_.

[229] _e.g._ at the Tower in 1324 'one boatload of Aylesford stone called rag, 6s.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 469, no. 7. And in 1362 '8 boatloads of stone called ragg, with carriage from Maidstone, £10, 13s. 4d.'—_Ibid._, 472, no. 9.

[230] _Ibid._, 502, no. 10.

[231] See the Westminster building accounts, _passim_.

[232] _Arch. Cant._, ii. 112.

[233] '20 tontightes de peers de Beer.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 472, no. 8.

[234] Exch. K. R. Accts., 491, no. 13.

[235] For some fourteenth and fifteenth century references to the Haslebury quarries, see _The Tropenell Cartulary_ (Wilts. Arch. Soc.), ii. 148-50.

[236] _V. C. H. Dorset_, ii. 333.

[237] _Ibid._, 339.

[238] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 230.

[239] Exch. K. R. Accts., 305, no. 12.

[240] _Ibid._, 502, no. 3.

[241] _Arch. Cant._, ii. 112.

[242] The 'pondus dolii,' anglicised in other entries as 'tuntight,' seems to have been about 40 cubic feet.

[243] Presumably from the Yorkshire quarry referred to above; it came _via_ London.—_Ibid._, 121.

[244] Apparently about 440 tons.—_Ibid._

[245] Pipe R., 16 Edw. III.

[246] The term 'damlade,' of uncertain meaning, seems to be peculiar to Yorkshire. See _Fabric R. of York_.

[247] Pipe R., 7 Edw. III.

[248] Misc. Bks., Tr. of R., 4, f. 142.

[249] Exch. K. R. Accts., 476, no. 5.

[250] _Ibid._, 461, no. 11.

[251] Exch. K. R. Accts., no. 12.

[252] _V. C. H. Northants._, ii. 296-7.

[253] A similar method of splitting was employed in the case of the slates of Stonesfield, in Oxfordshire.—_V. C. H. Oxon._, ii. 267.

[254] _Ibid._; _V. C. H. Northants._, ii. 296.

[255] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 230.

[256] Exch. K. R. Accts., 476, no. 5.

[257] _Ibid._, 494, no. 4.

[258] Pipe R., 7 Edw. III.

[259] Exch. K. R. Accts., 502, no. 3.

[260] _Fabric R. of York_, 19.

[261] A fifteenth-century account for Launceston mentions the purchase of 'An iron tool for breaking stones in the quarry, called a polax, weighing 16½ lbs., and two new wedges weighing 10 lbs.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 461, no. 13.

[262] For a fuller history of the Purbeck marble quarries, see _V. C. H. Dorset_, ii. 331-8, from which the details given below are taken when other references are not given.

[263] See articles on 'Medieval Figure Sculpture in England,' _Architectural Review_, 1903.

[264] Liberate R., K. R., 37 Hen. III., m. 13.

[265] Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, no. 6 (2).

[266] _Ibid._, 469, no. 8.

[267] _Ibid._, no. 12.

[268] _Arch. Journ._, x. 116.

[269] _Arch. Journ._, lxi. 221-40.

[270] See _e.g._ the Flawford and Breadsall figures, _ibid._; and the catalogue of Alabaster carvings exhibited at the Society of Antiquaries in 1910.

[271] Pipe R., 41 Edw. III.

[272] _Arch. Journ._, lxiv. 32.

[273] _Ibid._, lxi. 229.

[274] The numerous cases of the export of alabaster carvings from Poole make it probable that the Purbeck carvers, when the demand for their marble fell off, worked the alabaster which exists in the district.—_V. C. H. Dorset_, ii.

[275] Some of these no doubt were sold at the time of the Reformation.—_Arch. Journ._, lxi. 239.

[276] _Ibid._, 237-8.

[277] _Ibid._, 230.

[278] _Arch. Journ._, lxi. 234-5.

[279] For an account of these, see Mr. Hope's article in _Archæologia_, xli.

[280] _Arch. Journ._, lxiv. 239.

[281] _Ibid._, x. 120.

[282] _Fabric R. of York_, 74, 78, 84, 90, 106.

[283] _Fabric R. of York_, 15.

