Chapter IX: Appendix: A.—the Population of the South in 1890

Up to the time of sending this book to the press, no official statistics of the relative proportions of the races in the Southern States of the Black Belt in 1890 have reached me from Washington. Bulletin No. 16 of the Census Office contains, however, a final statement as to the total population of each State in question. I give the figures in tabular form, leaving vacant columns for the insertion hereafter of the missing information:—

──────────────┬───────────┬───────────┬───────────
│ Total │ White. │ Coloured.
│Population,│ │
│ 1890. │ │
──────────────┼───────────┼───────────┼───────────
North Carolina│ 1,617,947│ │
Virginia │ 1,655,980│ │
Georgia │ 1,837,353│ │
Florida │ 391,422│ │
Alabama │ 1,513,017│ │
Louisiana │ 1,118,587│ │
Mississippi │ 1,289,600│ │
South Carolina│ 1,151,149│ │
──────────────┼───────────┼───────────┼───────────
│ 10,575,055│ │
──────────────┴───────────┴───────────┴───────────

B.—COLOUR CASTE.

To the _Forum_ for October, 1889 (_Forum_ Publishing Company, 253, Fifth Avenue, New York), the Rev. John Snyder contributed an article with the above title. As it illustrates many points that are briefly touched upon in the present volume, I venture to append some further portions of it beyond those already quoted.

“A gifted American actor,” says Mr. Snyder, “has conceived a professional scheme which promises an affluent return of profit and reputation. He is convinced that, under certain clearly recognised conditions, the drama of _Othello_ may be made popular in the Southern States. He sees clearly, of course, why this great product of the master’s genius has been ‘under a cloud,’ so to speak, south of Mason and Dixon’s line, and he purposes revealing to the art-loving people of that section the beauties of a work which the interpretative power of the greatest actors of the past has never made tolerable on the Southern stage.

“He is conscious of the natural difficulties to be overcome; of the state of social feeling which will always resent the intrusion of the African on the histrionic stage, except within the limited range of the minstrel show. But his system contemplates an easy solution of these apparently insuperable difficulties. He does not design to impart a less pronounced colour to the face of _Othello_, because experience has taught him that the slightest tinge of creaminess in the complexion and the faintest crinkle in the hair would leave the prejudice against his hero’s race practically unaffected. He simply intends to ‘improve’ Shakspeare so that the great bard’s creations may be made generally acceptable to all sections of our free and enlightened land.

“There is no intention wilfully to misrepresent Shakspeare, or to distort his plain meanings. But this artist has reasoned himself into the conviction that the great author’s hero could not have been a negro. Therefore, all the prejudice against him on that ground is manifestly unreasonable. In the very nature of things, he must have been the representative of another race, or else _Brabantio’s_ friendship, _Desdemona’s_ love, _Cassio’s_ esteem, and the unstinted admiration of Venice would all be impossible and inconceivable. Accordingly, our actor holds, _Othello_ must have resembled one of those stately Arab chiefs whose portraits gleam from the pages of ‘Picturesque Palestine.’

“Our Southern brethren are at last to have an _Othello_ who cannot, as the moral circus advertisements say, ‘offend the most fastidious.’ Shakspeare, carefully modernised, will become popular once more in the sunny South. All references to the blackness of _Othello’s_ face and the thickness of his lips are to be conscientiously softened down into less objectionable phrases, and those audiences which may be ethnologically unenlightened are to have their sensitive natures soothed by some such prologue as _Bottom_ proposed for the sapient actors of Athens: ‘Ladies, or fair ladies, I would wish you, or I entreat you, not to fear, not to tremble; my life for yours. If you think I come hither as a “nigger,” it were a pity of my life. I am no such thing. I am an Arab.’ That would put all doubt at rest.

“The only thing likely to interfere with the success of this scheme of mingled philanthropy and profit is the presence of that vast amount of astute Shakspearean philosophy which is based upon the assumption of _Othello’s_ objectionable ethnic relationship. What becomes of Professor D. J. Snider’s ‘System of Shakspeare’s Dramas.’? It is quite probable that Shakspeare, could he be consulted, would offer no strenuous objection to the proposed change. Having been an actor himself, he would doubtless sympathise with the despair to which the modern representative of his profession is reduced in the task of catering to the present unreasonable demand for dramatic novelties. As there is not the slightest appreciable trace of a ‘system’ in any of his dramas, and as the social prejudice against the African race as such is something which in his day and generation was still unborn, it is reasonable to suppose that _Othello_ might be re-made into a Chinaman or a Choctaw without seriously affecting the motive of the tragedy.

“Still, when a man has constructed a ‘System of Shakspeare,’ and has announced that ‘Shakspeare makes race an ethical element of marriage, as important as chastity,’ and that ‘in Europe to-day the marriage of a lord and a servant-girl collides with the moral consciousness of the whole public,’ he naturally has the same kind of affection for that system which Dr. Sangrado had for his, and any attempt to upset its ‘ethical’ conclusions by substituting an Arabian _Othello_ for an Ethiopian, will be apt to be resented. It is as fundamentally unethical to marry an Arab as a negro. It will be much wiser for our actor frankly to retain the African characteristics of his hero, letting it be understood that a true Shakspearean system employs this tragedy as an ‘awful example’ to warn those who are tempted to leap over the ethical fence of racial distinctions.

“Once outside of the atmosphere of American social life, it is difficult to treat the spirit of colour caste with seriousness or decent respect. Of course, that man would be but a shallow ethnologist who should maintain that the terms ‘superior’ and ‘inferior’ do not justly mark the distinctions between races, or who should refuse to acknowledge that certain choice characteristics of civilisation are confined within fairly well-ascertained racial limitations. And the man who looks with disapproval upon marriage unions between the members of a progressive race like the Caucasian, and the members of a conditionally unimprovable race, is governed by principles of the simplest prudence, to say no more. The difficulty is always in determining this question of improvability. The Spanish race in its various colonies has seemed to stand still for three centuries, yet to attribute racial inferiority to the countrymen of Cervantes and Loyola would be manifestly unjust. The negro race in this country may be mentally and morally both inferior and unimprovable, and hence it would be both wise and ethical for our stock to refuse to make with it a mixture of blood. But the average American knows nothing and cares nothing about any physiological reasons for declining such marriages. In truth, the race question does not, with us, involve this marriage element at all. Generally speaking, nobody wants his daughter to marry a negro, and the negro is not anxious to seek such marriages. As a matter of fact, in the matter of marriage the negro is ridiculously fastidious, accepting without complaint the white man’s classification of every shade of colour, even the slightest, under the head of negro, and rigorously claiming for his own race every possible modification of the original type. There are plenty of octoroons and quadroons who might easily pass for members of the white race, but who never think of seeking marriage associations outside their mother’s stock. And they would be subjected to the severe censure of the black race if they did so. The bugbear of ‘miscegenation’ is the least substantial phantom that haunts the imagination of ignorant people.

