Chapter XI: Part 11

Many fragments of obsidian, varying in size, are found strewn over the surface of the majority of ancient ruins in Tusayan, and the quantity of this material on some mounds indicates its abundance in those early habitations. This material must have been highly prized for knives, arrowpoints, and weapons of various kinds, as several of the graves contained large fragments of it, some more or less chipped, others in natural forms. The fact of its being deemed worthy of deposit in the graves of the Sikyatkians would indicate that it was greatly esteemed. I know of no natural deposit of obsidian near Sikyatki or in the province of Tusayan, so that the probability is that these fragments had been brought a considerable distance before they were buried in the earth that now covers the dead of the ancient pueblos.

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXI

STONE IMPLEMENTS FROM PALATKI, AWATOBI, AND SIKYATKI]

NECKLACES, GORGETS, AND OTHER ORNAMENTS

The Sikyatki people buried their dead adorned with necklaces and other ornaments as when living. The materials most highly prized for necklaces were turquois and shell which were fashioned into beads, some of which were finely made. These necklaces did not differ from those now worn, and the shells employed were mostly marine varieties of the genus _Pectunculus_. The turquois beads are often as finely cut as any now worn, and their presence in the graves led to the only serious trouble which I had with my native workmen, as they undoubtedly appropriated many which were found. Some of these turquois beads are simply flat fragments, perforated at one end, others are well formed. Many skeletons had a single turquois near the mastoid process of the skull, showing that they had been worn as ear pendants. On the neck of one skeleton we found a necklace of many strands, composed of segments of the leg bones of the turkey, stained green. There were other specimens of necklaces made of turkey bones, which were smoothly finished and apparently had not been stained.

Necklaces of perforated cedar berries were likewise found, some of them still hanging about the necks of the dead, and in one instance, a small saucer like vessel (plate CXX, _d_) was filled with beads of this kind, as if the necklace had thus been deposited in the grave as a votive offering.

For gorgets the Sikyatki people apparently prized slabs of lignite (plate CLXXII, _d_) and plates of selenite. It was likewise customary to make small clay imitations of birds and shells for this and for other ornamental purposes; these, for the most part, however, were not found in the graves, but were picked up on the surface or in the débris within the rooms.

The three forms imitating birds shown in plate CLXXIII, _g_, _h_, _i_, are rude in character, and one of them is crossed by a black line from which depend parallel lines, representing falling rain; all of these specimens have a perforated knot on the under side for suspension, as shown in the figure between them.

The forms of imitations of shells, in clay, of which examples are shown in plate CLXXIII, _j_, _k_, _l_, are rude in character; they are often painted with longitudinal or vertical black lines, and have a single or double perforation for suspension. The shell imitated is probably the young _Pectunculus_, a Pacific-coast mollusk, with which the ancient Hopi were familiar.

TOBACCO PIPES

I have elsewhere mentioned that every modern Tusayan ceremony opens and closes with a ceremonial smoke, and it is apparent that pipes were highly prized by the ancient Sikyatkians.

The form of pipe used in most ceremonials today has a bowl with its axis at right angles to the stem, but so far as I have studied ancient Pueblo pipes this form appears to be a modern innovation.[158] To determine the probable ancient form of pipe, as indicated by the ritual, I will invite attention to one of the most archaic portions of the ceremonies about the altar of the Antelope priesthood, at the time of the Snake dance at Walpi:[159]

"The songs then ceased, and Wí-ki sent Ká-tci to bring him a light. Ká-tci went out, and soon returned with a burning corncob, while all sat silently awaiting Wí-ki's preparation for the great _Ó-mow-ûh_ smoke, which was one of the most sacred acts performed by the Antelope priests in these ceremonials.

"The _wu-kó-tco-ño_ is a huge, stemless pipe, which has a large opening in the blunt end, and a smaller one in the pointed. It is five inches long, one inch in diameter at the large aperture, and its greatest circumference is seven and a half inches. The pipe is made of some black material, possibly stone, and as far as could be seen was not ornamented. The bowl had previously been filled with leaves carefully gathered from such places as are designated by tradition. In the subsequent smokes the ashes, "dottle," were saved, being placed in a small depression in the floor, but were not again put in the pipe.

"Wí-ki took the live ember from Ká-tci and placed it in the large opening of the pipe, on the leaves which filled its cavity. He then knelt down and placed the pipe between the two _tí-po-nis_, so that the pointed end rested on the head of the large fetish, between the ears. Every one remained silent, and Wí-ki blew several dense clouds of smoke upon the sand altar, one after another, so that the picture was concealed. The smoke was made by blowing through the pipe, the fire being placed in the bowl next the mouth, and the whole larger end of the pipe was taken into the mouth at each exhalation.