[284] Exch. K. R. Accts., 504, no. 4.

[285] _Hundred R._, ii. 56.

[286] Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, no. 4.

[287] Customs Accts., 124/30.

[288] Probably chalk may be taken at about 4d. the quarter.

[289] _Brit. Arch. Ass. Journal_, lx.

[290] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 231.

[291] Chaffers, _Gilda Aurifabrorum_, 19.

[292] _Ibid._, 23-5.

[293] A long chronological list of English goldsmiths is given by Chaffers, _op. cit._

[294] _Beverley Chapter Act Book_ (Surtees Soc.), ii., p. lxv.

[295] _Cal. of City of London Letter Books_, A., p. 180.

[296] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 350.

[297] Foreign R., 4 Hen. V., m. A.

[298] _Camden Soc._, xxxvii. 42.

[299] Chaffers, _Gilda Aurifabrorum_, 38.

[300] _Ibid._, 8, 9.

[301] Foreign R., 3 Hen. IV., m. E.

[302] _Church Bells of England_, by H. B. Walters, published since this was in print, contains much valuable matter.

[303] _Chron. Battle Abbey_ (ed. Lower), 17.

[304] Cott. MS. Vesp. A., 22, f. 88.

[305] Stahlschmidt, _London Bell-founders_, 72.

[306] _Ibid._, p. 3.

[307] On the other hand, Fagniez (_Docts. relatifs à l'histoire de l'Industrie_, ii. 67) says that 'sainterius,' the title applied to Thomas de Claville who recast a bell for Notre Dame in 1397, is 'fait sur le vieux nom français des cloches _saints_ ... qui se rattache à _signa_.'

[308] Ex. inf. Mr. C. H. Vellacott, from Assize Roll.

[309] Most of the London founders recorded by Mr. Stahlschmidt as known or possible bell-founders used the title 'potter.'—_Loc. cit._, 72-74.

[310] Early Chanc. Proc., 24, no. 138.

[311] Particulars are given in Raven, _Bells of England_, on which this account is based.

[312] To prevent the core, thickness, and cope sticking together, it seems to have been usual to dust them over with tan.

[313] Raven, _op. cit._, 74.

[314] _V. C. H. Berks._, ii. 418.

[315] Raven, _op. cit._, 57.

[316] Early Chanc. Proc., 68, no. 144.

[317] _Ch. Ward. Accts. St. Mary-at-Hill_ (E. E. T. S.).

[318] Raven, _op. cit._, 47.

[319] _Ibid._, 319.

[320] _Recs. of St. Michael's._ See also _Ch. Wardens Accts._ (Somerset Rec. Soc.).

[321] _V. C. H. Berks._, ii. 416. Cf. H. B. Walters, _Church Bells of England_, ch. xii.

[322] Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_, 295.

[323] Raven, _op. cit._, 69.

[324] _London Bell-founders_, 3.

[325] _Ibid._, 45.

[326] _Issue R. of Exch._, 239.

[327] _Ibid._, 346.

[328] _Glouc. Corporation Recs._

[329] _Sacrist Rolls of Ely_, ii. 114, 138, where details of the outlay in the purchase of tin and copper, and of clay for the moulds and other necessaries are given.

[330] Raven, _op. cit._, 149.

[331] _Ibid._, 90.

[332] _Fabric R. of York_ (Surtees Soc.), 9. Details are given.

[333] Raven, _op. cit._, where illustrations of the three panels are given.

[334] If the bell-shaped object is really the core, the ornamentation upon it must be ascribed to 'artist's licence,' as the surface of the core would in reality be quite plain.

[335] Inq. ad qd. damnum, File 108, no. 15.

[336] Exch. K. R. Accts., 462, no. 16. Amongst the items of expenditure are 'For eggs and ale bought for making the inscription round the bell 3d. For wax and cobbler's wax (_code_) for the same 5½d.' Possibly a mixture of eggs and ale was used to anoint the metal letter stamps and prevent their sticking to the clay of the cope.

[337] Early Chanc. Proc., 24, no. 138.

[338] De Banco, 831, m. 414; and Raven, _op. cit._, 164-6, quoting Year