“The cruel wall of caste which has been relentlessly built around the negro in this country was not created by the fear of racial deterioration on the part of the Caucasian. The feeling from which it sprang is so inexplicable as almost to defy any philosophical analysis. That in the Southern States slavery should have created a clearly defined colour caste was reasonable and natural. That among a people generous in disposition and generally religious in their habits of mind this caste feeling should have been strengthened by every argument tending to show the negro’s natural inferiority and fitness for his servile position was equally natural. That within the limits of slave territory every Southern gentleman should consider the presence of mental ability in an individual negro a reflection upon the system and a menace to its continuance, was the most reasonable thing in the world. But it is only justice to say that not in the South but in the North did this curious feeling of colour caste first have its rise. The Southern man apparently denied to the negro social recognition not primarily because he was a negro, but because he was a slave. The Northern man seems to hate the negro primarily on account of his colour. In domestic service, the filthiest and most ignorant Irish or German servant refuses to eat at the same table with the cleanest and most respectable negro. In some of our hotels the wealthiest negro in the land could not purchase, at any price, the privilege of sitting in the common dining-room, or of occupying one of the sleeping apartments. Industrially, he is practically restricted to a “beggarly account,” of the least profitable and most menial trades. Those labour unions which complain so bitterly of the oppression of capital, and announce Utopian principles of universal brotherhood, do not dare to cast their mantle of protection over the despised and neglected labourer with a black skin. But saddest of all is the attitude which the Church has held towards this spirit of colour caste. Ideally, at least, the Church is the home of human equality. All classes and conditions of men are supposed to meet there on a common ground. And while we constantly depart from this principle in practice, we usually try to cover and disguise our shortcomings by a thin veil of self-exculpation. We may not want the poor and poorly dressed man sitting in our pews, but we rarely make a frank confession of the fact. Only the negro is openly, and by common consent, excluded from the broad definition of Christian equality. We have not yet accepted Mr. Nasby’s advice, and altered our version of the New Testament so that it shall read ‘Suffer the little (white) children to come unto Me,’ but it would be quite consistent for us to do so.

“This condition of things would cease to be mysterious if it were based upon recognised physiological reasons. We can easily understand _Brabantio’s_ surprise when his daughter became enamoured of a thick-lipped African, or Aunt Ophelia’s disgust at seeing Eva hanging about the neck of Uncle Tom. We are not disposed to question the good Puritan’s conviction that the pure negro is ‘an acquired taste.’ But we entertain the same personal and social repugnance for every possible modification of the negro. Even when the bleaching process has been so thorough that no external indication of African blood remains; even when the individual has assumed all the characteristics of Caucasian beauty and intelligence, we still treat him as a social pariah. Several years ago there was, at a certain school in Pittsburg, a very beautiful and intelligent young lady. In scholarship and deportment she stood for a year at the head of the school. At the end of that time somebody told the principal that his favourite pupil had lurking in her veins a few unsuspected and undiscoverable drops of African blood. She was turned out of the doors as ignominiously as if she had been guilty of unchastity or was afflicted with some infectious disease.

“Tell the average American that he is descended from Pocahontas, that his blood may be traced to Confucius, or that his daughter has secretly married one of Madame Blavatsky’s mythical Indian Mahatmas, and the chances are that he will be flattered and gratified. You stumble over no ‘ethical principle’; you encounter no fatal racial prejudice. Tell him that his great-great-grandfather was probably a powerful potentate from the Congo or the Niger, and you touch the acme of insult. It would be safer to accuse him of highway robbery.

“But the most astonishing feature of this colour caste is found in the complacent assumption of the average American that it is something inherent and natural in the human mind, and is therefore universal. Tell such a person that it is the result of social and political education, and he will smile at your ignorance. Yet when such an American steps over the borders of his own country he does not find this prejudice shared by any other nation. The Frenchman, Englishman, or German may not want his daughter to marry a negro, but in no part of Europe do you detect the presence of that galling system of social discrimination which so exasperates the black man in this country. All over the continent of Europe you find the negro living in the best hotels, travelling in first class coaches, and sitting as an equal on the benches of the great scientific and art schools. You find no trace of this prejudice in the press or literature of Europe; you find no taint of it in its social life. London is the great meeting-place of all the varied races of the world. A new Peter would find there the representatives of more peoples than listened to the many-tongued sermon on the Day of Pentecost. All colours and conditions of men make up the varied web and woof of its marvellous life. Each man’s condition is determined by his rank, his wealth, his social position. Social caste indeed exists of the most rigid type; but it is never based on colour, hardly ever upon racial distinctions. It may be, as the author of the ‘System of Shakspeare’s Dramas’ affirms, that the marriage of a lord and a servant-girl ‘collides with the moral consciousness of the whole public,’ but a man’s treatment is conditioned upon his wealth, his intelligence, his knowledge, his rank, or his personal character, never upon the colour of his skin. In the light of this fact our colour caste seems as provincial as it is undeniably absurd, cruel, and indefensible.”

C.—SLAVERY IN THE NORTH.