"At the San Juan pueblo, near Santa Fé, where I stopped on my way to Tusayan, I purchased a ceremonial headdress upon which several spruce twigs were tied. Wí-ki received some fragments of these with gratitude, and they formed one of the ingredients which were smoked in the great _ó-mow-ûh_ pipe. The scent of the mixture was very fragrant, and filled the room, like incense. The production of this great smoke-cloud, which is supposed to rise to the sky, and later bring the rain, ended the first series of eight songs.

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXII

PAINT GRINDER, FETISH, KAOLIN DISKS, AND LIGNITE FROM SIKYATKI]

"Immediately after this event, Há-ha-we filled one of the small-stemmed pipes lying near the fireplace with native tobacco, and after lighting it puffed smoke on the altar. He passed the pipe to Wí-ki, holding it near the floor, bowl foremost, as he did so, and exchanging the customary terms of relationship. Wí-ki then blew dense clouds of smoke over the two _tí-po-nis_ and on the sand picture. Há-ha-we, meanwhile, lit a second pipe, and passed it to Kó-pe-li, the Snake chief, who enjoyed it in silence, indiscriminately puffing smoke on the altar, to the cardinal points, and in other directions. Kó-pe-li later gave his pipe to Ká-kap-ti, who sat at his right, and Wí-ki passed his to Na-syuñ-'we-ve, who, after smoking, handed the pipe to Kwá-a, who in turn passed it to Ká-tci, by whom it was given to Há-ha-we. Ká-tci, the last priest to receive it before it was returned to the pipe-lighter, smoked for a long time, and repeatedly puffed clouds of smoke upon the sand picture. Meanwhile Ká-kap-ti had handed his pipe to Há-ha-we, both exchanging terms of relationship and carefully observing the accompanying ceremonial etiquette. Há-ha-we, as was his unvarying custom, carefully cleaned the two pipes, and laid them on the floor by the side of the fireplace."

The form of pipe used in the above ceremony is typical of ancient Pueblo pipes, several of which were found at Sikyatki. One of these, much smaller than the _ó-mow-ûh_ pipe, was made of lava, and bore evidence of use before burial. It is evident, however, that these straight pipes were not always smoked as above described. The most interesting pipes found at Sikyatki were more elongated than that above mentioned and were made of clay. Their forms are shown in plate CLXXIII, _b_, _c_, _d_, _f_. One of these (_b_) is very smooth, almost glazed, and enlarged into two lateral wings near the mouth end, which is perforated with a small hole. The cavity at the opposite end is large enough to hold sufficient for a good smoke, and shows evidence of former use. The whole median region of the exterior is formed by a collar incised with lines, as if formerly wrapped with fiber. In some of the modern ceremonials, as that of the Bear-Puma dramatization in the Snake dance, a reed cigarette is used, ancient forms of which have been found in sacrificial caves, and there seems no doubt that this pipe is simply a clay form of those reeds. The markings on the collar would by this interpretation indicate the former existence of a small fabric wrapped about it. The two pipes shown, in plate CLXXIII, _b_, _f_, are tubular in shape,[160] highly polished, and on one of them (_f_) we see scratches representing the same feature as the collar of _b_, and probably made with the same intent.

The fragment of a pipe shown in plate CLXXIII, _d_, is interesting in the same connection. The end of this pipe is broken, but the stem is intact, and on two sides of the bowl there are elevations covered with crosshatching. The pipe is of clay and has a rough external surface.

It is improbable that these pipes were always smoked as the _wu-kó-tco-ño_ of the Snake ceremony, but the smaller end was placed to the mouth, and smoke taken into the mouth and exhaled. It is customary in ceremonials now practiced, to wind a wisp of yucca about the stem of a short pipe, that it may not become too hot to hold in the hand. This may be a possible explanation[161] of the scratches on the sides of the ancient tube pipes from Sikyatki.

PRAYER-STICKS

One of the most important objects made in the secret ceremonials of the modern Pueblos is sacrificial in nature, and is called a paho or "water wood," which is used as an offering to the gods (figure 357). These pahos are made of a prescribed wood, of length determined by tradition, and to them are tied appendages of symbolic meaning. They are consecrated by songs, about an altar, upon which they are laid, and afterward deposited in certain shrines by a special courier.