The following letter was addressed in 1888 to the Editor of, and was printed in, the Charleston _News and Courier_. As it deals very ably, though from a pronouncedly Southern standpoint, with the responsibility of the North towards the negro, I reprint it with a few insignificant corrections:—

“SIR,—I was glad to see your editorial on March 9th last on the
Emancipation Proclamation. It is surprising how much ignorance exists
upon the subject of emancipation in some of the usually best-informed
circles. I desire to call your attention to two instances of this in
that usually accurate journal, the _Nation_ (of New York). In a recent
number there appeared the review of a letter written from Washington
to a paper in Frankfort:—

“‘The condition of our negro population is the subject of a Washington
letter in the _Frankfurter Zeitung_ of December 24th, 1887. The
writer’s view of their social status is correct enough, but he is
rather at sea in his historical retrospect, as when he says that the
South was at one time more opposed to slavery than was the North, and
that the Civil War was a struggle between “the sons of the
slave-owners and the planters to whom their fathers had sold their
dark commodities.” This is a corollary to the misleading statement
that “in 1790 the negroes were distributed throughout this country,
and were almost exclusively slaves,” but that, “during the first
quarter of a century the inhabitants of the Northern States gradually
sold their slaves to the South, where climate and the nature of the
agricultural products increase the value of negro labour,” all of
which sounds as if the countryman of Von Holst had drawn his
inspiration from the pro-slavery pamphlets of Buchanan’s
Administration.’

“I have not seen this letter, nor do I know who is the writer, but if
you will allow me space I think I can convince even the _Nation_, and
its readers who shall happen to see this communication, that the
statements quoted are not so wide of the mark as the _Nation_ seems to
think.

“If such, as the _Nation_ suggests, was indeed the source of the
writer’s information, can the following facts and figures, which are
taken mostly from a work of that time, be disputed? The author from
whom I take the figures, as I cannot at this moment put my hand upon
the census of 1790, was, it is true, a Rebel brigadier, the heroic
defender of Marye’s Heights at Fredericksburg, where he was killed;
but, all the same, can the statements be denied?—(‘Cobb on Slavery,’
Philadelphia, T. and I. W. Johnson and Co., 1858):—

“By the census of 1790 there were 40,370 slaves in the States north of
Virginia. Now how were those 40,000 slaves emancipated? Can any one
point to a single Act by any Northern State by which any negro was
actually and immediately emancipated? We ask this because it is clear
that all the gradual emancipation schemes had just the effect which
the Frankfort writer states: to wit, they caused the inhabitants of
the Northern States generally to sell their slaves to the South. Laws
prohibiting slavery after some future date were but warnings to the
owners of slaves to send them out of the State before the Act should
go into effect. The inevitable working of such Acts was to send the
slaves South for sale.

“Vermont, we know, claims the honour of having been the first to
exclude slavery. She claims that this was done by her Bill of Rights
in 1777. But the census of 1790 shows seventeen slaves. Her Bill of
Rights could not have done a very perfect work since it allowed
seventeen slaves to remain in bonds thirteen years after its adoption.
Slavery, which had been introduced into Massachusetts soon after its
first settlement, was ‘tolerated,’ as Chief Justice Parsons gently
expresses it, certainly until the adoption of the Constitution of
1780. Nor, indeed, did the Constitution of 1780, by any express
provision or declaration, prohibit slavery. But a very few days ago a
letter of Mr. Thomas Silloway, of Boston, appeared in the Charleston
_Sun_, giving instances of bills of sale and disposition by will of
Indian and negro slaves in Massachusetts as late as 1771. Dr. Oliver
Wendell Holmes makes Old Sophy, the nurse of Elsie Venner, the
daughter of a slave mother. So gradual was the decadence of slavery in
Massachusetts that as late as 1833 her Supreme Court could not say by
what specific Act the institution had been abolished. (Winchendon v.
Hatfield, 4 Mass. 123; Commonwealth v. Aves, 18 Pick, 209.)

“In Belknap’s ‘New Hampshire,’ Vol. III., 280, published in 1792, the
matter is thus explained:—

“‘Slavery is not prohibited by any express law. Negroes were never
very numerous in New Hampshire. Some of them purchased their freedom
during the late war by serving three years in the army. Others have
been made free by the justice and humanity of their masters. In
Massachusetts they are all accounted free by the first article in the
Declaration of Rights, “All men are born free and equal.” In the Bill
of Rights of New Hampshire the first article is expressed in these
words: “All men are born equally free and independent;” which, in the
opinion of most persons, will bear the same construction. But others
have deduced from it this inference, that all who are born since the
Constitution was made are free; and that those who were in slavery
before remain there still. For this reason, in the late census, the
blacks in New Hampshire are distinguished into free and slaves. It is
not in my power to apologise for this inconsistency.’

“The author then goes on to explain, as we Southerners afterwards
continued to do, how much better off those who were slaves were than
those who were free in other States. By the census of 1790 there were
158 slaves in New Hampshire, and in 1840 there was still one
remaining.

“In the plantations of Rhode Island slaves were more numerous than in
the other New England States, as, indeed, they necessarily were,
considering that the merchants and sailors of that little State were
the greatest slave traders of this country. But as the negroes could
not thrive in that latitude, her Legislature provided a gradual scheme
of emancipation, which took a lifetime to work out, leaving as late as
1840 five slaves in that State. Connecticut was too much interested to
indulge her philanthropy at the expense of an immediate emancipation.
In 1790 she had 2,750 slaves. So she too adopted a plan of gradual
emancipation, by the slow and prudent workings of which seventeen of
her slaves remained as such in 1840.

“As Mr. Bancroft observes: ‘that New York is not a slave State like
Carolina, is due to her climate and not to the superior humanity of
her founders.’ (Vol. II., 303). When South Carolina prohibited the
importation of slaves from Africa in 1789, New York imported them and
shipped the savages to this State as American slaves. As late as 1858
the London _Times_ charged that New York had become the greatest
slave-trading mart in the world, a charge which Wilson, in the ‘Rise
and Fall of the Slave Power,’ fully corroborates. In 1790 New York had
21,324 slaves. She, too, adopted an Act of gradual emancipation, by
the operation of which in 1840 all but four slaves had been gotten rid
of. New Jersey, though adopting the same scheme, was slower in getting
rid of her slaves, 674 still remaining in 1840.

“Adam Smith observed:—‘The late resolution of the Quakers in
Pennsylvania to set at liberty all their negro slaves may satisfy us
that their number cannot be very great. Had they made any considerable
part of their property such a resolution could never have been taken.’
(‘Wealth of Nations.’) There were 3,737 slaves in Pennsylvania in
1790, and, as Adam Smith predicted, she would not sacrifice so much
property. So she, too, provided for gradual emancipation. The census
of 1840 showed sixty-five negroes still in slavery. In 1823 a negro
woman was put up on the auction block along with some machinery,
smith’s tools, and one cow, and sold for debt by the sheriff of
Fayette County, in the State of Brotherly Love. They were still
discussing this case in the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania as late as
1837, but it was the inadequacy of the price the poor wretch brought,
and not the iniquity of the transaction, about which they were
contending. (Lynch v. Commonwealth, 6 Watts 495.) It was the frosts
and snows which put an end to slavery at the North, not philanthropy.

“It is familiar history that the slave trade by which slavery was
established in this country was carried on by Old England and New
England, and not by the South. As Mr. Lecky points out, the New
England trade, just prior to the Revolution, consisted in sending her
lumber out and bringing slaves in.

“Some time since in his notes, in this same paper, while reviewing a
work on ‘Brazil and Slavery,’ the editor of the _Nation_ wrote as
follows:—

“‘We can recommend it for its own sake, but we have read it with the
deepest interest for its reflected light on that irrepressible
conflict which ended, some would say, in April, 1865, and others in
March, 1876. First, and above all, it inspires a sense of profound
thankfulness that there never existed in this country a party, or a
policy, or a measure of gradual emancipation. We mean, of course,
against that purely Southern slave power which dictated the
compromises of the Federal Constitution.’

“In this the editor of the _Nation_ could not have meant that there
never existed in this country a policy or a measure of gradual
emancipation, for, as we have seen, just such a policy was adopted
throughout the Northern States. It was by just such measures that the
Northern people rid themselves of the institutions which they had so
large a hand in imposing upon the South. But was this statement
correct even if limited by his last sentence, ‘We mean, of course,
against the Southern slave power,’ &c.?

“Mr. Lincoln declared, in his inaugural address, that the Republican
party had no intention to interfere with the institution of slavery;
and Congress, by a joint resolution, approved July 22nd, 1861,
repeated Mr. Lincoln’s declaration, and announced to the South that
the war was only for the preservation of the Union, and not for the
abolition of slavery; and Congress actually passed in March, 1861, by
a two-thirds vote, a proposed amendment to the Constitution that:—

“‘No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorise
or give Congress the power to abolish or interfere within any State
with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held
to labour or service by the laws of the said State.’

“Upon the recommendation, however, of Mr. Lincoln, made in a special
message in April, 1862, Congress passed another joint resolution
offering pecuniary aid from the General Government to induce the
States to adopt ‘general abolishment of slavery.’

“Mr. Lincoln expressed the sentiment of the North, which enabled him
to carry on the war successfully, when, on the 22nd August, 1862, he
said:

“‘My paramount object is to save the Union, and not to save or destroy
slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would
do it. If I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and
if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would
also do that.’

“The slaves in the States at war with the Federal Government were
freed as a military and not as a political measure. The Federal
Government did not free the slaves in Delaware, Maryland, and
Kentucky. The results of the war rendered slavery impracticable, but
that was all.

“The truth is that the South could at any time during the war have
secured the institution of slavery at the sacrifice of the right of
secession. That sacrifice she would not voluntarily make, and she lost
both her sovereignty and her slaves. She was the unfortunate,
innocent, last holder of a dishonoured bill, and the emitters of it
turned upon her and called to the world to see how they would punish
her for holding it.

“EDWARD MCCRADY, JR.”

To this it may be added that, under the old territorial laws of Illinois, persons were allowed to bring slaves into the Territory under the name of indentured servants. As such they might be held in bondage for a term of ninety-nine years or less. This was in direct violation of the spirit of the ordinance of 1787, which interdicted slavery or involuntary servitude in all the territory north of the Ohio River. The first Illinois State Constitution, adopted in 1818, prohibited the further introduction of slaves, but did not abolish this species of slavery by liberating the victims of the old Territorial enactments. Thus slavery existed in Illinois in defiance of the ordinance of 1787 until the adoption of the Constitution of 1848, which contained the following provision:—“There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in this State, except as a punishment for crime.” After the adoption of the Constitution of 1818, the first Legislature re-enacted the law “respecting free negroes, mulattoes, servants, and slaves” of Territorial times. No severer law was to be found in any slave State. It forbade negroes or mulattoes to settle in the State without certificates of freedom. No person was to employ any negro or mulatto without such certificate, under a penalty of $1.50 for each day. To harbour any slave or servant, or hinder the owner in retaking a slave, was made a felony, punishable by restitution or a fine of two-fold value, and by a whipping not to exceed thirty stripes. Every black or mulatto without a proper certificate was subject to arrest as a runaway slave, to be advertised for six weeks by the sheriff, when, if not reclaimed or his freedom established, he was sold for one year, after which he was entitled to a freedom certificate. Any slave or servant found ten miles from home without permit was liable to arrest and thirty-five stripes, on the order of a justice. For misbehaving to his master or family he was punishable with the lash. Indeed, punishment with the lash to the number of thirty-nine and forty stripes was prescribed for each of a long list of offences, real or of legal construction. Even after the adoption of the Constitution of 1848, which required the General Assembly at its first session to pass such laws as should effectually prohibit free persons of colour from immigrating to, or settling in this State, and should prohibit the owners of slaves from bringing them there for the purpose of setting them free, the Legislature passed an Act, February 12th, 1853, which imposed on every such coloured person a fine of $50. If the fine was not paid forthwith he was to be advertised and sold to any one who would pay the fine and costs for the shortest period of such person’s service. A case under this law was carried up to the Supreme Court, and decided, so late as 1864, to be valid. Other provisions of these enactments, which were known as the Black Laws, were almost equally detestable. On February 7th, 1865, they were repealed. Had it not been for these Black Laws the census of Illinois would not be blotted with an enrolment of “168 slaves” in 1810; 917 in 1820; 747 in 1830; and 331 in 1840—the last census that carries such a stain. Fortunately, the masters and people at large were better than their laws.

D.—THE GROWTH OF THE COLOURED RACE.

The following table shows the white and coloured populations of the whole of the United States at the various decennial periods from 1790 to the present time:—

─────┬──────────┬─────────────────────
Year.│ Total │ Coloured.
│ White. │
„ │ „ │ Free. │ Slaves.
─────┼──────────┼──────────┼──────────
1790 │ 3,172,006│ 59,527│ 697,681
1800 │ 4,306,446│ 108,437│ 893,602
1810 │ 5,862,073│ 186,446│ 1,191,362
1820 │ 7,862,166│ 233,634│ 1,538,022
1830 │10,537,378│ 319,599│ 2,009,043
1840 │14,195,805│ 386,293│ 2,487,355
1850 │19,553,068│ 434,495│ 3,204,313
1860 │26,922,537│ 488,070│ 3,953,760
1870 │33,589,377│ 4,880,009│ none
1880 │43,402,970│ 6,580,793│ none
1890 │ │ │ none
─────┴──────────┴──────────┴──────────

INDEX.