In modern times the forms of these pahos differ very greatly, the shape depending on the society which makes them, the god addressed, and the purpose for which they are used, as understood by the initiated. Among many other uses they are sometimes mortuary in character, and are deposited in the graves of chiefs, as offerings either to the God of Death, or to other deities, to whom they may be presented by the shade or breath body of the deceased. This use of pahos is of ancient origin in Tusayan, as shown by the excavations at Sikyatki, where they were found in mortuary bowls or vases deposited by the relatives or surviving members of the sacerdotal societies to which the deceased had belonged.

This pre-Spanish custom in Tusayan was discovered in my excavations at Awatobi, but the prayer-sticks from that place were fragmentary as compared with the almost perfect pahos from Sikyatki. These pahos are of many forms;[162] some of them are of considerable size, and the majority are of distinctive forms (plates CLXXIV-CLXXV). There are also many fragments, the former shapes of which could not be determined. When it is considered that these wooden objects with their neat carvings were fashioned with stone implements, the high character of the work is very remarkable. They show, in several instances, the imprint of attached strings and feathers, portions of which still remain; also, in one instance, fragments of a pine needle. They are painted with green and black mineral pigments, the former of which had undoubtedly done much to preserve the soft wood of which they were manufactured. As at the present day, cottonwood and willow were the favorite prescribed woods for pahos, and some of the best were made of pine. The forms of these ancient prayer offerings, as mentioned hereafter, differ somewhat from those of modern make, although in certain instances there is a significant resemblance between the two kinds.

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIII

PIPES, BELL, AND CLAY BIRDS AND SHELLS FROM AWATOBI AND SIKYATKI]

One of the most striking instances of resemblance between the old and the new is the likeness of some of these ancient pahos to those now made by the Flute society, and if this resemblance is more than a coincidence, the conclusion that the present flute paho is a survival of the ancient form may be accepted. As adding weight to this theory it may be mentioned that traditionally the Flute people claim to be the ancient people of Tusayan, and possibly contemporaries, in that province, with the ancient inhabitants of Sikyatki. There is likewise a most suggestive resemblance between these pahos and certain similar sticks from cliff dwellings, and it is a belief, which I can not yet demonstrate as true, that kindred people, or the same sacerdotal societies represented in cliff houses and in Sikyatki, manufactured ceremonial prayer offerings which are identical in design. Plate CLXXIV, _a_, represents a double stick paho, which closely resembles the prayer offering of the modern Flute society. The two rods were found together and originally had been attached, as indicated by the arrangement of the impression of the string midway of their length. The stick of the left has a facet cut on one side, upon which originally three dots were depicted to represent the eyes and the mouth. This member of the paho was the female; the remaining stick was the male. There are two deep grooves, or ferules, cut midway of their length, a distinctive characteristic of the modern flute paho. Both components are painted green, as is still customary in prayer-sticks of this fraternity. The pahos shown in _b_, _c_, and _d_, are likewise ascribed to the same society, and differ from the first only in length. They represent female sticks of double flute pahos. The length of these prayer-sticks varies on different ceremonial days, and is determined by the distance of the shrines for which they are intended. The unit of measurement is the length of certain joints of the finger, and the space between the tip of longest digit to certain creases in the palm of the hand. The length of the ancient Sikyatki pahos, ascribed to the Flute society, follows the same rule.

Plate CLXXIV, _e_, _f_, have the same ferules referred to in the description above, but are of greater diameter. They are unlike any modern paho except in this particular. In _g_ is depicted a still larger prayer-stick, with two serrate incisions on each side of the continuation of the flattened facet.

Specimens _h_ to _m_ are forms of pahos which I can not identify. They are painted green, generally with black tips, round, flattened, and of small size. Figure _n_ is a part of a paho which closely resembles prayer-sticks found in the cliff houses of Mesa Verde and San Juan valley of northern New Mexico.

Numerous specimens of a peculiar razor-shape paho were found, two of which are shown in plate CLXXV, _o_, _s_. The paho shown in figure _d_ is flat on one side and rounded on the other, narrowing at one end, where it was probably continued in a shaft, and a hole is punctured at the opposite extremity, as if for suspension. It is barely possible that this may have been a whizzer or bull-roarer, such as are used at the present day to imitate the wind, and commonly carried by the performer in a public dance who personifies the warrior. Figure _t_ differs from the ordinary flute paho in having five constrictions in the upper part, and in being continued into a very long shank.