Abolition of slavery, 19

Adams, J. A., 52

Advantages of getting rid of the negro, 208, 209

Africa for the negro, 195, 201, etc.

African Colonisation Society, The, 183

African Steamship Co., The, 210

Aims, Necessity for providing the emigrant with, 197, 200, 204

Anderson, J. W., 43

Alabama, Reconstruction in, 32

Amendment XIII., 19, 21, 67

—— XIV., 25, 35, 67

—— XV., 39, 64, 67, 86, 151, 153, 154

American institutions unsuited for the negro, 196, 198

Anglo-Saxon antipathy to miscegenation, 169

“Appeal to Cæsar, An,” 90

“Appeal to Pharaoh, An,” 131, 165, 175, 178, 211

Argentine, Suggested migration to the, 189, 190

Arkansas, Cotton raised in, 194

—— _Democrat_ quoted, 192

Arms, Length of the negro’s, 69

Arrest of Democratic Legislators, 61

Arrest, Illegal, 51

Assisted emigration for the negro, 200

Atlanta _Constitution_ quoted, 73, 192

Augusta _Chronicle_ quoted, 128

Ballot, American system of, 81

——, Unsuitability of the negro for the, 86

Bancroft, Mr., 227

Barbers’ shops, Race prejudice in, 102

Barksdale, E., 23, 53

Barnwell, J. W., 214

Bassett, E. D., 163

_Belford’s Magazine_ quoted, 167

Belgians, H.M. the King of the, 203, 204

Bigelow, J. and P., 214

Birmingham _Age-Herald_ quoted, 190

Black Belt? What is the, 9

—— blood, Prejudice against, 87

—— Parliament, A, 41

Blank resignations, 59

Blyden, Dr. E. W., 189, 193

Board of Registration, The, 57

Boston _Advertiser_ quoted, 97

—— _Herald_ quoted, 72, 112

—— _Transcript_ quoted, The, 164

Brain, Weight of the negro’s, 69

Bruce, B. K., 162

Buckalew, Mr., 28

Buenos Ayres _Prensa_ quoted, 190

—— _Standard_ quoted, 190

Bullock, Governor, 50

Bureau, Freedmen’s, 25, 27

Butler, Senator, 196, 199

Cable, G. W., 91, 93, 102, 214

Call, Senator, 197, 199

Cardozo, Mr., 49

Carpet-baggers, 27, 33, 39, 52, 55, 141

Caste, Colour, 218

Census, Eleventh, 1

——, First, 3, 4

——, Tenth, 1 _et seq._

Chamberlain, Governor D. H., 46

Charleston _Budget_ quoted, 95

—— _News and Courier_ quoted, 80, 96, 102, 104, 105, 106, 120, 192,
194, 224

—— _Sun_ quoted, 226

—— _World_ quoted, 136

Chicago _Herald_ quoted, 101

Childishness of the negro, 199, 200

Church, A. M. E., 86

Cincinnati, Race prejudice at, 98

Civilisation of Africa by the negro, 201, 202, 203, 204

Civil Rights Bill, The, 65, 68

Clay, Henry, 183

Cleveland _Gazette_ quoted, 195

“Cobb on Slavery” quoted, 225

Colour caste, 217

Coloured majority, States having a, 5

—— men, Prominent, 162

—— National League and Voodooism, The, 113

—— people, _see also under_ Mulatto, Octoroon, etc.

Colour line in the North, The, 181, 182

Coloured race, Increase of the, 232

Colour, The significance of racial, 167

Columbia, Abolition of negro suffrage in, 74

Columbia, Negro suffrage in, 28

Columbia, S.C., Extravagance at, 40

Compensation of the negro, 207

Cone on Race Colour, Mr., 167

Confederate States held to be out of the Union, Ex-, 27, 29

Congo, American negroes for the, 203, 204, 211, 212

——, Advantages of the, 211

Congress may limit the suffrage, 86

——, Thirty-ninth, 24, 27

Connecticut, Slavery in, 227

Constitution, _see_ Amendments

Constitutional Conventions, 30

Conventions, Constitutional, 30

Corbin, Judge, 33, 34

Corruption in South Carolina, 44

——, Official, 36

—— of negro-Republican party, 58

Cost of negro emigration, 207

Cotton raised by white and by negro labour, 194

Cotton fields, The negro not necessary in the, 191, 192

“Counting out,” 80

Cranium, The negro, 70

Criminality of the negro, 114

“Cuffy, Old,” 36

Curtis, G. W., 71

“Cyclopædia of Political Science” quoted, 52

Dangers of the situation, 16, 143

Darnell, Prof. S. B., 172

Death-rate of the white and the negro, 3

Debt of the U.S. to the negro, 185, 186, 189, 198, 205

—— of the United States, 206

Democrat, The Southern white is a, 22

Democratic Legislators arrested, 61

Depew, C. M., 214

Diseases of negroes, 108

Disenfranchisement of ex-Confederates, 29, 54

Douglas, Senator, 172

Douglass, Mr. Fredk., 98, 163

Drummond, Prof., 179

Duty of the United States, 210, 213

Edgington, Col. T. B., 153

Edmunds, Senator, 75

Education as a suggested panacea, 157, 161, 164, 165

Education, Negro, 75, 116

Eight-box Law, The, 82, 83

Election at Mount Pleasant, An, 84

Elections, Fraudulent, 33, 50, 78–85

—— of 1886, 27

Elliott, R. B., 163

Emancipation a failure, 125

—— destructive of miscegenation, 177

—— in the North, 225

Emigration as a panacea, 181

——, Cost of negro, 207

—— from the South, White, 10, 11

——, Futile plans of, 184

——, The negro’s willingness for, 187, etc.