The best preserved of all the pahos from the Sikyatki graves are represented in _u_ and _v_, both of which were found in the same mortuary bowl. They are painted with a thick layer of green pigment, and have shafts, which are blackened and placed in opposite directions in the two figures. Their general form may be seen at a glance. The lower surface of the object shown in _u_ is perfectly flat, and the part represented at the upper end is evidently broken off. This is likewise true of both extremities of the object shown in _v_; it is also probable that it had originally a serrated end, comparable with that shown in _c_. A similar terraced extremity survives in the corn paho carried by the so-called Flute girls in the biennial celebrations of the Flute ceremonies in the modern Tusayan pueblos.

I refer the paho to the second group of sacrifices mentioned by Tylor,[163] that of homage, "a doctrine that the gist of sacrifice is rather in the worshiper giving something precious to himself than in the deity receiving benefit. This may be called the abnegation theory, and its origin may be fairly explained by considering it as derived from the original gift theory."

While it is probably true that the Hopi barters his paho with the idea of receiving in return some desired gift, the main element is probably homage, but there is involved in it the third and highest element of sacrifice, abnegation. It is a sacrifice by symbolism, a part for the whole.

On this theory the query naturally is, what does a paho represent? While it is difficult to answer this question, I think a plausible suggestion can be made. It is a sacrifice by symbolic methods of that which the Hopi most prize, corn or its meal.

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXIV

PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI]

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CLXXV

PAHOS OR PRAYER-STICKS FROM SIKYATKI]

In a simple prayer the sacrifice is a pinch of meal thrown on the fetish or toward it. This is an individual method of prayer, and the pinch of meal, his prayer bearer, the sacrifice.

When a society made its prayers this meal, symbolic of a gift of corn, is tied in a packet and attached to two sticks, one male, the other female, with prescribed herbs and feathers. Here we have the ordinary prayer-stick, varying in details but essentially the same, a sacrifice to the gods appropriately designated by prescribed accessories.

Frequently this packet of meal may be replaced by a picture of an ear of corn drawn on a flat slat, the so-called "corn paho" of the Flute maidens,[164] or we may have an ear of corn tied to the wooden slat. In the _Mamzrau_ ceremony the women carry these painted slats in their hands, as I have elsewhere described.[165] It appears as if, in all these instances, there exists a sacrificial object, a symbolic offering of corn or meal.

The constant appearance of the feather on the paho has suggested an interpretation of the prayer-plumes as symbolic sacrifices of birds on the theory of a part for the whole; we know that among the Nahua sacrifices of birds were common in many ceremonials. The idea of animal sacrifice, and, if we judge from legends, of human sacrifice, was not an unknown conception among the Pueblos. While it is possible that the omnipresence of the feather on the prayer-sticks may admit of that interpretation, to which it must be confessed the male and the female components in double pahos lend some evidence,[166] I believe the main object was, as above stated, an offering of meal, which constituted the special wealth of an agricultural people.

MARINE SHELLS AND OTHER OBJECTS

The excavations at Sikyatki did not reveal a large number of marine shells, although some of the more common genera used in the ancient pueblos were found.

There were several fragments of _Pectunculus_ cut into the form of wristlets, like those from the ruins on the Little Colorado which I have described. Two beautiful specimens of _Oliva angulata_, truncated at each pole, which occurred in one of the mortuary bowls, and a few conical rattles, made of the spires of _Conus_, were taken from the graves; there were also a few fragments of an unknown _Haliotis_. All of the above genera are common to the Pacific, and no doubt were obtained by barter or brought by migratory clans to Tusayan from the far south. One of the most interesting objects in Sikyatki food basins from the necropolis was a comparatively well preserved rattle of a rattlesnake. The Walpi Snake chief, who was employed by me when this was found and was present at the time it was removed from the earth, declared that, according to the legends, there were no Snake people living at Sikyatki when it was destroyed, but the discovery of the snake rattle shows that the rattler was not without reverence there, even if not in the house of his friends, and some other explanation may be suggested to account for this discovery. There are evidences that the ancient Hopi, like certain Yuman tribes, wore a snake's rattle as an ornament for the neck, in which case the rattle found in the Sikyatki food basin may have been simply a votive offering, and in no way connected with ceremonial symbolism.

Among many other mortuary offerings was one which was particularly suggestive. This specimen represented in plate CLXIX, _e_, is made of unbaked clay, and has a reticulated surface, as if once incrusted with foreign objects. The Hopi who were at work for me declared that this incrustation had been composed of seeds, and that the pits over the surface of the clay cone were evidence of their former existence. They identified this object as a "corn mound," and reminded me that a similar object is now used in the _Powamu_, _Lalakonti_, and certain other ceremonies. I have elsewhere mentioned the clay corn mound incrusted with seeds of various kinds in a description of the altar of the last-mentioned ceremony. These corn mountains (_ká-ü-tü'-kwi_) are made in the November ceremony called the _N[=a]-ác-nai-ya_, as described in my account of those rites from which I quote[167]--

"The _Tá-tau-kya-mû_ were very busy in their kib-va. Every
member was shelling corn of the different colors as if on a
wager. Each man made a figure of moist clay, about four or
five inches across the base. Some of these were in the form
of two mammæ, and there were also many wedge and cone forms,
in all of which were embedded corn kernels, forming the
cloud and other of the simpler conventional figures in
different colors, but the whole surface was studded as full
as possible with the kernels. Each man brought down his own
_pó-o-tas_ (tray), on which he sprinkled prayer-meal, and
set his _ká-ü-tü'-kwi_ (corn mountain) upon it. He also
placed ears of corn on the tray."

These corn mountains were carried by the _Tá-tau-kya-mû_ priesthood during an interesting ceremony which I have thus described:[168]

"The whole line then passed slowly along the front of the
village sideways, facing the north, and singing, and all the
women came out and helped themselves to the clay molds and
the ears of corn borne by the _Tá-tau-kya-mû_, bestowing
many thanks upon the priests."

The fragment of polished stone shown in plate CLXIX, _d_, is perforated near the edge for suspension, and was found near the aural orifice of a skull, apparently indicating that it had been used as a pendant. With this object, many rude arrowpoints, concretions of stone, and the kaolin disk mentioned above were also found. Small round disks of pottery, with a median perforation, were not common, although sometimes present. They are identified as parts of primitive drills.

No object made of metal was found at Sikyatki, nor is there any evidence that the ancient people of that pueblo ever saw the Spaniards or used any implement of their manufacture. While negative evidence can hardly be regarded as a safe guide to follow, so far as knowledge of copper is concerned, it is possible that the people of ancient Tusayan pueblos, in their trading expeditions to southern Arizona, may have met races who owned small copper bells and trinkets of metal. I can hardly believe, however, that the Tusayan Indians were familiar with the art of tempering copper, and even if objects showing this treatment shall be found hereafter in the ruins of this province it will have to be proved that they were made in that region, and not brought from the far south.

No glazed pottery showing Spanish influence was found at Sikyatki, but there can hardly be a doubt that the art of glazing pottery was practiced by the ancestors of the Tusayan people. The modern potters of the East Mesa never glaze their pottery, and no fragment of glazed ware was obtained from the necropolis of Sikyatki.

PERISHABLE CONTENTS OF MORTUARY FOOD BOWLS

It is the habit of the modern Tusayan Indians to deposit food of various kinds on the graves of their dead. The basins used for that purpose are heaped up with paper-bread, stews, and various delicacies for the breath-body of the deceased. Naturally from its exposed position much of this food is devoured by animals or disappears in other ways. There appears excellent evidence, however, that the mortuary food offerings of the ancient Sikyatkians were deposited with the body and covered with soil and sometimes stones.

The lapse of time since these burials took place has of course caused the destruction of the perishable food substances, which are found to be simple where any sign of their former presence remains. Thin films of interlacing rootlets often formed a delicate network over the whole inner surface of the bowl. Certain of the contents of these basins in the shape of seeds still remain; but these seeds have not germinated, possibly on account of previous high temperatures to which they have been submitted. A considerable quantity of these contents of mortuary bowls were collected and submitted to an expert, the result of whose examination is set forth in the accompanying letter:

U. S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, DIVISION OF BOTONY, _Washington, D. C., March 25, 1896._

DEAR DR FEWKES: Having made a cursory examination of the
samples of supposed vegetable material sent by you day
before yesterday, collected at Sikyatki, Arizona, in
supposed prehistoric burial places, I have the following
preliminary report to make:

No. 156247. A green resinous substance. I am unable to say
whether or not this is of vegetable origin.

No. 156248. A mass of fibrous material intermixed with sand,
the fibers consisting in part of slender roots, in part of
the hair of some animal.

No. 156249. This consists of a mixture of seed with a small
amount of sand present. The seeds are, in about the relative
order of their abundance, (_a_) a leguminous shiny seed of a
dirty olive color, possibly of the genus _Parosela_ (usually
known as _Dalea_); (_b_) the black seed shells, flat on one
side and almost invariably broken, of a plant apparently
belonging to the family _Malvaceae_; (_c_) large, flat,
nearly black achenia, possibly of a _Coreopsis_, bordered
with a narrow-toothed wing; (_d_) the thin lenticular
utricles of a _Carex_; (_e_) the minute black, bluntly
trihedral seeds of some plant of the family _Polygonaceae_,
probably an _Eriogonum_. The majority of these seeds have a
coating of fine sand, as if their surface had originally
been viscous; (_f_) a dried chrysalis bearing a slight
resemblance to a seed.