—— the only cure, 182, 188, 189

Enfranchisement of the negro, 29

Equality a hopeless dream, 155

Equity of pre-Reconstruction legislation in Virginia, 52

Eustis, Senator, 83

Expulsion by force impracticable, 198

Extermination of the negro, 155

Extravagance, Negro-Republican, 39

—— of the Reconstruction Era, 59

Eyes, Peculiarity of the negro’s, 69

Facial angle, The negro’s, 69

Farmer’s Alliance, The, 84, 145

Fleet, Governor Warmoth’s, 58

Florida, Reconstruction in, 50

Foreign birth in the South, People of, 11, 12

Forgery of an Act of the Florida Legislature, 50

_Forum_ quoted, The, 96, 193, 217

_Frankfurter Zeitung_ quoted, The, 224

Fraud, Apologists for white, 15

—— at elections, 33, 50, 78–85

——, The white rules by, 14, 15

Freedman, The liberties of the, 91

Freedmen’s Bureau, 25, 39

Froude on negro inferiority, 88

—— on race pride, 172

—— on the Haytian negro, 158

—— on the negro in San Domingo, 159, 160

Fulkerson, H. S., 115

Fulton, Dr., 142

Gaillard destroys registration books, 84

Galveston _News_ quoted, 192

Garfield on Reconstruction, 30

Georgia, Cost of General Assembly in, 49

——, Murder in, 96, 99

——, Negro ownership in, 120, 121, 122, etc.

——, Race prejudice in, 94

——, Reconstruction in, 49

Gibbs, Senator, 139

Gibson, Senator, 197, 199

Gilder, R. W., 214

Gilham on negro inferiority, 88, 89

—— on the growth of negro population, 12, 13, 14

Gouldsboro, Riot at, 94

Governors, Power of the Military, 30

Grady, H. W., 165

Grant, President, 26

Greenville _News_ quoted, 105, 192, 208

Growth of negro population, Estimated, 12, 13

Hamilton, Rev. J. W., 172

Hampton, Governor Wade, 46, 49, 197, 198

_Harper’s Weekly_ quoted, 71

Harris, G. E., 56

Hart, Governor, O. B., 51

Haskell, General, 84, 145

Hayti, Condition of, 158, 203

Healthiness of the South, General, 147

Hemphill, J. J., 23

Herbert, H. A., 22, 23

Hoar quoted, Mr., 36

Hoffman House, Race prejudice at the, 98

Holmes, Dr. O. W., 226

Hotels, Race prejudice at, 97, 98, 105

Hubbard, J. B., 43

Hybridism and sterility, 179

Ice-cream shops, Race prejudice in, 100

Idle class of whites peculiar to U.S.A., 148

Ignorance of the negroes, 33, 36, 73

—— of the Southern white, 149

Illegal arrests, 61

Illinois, Slavery in, 230

Illiteracy, Negro, 21

——, Statistics of, 117

Increase among the negroes, Rate of, 2, 233

Indebtedness of America to the negro, 198, 205

Inequality of the races, 20, 199

Infant mortality among the blacks, 8, 108

Ingalls, Senator, 80, 85

Instep, The negro’s, 70

Intimidation at Jackson, 95

——, Republican, 37

Intolerance excused, White, 73

Jefferson, President Thomas, 145, 182, 183, 184

Johnson, President, 25, 28, 29

Johnston, Professor Alexander, 52

Jones, A. O., 48

Judges, Dependency of the, 59

——, Ignorance of, 52

Judge’s charge, A queer, 34

Kellogg, W. P., 60, 61, 62

King, Senator Rufus, 184, 185

Kirk, Colonel, 37

Knott, Dr. J. C., 179

Ku-Klux Klan, The, 77

Lagos, American negroes in, 210

Langston, J. U., 163

“Lark heel,” The negro’s, 70

Laws, Danger of enforcing the, 66

——, Importance of the, 128

Lecky on the New England Slave Trade, 228

Lee, Governor, 208

——, Rev. T. S., 187

Legislature of South Carolina, The, 39, etc.

Liberia, Condition of, 160

——, Establishment of, 183

Limitation of Suffrage, Suggested, 154

Lincoln, President, 229

—— on miscegenation, 172

—— on negro inferiority, 88

—— on slavery, 20

—— on the suffrage, 30

Lopez not more powerful than Warmoth, 60

Lottery, The Louisiana, 62

Louisiana Lottery, The, 62

——, Reconstruction in, 56

——, Riot in, 94

Louisville _Courier Journal_ quoted, 132

Luxury of negro legislators, 39, 54

Lynching, 96, 116, 132, 133, 134, 135, 142

McCrady, Letter from Mr. Edward, 224–231

Machinery inimical to the negro, 194

Macon _Telegraph_ quoted, 99

M‘Kinley, C., 214

Maltreatment of the blacks, 94

Manumission a political measure, 19

——, Lincoln’s views on, 20

——, Seward’s views on, 19

Marriage, Negro avoidance of, 110

Martial Law in the South, 29

Massachusetts, Slavery in, 225, 226

Mean whites, 148

Memphis _Avalanche_ quoted, 191

Mexico, Suggested emigration to, 189

Middle passage, Horrors of the, 186

Military Governors, 23, 24

Military Governors, Power of the, 30

—— Rule in the South, 21

Militia, A coloured, 37, 42, 43, 46, 58

Minority, Rule of the, 8

Miscegenation, 217, etc.