No. 156250. This bottle contains the same material as No.
156249, except that no larvæ are found, but a large, plump,
brownish, lenticular seed 4 mm. in diameter, doubtless the
seed of a _Croton_.

No. 156251. A thin fragment of matter consisting of minute
roots of plants partially intermixed on one surface with
sand.

No. 156252. This consists almost wholly of plant rootlets
and contains a very slight amount of sand.

No. 156254. This consists of pieces of rotten wood through
which had grown the rootlets of plants. The wood, upon a
microscopical examination, is shown to be that of some
dicotyledonous tree of a very loose and light texture. The
plant rootlets in most cases followed the large ducts that
run lengthwise through the pieces of wood and take up the
greater part of the space.

No. 156255. The mass contained in this bottle is made up of
(_a_) grains, contained in their glumes or husks, of some
grass, probably _Oryzopsis membranacea_; (_b_) what appears
to be the minute spherical spore cases of some microscopical
fungus. The spore cases have a wall with a shiny brown
covering, or apparently with this covering worn off and
exhibiting an interior white shell. Within this is a very
large number of spherical spore-like bodies of a uniform
size; (_c_) a few plant rootlets.

No. 156256. The material in this bottle is similar to that
in 156255 except that the amount of rootlets is greater, the
grass seeds are of a darker color, seemingly somewhat more
disorganized, and somewhat more slender in form, and that
the spore cases seem to be entirely wanting.

No. 156257. The material in this bottle is similar to that
in No. 156249, containing the seeds numbered _a_, _b_, _c_,
and _d_ mentioned under that number, besides a greater
amount of plant rootlets and some fragments of corncob.

No. 156258. This consists almost entirely of plant rootlets
and sand.

No. 156259. This consists chiefly of the leaves of some
coniferous tree, either an _Abies_ or a _Pseudotsuga_.

All the seeds with the exception of those of the leguminous
plant are dead and their seed-coats rotten. The leguminous
seeds are still hard and will be subjected to a germination
test.[169]

For a specific and positive identification of these seeds it
will be necessary either for a botanist to visit the region
from which they came or to have at his disposal a complete
collection of the plants of the vicinity. Under such
conditions he could by process of exclusion identify the
seeds with an amount of labor almost infinitely less than
would be required in their identification by other means.

Very sincerely yours,

FREDERICK V. COVILLE, _Botanist._

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: See "The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan," _American Anthropologist_, May, 1896. "Two Ruins Recently Discovered in the Red Rock Country, Arizona," ibid., August, 1896. "The Cliff Villages of the Red Rock Country, and the Tusayan Ruins, Sikyatki and Awatobi, Arizona," Smithsonian Report for 1895.]

[Footnote 2: The reader's attention is called to the fact that this report is not intended to cover all the ruins in the section of Arizona through which the expedition passed; it is simply a description of those which were examined, with a brief mention of such others as would aid in a general comprehension of the subject. The ruins on the Little Colorado, near Winslow, Arizona, will be considered in a monograph to follow the present, which will be a report on the field work in 1896. If a series of monographs somewhat of this nature, but more comprehensive, recording explorations during many years in several different sections, were available, we would have sufficient material for a comprehensive treatment of southwestern archeology.]

[Footnote 3: It may be borne in mind that several other clans besides the Patki claim to have lived long ago in the region southward from modern Tusayan. Among these may be mentioned the Patuñ (Squash) and the Tawa (Sun) people who played an important part in the early colonization of Middle Mesa.]

[Footnote 4: Report upon the Indian Tribes, Pacific Railroad Survey, vol. III, pt. iii, p. 14, Washington, 1856. The cavate dwellings of the Rio Verde were first described by Dr E. A. Mearns. Although it has sometimes been supposed that Coronado followed the trail along Verde valley, and then over the Mogollones to Rio Colorado Chiquito, Bandelier has conclusively shown a more easterly route.]

[Footnote 5: See mention of cliff houses in Walnut canyon in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.]

[Footnote 6: The kinship of Cliff dwellers and Pueblos was long ago recognized by ethnologists, both from resemblances of skulls, the character of architecture, and archeological objects found in each class of dwellings. It is only in later years, however, that the argument from similar ceremonial paraphernalia has been adduced, owing to an increase of our knowledge of this side of Pueblo life. See Bessels, Bull. U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories, vol. II, 1876; Hoffman, Report on Chaco Cranium, ibid., 1877, p. 457. Holmes, in 1878, says: "The ancient peoples of the San Juan country were doubtless the ancestors of the present Pueblo tribes of New Mexico and Arizona." See, likewise, Cushing, Nordenskiöld, and later writers regarding the kinship of Cliff villagers and Pueblos.]

[Footnote 7: Report of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology for the year ending June 30, 1894; Smithsonian Report, 1894.]

[Footnote 8: The ruins in Chaves Pass, 110 miles south of Oraibi, will be considered in the report of the expedition of 1896, when extensive excavations were made at this point. About midway between the Chaves Pass ruins and those of Beaver creek, in Verde valley, there are other ruins, as at Rattlesnake Tanks, and as a well-marked trail passes by these former habitations and connects the Verde series with those of Chaves Pass, it is possible that early migrations may have followed this course. There is also a trail from Homolobi and the Colorado Chiquito ruins through Chaves Pass into Tonto Basin.]

[Footnote 9: Smithsonian Report, 1883; Report of Major Powell, Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 57 et seq. Explorations in the Southwest, ibid., 1886, p. 52 et seq.]

[Footnote 10: Report of an Expedition down the Zuñi and Colorado rivers; Washington, 1853.]

[Footnote 11: Smithsonian Report, 1883, Report of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 62: "Pending the arrival of goods at Moki, Mr Cushing returned across the country to Zuñi for the purpose of observing more minutely than on former occasions the annual sun ceremonials. En route he discovered two ruins, apparently before unvisited. One of these was the outlying structure of K'n'-i-K'él, called by the Navajos Zïnni-jin'ne and by the Zuñis He'-sho'ta pathl-tâ[)i]e, both, according to Zuñi tradition, belonging to the Thlé-e-tâ-kwe, the name given to the traditional northwestern migration of the Bear, Crane, Frog, Deer, Yellow-wood, and other gentes of the ancestral pueblos."]

[Footnote 12: The reduplicated syllable recalls Hopi methods of forming their plural, but is not characteristic of them, and the word Totonteac has a Hopi sound. The supposed derivation of Tonto from Spanish _tonto_, "fool," is mentioned, elsewhere. The so-called Tonto Apache was probably an intruder, the cause of the desertion of the "basin" by the housebuilders. The question whether Totonteac is the same as Tusayan or Tuchano is yet to be satisfactorily answered. The map makers of the sixteenth century regarded them as different places, and notwithstanding Totonteac was reported to be "a hotte lake" in the middle of the previous century, it held its place on maps into the seventeenth century. It is always on or near a river flowing into the Gulf of California.]

[Footnote 13: Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.]

[Footnote 14: Mr Mindeleff's descriptions deal with the same cluster of cavate ruins here described, but are more specially devoted to the more southern section of them, not considering, if I understand him, the northern row here described. I had also made extensive studies of the rooms figured by him previously to the publication of his article, but as my notes on these rooms are anticipated by his excellent memoir I have not considered the rooms described by him, but limited my account to brief mention of a neighboring row of chambers not described in his report.]

[Footnote 15: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. II, No. 1. All the Tusayan kivas with which I am familiar have this raised spectator's part at one end. The altars are always erected at the opposite end of the room, in which is likewise the hole in the floor called the _sipapû_, symbolic of the traditional opening through which races emerged to the earth's surface from an underworld. Banquettes exist in some Tusayan kivas; in others, however, they are wanting. The raised platform in dwelling rooms is commonly a sleeping place, above which blankets are hung and, in some instances, corn is stored. A small opening in the step often admits light to an otherwise dark granary below the floor. In no instance, however, are there more than one such platform, and that commonly partakes of the nature of another room, although seldom separated from the other chamber by a partition.]

[Footnote 16: Counting from the point of the cliff shown in plate XCI_a_. The positions of the rooms are indicated by the row of entrances.]

[Footnote 17: It was from this region that the individual chambers, described by Mindeleff, were chosen.]

[Footnote 18: Mr Mindeleff, in his valuable memoir, has so completely described the cavate dwellings of the Rio Grande and San Juan regions that their discussion in this account would be superfluous.]

[Footnote 19: See Mindeleff, Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, _American Anthropologist_, April, 1895. The suggestion that cliff outlooks were farming shelters in some instances is doubtless true, but I should hesitate giving this use a predominance over outlooks for security. In times of danger, naturally the agriculturist seeks a high or commanding position for a wide outlook; but to watch his crops he must camp among them.]