—— as a suggested panacea, 157, 165, 178

——, Causes of, 175

——, Illegal, 106

—— is now rare, 174, 175

——, Lincoln on, 172

—— unnatural, 166

——, one-sided, 177

Mississippi, Cotton raised in, 194

——, Intimidation in, 95

——, Reconstruction in, 52

Missouri, Race prejudice in, 103

Mitchell, J. A. D., 195, 196

Moloney, Sir Alfred, 210

Montgomery _Herald_ quoted, The, 141

Morals of Southern whites, 143, 176

—— of the negroes, 110

Morgan, Senator, 197, 199

Morrill, Senator, 75

Mortality, _see also_ Death-rate

—— among the negroes, 109, 147

——, Infant, 8

Moses, Franklin J., 44, 45, 46, 47, 49

Mount Pleasant, An Election at, 83, 84

Mulatto, The, 174, 178 _et seq._

—— a bad citizen, The, 163, 177, 179, 180

—— children, Rarity of, 174

—— communities, 176

—— decreasing in numbers, 163

——, Intelligence of, 162

——, Short life of the, 179

——, The future of the, 213

—— unhealthiness, 178

Murder as a political factor, 77

—— in Alabama, 104, 136

—— in Georgia, 105, 133, 136

—— in Indiana, 137

—— in Kentucky, 137

—— in Louisiana, 105

—— in North Carolina, 135

—— in South Carolina, 97, 136

—— in Tennessee, 136

—— near Robins, 95

Nashville _American_ quoted, 192

_Nation_ quoted, The New York, 224, 228

Navy, Race prejudice in the American, 98

Negro, _see also_ Coloured Mulatto, Octoroon

——, Advantages of getting rid of the, 208, 209

——, Aims of the, 68

—— as a child, The, 199

—— as a worker, The, 139

—— at the polls, The, 77

—— avoidance of marriage, 110

—— can be dispensed with, 193

—— cannot govern, The, 161

—— childishness, 76, 199

—— colonisation, Causes of failure of, 183

—— —— Society of Augusta, 189

—— criminality, 114

——, Death-rate of the, 3

——, Debt of the United States to the, 185, 186, 189

——, Diseases of the, 108

—— education, 75, 116

—— emigration, Cost of, 207

——, Employments of the, 9, 10

——, Enforced inferiority of the, 71

—— enfranchisement, 29

——, Expectations of the extinction of the, 152

——, Extermination of the, 155

—— Government intolerable, 64

——, His unambitious nature, 11

——, How far the White depends upon the, 146

—— Ignorance, 33

——, Illiteracy of the, 21

——, Increase of the, 2

—— inferiority, Lincoln on, 88

—— ——, Froude on, 88

—— ——, Gilliam on, 88, 89

—— ——, Tourgée on, 89, 90

—— in sickness, Provision for the, 75

—— legislators, Vices of, 36

——, Material position of the, 119, 125

—— mortality, 109

—— must be assisted to emigrate, The, 200

—— must be governed, The, 200, 202

—— newspapers, 98, 120, 138, 141

——, Physical peculiarities of the, 69

——, Repression of the, 8

—— rule, 31, etc.

—— schools, 119

——, Social position of the, 65, 87

—— soldiers during the war, 186

—— suffrage advocated by Sumner, 28

—— suffrage in Columbia, 28

—— —— —— ——, Abolition of, 74

—— ——, Lincoln on, 21

—— ——, Opposition to, 24

—— tendency to relapse to barbarism, 168

——,” “The, 115

——, The South can spare the, 190

——, The White’s attitude towards the, 75, 140

—— threats to the Whites, 138, 142

——, Unhealthy habits of the, 108

——: Why he may not rule, 16

—— Venality, 33

Negrophobia in the North, 73, 74

Negro’s readiness to migrate, 187, etc.

Negroes are but small farmers, 192

——, Infant mortality among, 107

——, Morals of the, 110

——, Prominent, 162

—— unable to govern, 54

—— voting before they have the suffrage, 35

Nelson, Mr. Justice, 29

New England slave trade, The, 228

—— Hampshire, Slavery in, 226

—— Jersey, Slavery in, 227

—— Orleans, Coloured ownership in, 121

—— ——, _Picayune_ quoted, 97, 192

—— —— _Republican_ subsidised, 59

—— ——, Riot at, 61

—— —— _Times-Democrat_ quoted, 121, 191

—— York _Evening Post_ quoted, 99, 102

—— —— _Herald_ quoted, 99

—— ——, Race prejudice in, 97, 102

—— —— Slavery in, 228

—— —— _Star_ quoted, 96

—— —— _Tribune_ quoted, 108, 156

—— —— _World_ quoted, 98

Nicholls, Governor, 62

_North American Review_ quoted, 85, 171

North and South compared, 73

North Carolina, Reconstruction in, 35

North, Slavery in the, 224, etc.

Northern Ascendency, 24

Octoroon, White prejudice against the, 175

Oppression of the Southern Whites, 31

Orangeburg _Plain Speaker_ quoted, 98

_Othello_ in the South, 217

Outrage in Alabama, 134

—— in Georgia, 133, 134

—— in Kentucky, 132

—— in Maryland, 134

—— in South Carolina, 133

—— in Tennessee, 134

Outrages by negroes on women, 116, 132, 133, 134, 142

Packard, Governor, 62

Pardons given before trial, 50

Pasco, S., 23

Penalties for teaching a slave, 116

Pennsylvania, Slavery in, 227

Pension-roll of the United States, 207

Philadelphia _Evening Telegram_ quoted, 95

Pike, J. S., 41, 44

Pinchback, Governor, 60, 163

Pittsburg _Dispatch_ quoted, 95

——, Race prejudice at, 222

Politics, Effect of the situation upon, 144

Politics in the South, 21, 24

Polls, The negro at the, 77

Population of the South, 216

Post, U. S. A., Major, 214

_Presbyterian Quarterly_ quoted, 165

Printing in South Carolina, Cost of public, 48, 49

——, Republican monopoly of, 58

Property, The negro as a holder of, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124

Proportions of white and coloured, 5

Prostrate State, The, 38, 41

Puberty, Change in the negro at, 76

Public Funds, Waste of, 44

—— Offices, Race prejudice in, 102

Qualifications for the suffrage, 6

Race antagonism increases, 90

—— hatred, 26

—— prejudice, 72

—— —— at Cincinnati, 98

—— —— at hotels, 97, 98, 105

—— —— at ice-cream shops, 100

—— —— at Pittsburg, 222

—— —— at railway stations, 102

—— —— at Saratoga, 97

—— —— in barber-shops, 102

—— —— in Missouri, 105

—— —— in New York, 97, 102

—— —— in public offices, 102

—— —— in restaurants, 98

—— —— in schools, 100, 101

—— —— in the American Navy, 98

—— —— in the Church, 96, 103, 156

—— —— on railways, 99, 101, 102, 103

—— —— on the gallows, 96

Race pride, Froude on, 172

—— Problem, Its supposed settlement by the Civil War, 15

—— question, Importance of the, 68

Races, Irregularity of the, 20

Race war, 129, 209

Racial colour, 167

—— inequality, 106

—— separation beneficial, 198

Railways, Race prejudice on, 99, 101, 102, 103

—— stations, Race prejudice at, 102

Raleigh _State Chronicle_ quoted, 165

Ratification of Amendment XV., 151

Rawling, S. J. E., 214

Reconstruction, 22, etc.

—— Acts, 29

—— a political measure, 52, 53

——, Garfield on, 30

—— in Alabama, 32

—— in Florida, 50

—— in Georgia, 49

—— in Louisiana, 56

—— in Mississippi, 52

—— in North Carolina, 35

—— in South Carolina, 38

—— in Virginia, 51

——, Joint Committee on, 26

——, Lincoln on, 30, 31

Reed, Governor Harrison, 50

Registration books destroyed, 84

—— Certificates, Loss of, 80

——, The Board of, 57, 61, 62

Religious race prejudice, 156

Repeal of Amendment XV., Suggested, 153

Representation of States in Congress, 24

Repression of the Negro, 8

Republican majority in the Thirty-Ninth Congress, 28

_Republican_, New Orleans, 59

Republican, The negro is a, 21

Restaurants, Race prejudice at, 98

Returning Board, _see_ Registration, The Board of.

Rhode Island, Slavery in, 227

Richardson, Governor J. P., 82

Richmond _Dispatch_ quoted, 192

Riot at Gouldsboro’, 94

—— at New Orleans, 61

Roosevelt, T., 214

Sage, B. J., 23, 58, 60

St. Louis _Republic_ quoted, 98

San Domingo, Condition of, 159, 160

Saratoga, Race prejudice at, 97

Savannah _Times_ quoted, 103

Schoffner Act, The, 37

Schools for negroes, 119

——, Race prejudice in, 100, 101

Scomp, Professor, 193

Scott, General R. K., 39, 42, 43, 44

Selma _Independent_ quoted, 138

—— _Times_ quoted, 100

Separation of the races beneficial, 198

Seward on Manumission, 20

Shakespeare and race questions, 217, etc.

Shaw University, 204

Sherman, Senator, 75

Shepard, Colonel, 203

Shepley, Governor, 30

Sickness, Provision for the negro in, 75, 109

Silent South,” “The, 91

Silloway, T., 226

Skin, Peculiarities of the negro’s, 70

_Skipjack_, Log of H.M.S., 186

Slave, Illiteracy of the, 21

——, Penalties for teaching a, 116

Slavery, Abolition of, 19

—— in Connecticut, 227

—— —— Illinois, 230

—— —— Massachusetts, 225, 226

—— —— New Hampshire, 226

—— —— —— Jersey, 227

—— ——, Abolition of, New York, 227

—— —— Pennsylvania, 227

—— —— Rhode Island, 227

—— —— Vermont, 225

——, Lincoln on, 20

—— not the origin of the war, 19

—— said to be the only logical position for the negro, 164

Slaves in 1790, 225

Smith, Adam, 227

——, Dr. S. M., 165

——, E. B., 214

Snider, Professor J. D., 218

Snyder, Rev. J., 217

Social position of the negro, 87

—— equality said to be disclaimed by both races, 99

Solid South, The, 23

South Carolina, Cotton raised in, 194

—— ——, Inquiry into Scandals in, 47

—— ——, Murder in, 95, 97

—— ——, Reconstruction in, 38

—— Carolinian Statute of Ignorance, 116

——, Deterioration of the, 139, 191

——, General healthiness of the, 147

——, Military Rule in the, 21

——, Politics of the, 21, 24

——, Population of the, 216

——, The negro not indispensable to the, 190, etc.

——? Why the solid, 23

Southern Question, What is the, 71

Spain, Suggested negotiations with, 197

Speer, W. S., 20

Stanley, H. M., 199, 211, 213

Stanton, Secretary, 28

State House, Siege of the Louisiana, 62

States having a coloured majority, 5

Sterility and hybridism, 179

Stevens, T., 24

Stiles, R., 23, 52

Stokes, Colonel, 192

Suffrage, Negro, 21

—— in Columbia, Negro, 28

——, Lincoln on the, 30

——, Negroes voted before they had the, 35

——, Northern opposition to the, 24

——, Possible limitation of the, 86

——, Qualifications for the, 6

——, Suggested limitation of, 154

——, The negro not enamoured of the, 203

Sumner advocates negro suffrage, 28

Superstition, Negro, 112

Supremacy, White, 77

Supreme court, Decision of the, 65, 66, 68

Surrender, as a suggested panacea, 158

Tanner, Rev. Dr. B. T., 171, 173, 174

Taxation, Excessive, 55

Taylor, C. H. J., 183

Tennessee, Race prejudice in, 96

Texas, Cotton raised in, 194

——, Negro ownership in, 119

Thomas, Judge, 33

Thompson, J. E. W., 163

Tillman, Governor, 84, 145

_Times_ quoted, 199, 227

Tissue-ballots, 78

Tourgée, Judge, 118, 152, 161, 173

Trade jealousy in the North, 182

Troops, United States, 61, 62

Tucker, Rev. Dr. 110

Tupper, Dr. H. M., 204

Turner, Bishop H. M., 188

——, H. G., 23

Union divided, The, 209, 214

——, Ex-confederate States held to be out of the, 27

Vance, Z. B., 23, 36

Vermont, Slavery in, 225

Vetoes, President Johnson’s, 28, 29

Vices of negro legislators, 36

Virginia, Reconstruction in, 51

Voodooism, 112, 114

“Vote early and often,” 80

Voters, Qualifications of, 6

Voters, tampering with, 77 _et seq._

Voting populations, 7

War, The South after the, 22, 26 etc.

Warmoth, H. C., 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63

Warrants of Arrest, Blank, 61

Waste of Public Funds, 44

Wealth of the United States, 206

Whipping of negroes, 104

White intolerance excused, 73

White supremacy, 77, 85

White, The negro’s treatment by the 75

White, Ignorance of the Southern, 149

White people are enough for the South, 191, 192

White women to the negro, Attitude of the Southern, 141, 142, 177

Whites assumed without evidence to be guilty, 39

Whites, Depravity of the, 54

Whites, Increase of the Southern, 2

Whites, Idle class of peculiar to U.S., 148

Whites, Oppression of the Southern, 31

Williams, Col. G. W., 203

Williams, Rev. Isaac, 112

Wilson’s “Rise and Fall of Slave Power,” 227

Women, Their position in the Black Belt, 131 _et seq._, 141, 177

PRINTED BY CASSELL & COMPANY, LIMITED, LA BELLE SAUVAGE, LONDON, E.C.

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