[Footnote 20: Ancient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley, Dr E. A. Mearns; _Popular Science Monthly_, vol. XXVII. Mindeleff, Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley; Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.]

[Footnote 21: Since the above lines were written Mr C. F. Lummis, who has made many well-known contributions to the ethnology and archeology of the Pueblo area, has published in _Land of Sunshine_ (Los Angeles, 1895), a beautiful photographic illustration and an important description of this unique place.]

[Footnote 22: Miscellaneous Ethnographic Observations on Indians inhabiting Nevada, California, and Arizona, Tenth Annual Report of the Hayden Survey, p. 478; Washington, 1878.]

[Footnote 23: The cliff houses of Bloody Basin I have not examined, but I suspect they are of the same type as the so-called Montezuma Castle, or Casa Montezuma, on the right bank of Beaver creek. The latter is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differs considerably from the ruins of the Red-rocks, on account of the character of the cavern in which it is built (see figure 246).]

[Footnote 24: Fortified hilltops occur in many places in Arizona and are likewise found in the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua, where they are known as _trincheras_. They are regarded as places of refuge of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous with ancient pueblos and cliff houses.]

[Footnote 25: This pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of many prominences in the surrounding country. Unfortunately this region is so imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances are possible in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager in detail to fairly illustrate the distribution of these buttes.]

[Footnote 26: In certain cavate houses on Oak creek we find these caverns in two tiers, one above the other, and the hill above is capped by a well-preserved building. In one of these we find the entrance to the cavern walled in, with the exception of a T-shape doorway and a small window. This chamber shows a connecting link between the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses.]

[Footnote 27: The absence of kivas in the ruins of the Verde has been commented on by Mindeleff, and has likewise been found to be characteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the other tributaries of Gila and Salado rivers. The round kiva appears to be confined to the middle and eastern ruins of the pueblo area, and are very numerous in the ruins of San Juan valley.]

[Footnote 28: See "Tusayan Totemic Signatures," _American Anthropologist_, Washington, January, 1897.]

[Footnote 29: An exhaustive report on the ruins near Winslow, at the Sunset Crossing of the Little Colorado, will later be published. These ruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of 1896, and from them a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. The report will consider also the ruins at Chaves Pass, on the trail of migration used by the Hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, for barter and other purposes, to the Gila-Salado watershed.]

[Footnote 30: Possibly the Shoshonean elements in Hopi linguistics are due to the Snake peoples, the early colonists who came from the north, where they may have been in contact with Paiute or other divisions of the Shoshonean stock. The consanguinity of this phratry may have been close to that of the Shoshonean tribes, as that of the Patki was to the Piman, or the Asa to the Tanoan. The present Hopi are a composite people, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates in them.]

[Footnote 31: A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola; Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87.]

[Footnote 32: This account was copied from a copy made by the eminent scholar, A. F. Bandelier, for the archives of the Hemenway Expedition, now at the Peabody Museum, in Cambridge, Massachusetts.]

[Footnote 33: Hano or "Tewa."]

[Footnote 34: Sichomovi. In the manuscript report by Don José Cortez, who wrote of the northern provinces of Mexico, where he lived in 1799, Sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between Tanos (Hano) and Gualpi (Walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. One of the first references to this village by name was in a report by Indian Agent Calhoun (1850), where it is called Chemovi.]

[Footnote 35: Mishoñinovi.]

[Footnote 36: Shipaulovi.]

[Footnote 37: Shuñopovi.]

[Footnote 38: In 1896 I collected over a hundred beautiful specimens from this cemetery.]

[Footnote 39: There lived in Walpi, years ago, an old woman, who related to a priest, who repeated the story to the writer, that when a little girl she remembered seeing the Payüpki people pass along the valley under Walpi when they returned to the Rio Grande. Her story is quite probable, for the lives of two aged persons could readily bridge the interval between that event and our own time.]

[Footnote 40: "La Mission de N. Sra. de las Dolores de Zandia de Indios Teguas á Moqui."]

[Footnote 41: See J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, 1867. Sandia, according to Bancroft, is not mentioned by Menchero in 1744, but Bonilla gave it a population of 400 Indians in 1749. In 1742 two friars visited Tusayan, and, it is said, brought out 441 apostate Tiguas, who were later settled in the old pueblo of Sandia. Considering, then, that Sandia was resettled in 1748, six years after this visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have good evidence that Payüpki, in Tusayan, was abandoned about 1742. It is probable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewhere between 1680 and 1690; so that the whole period of its occupancy was not far from fifty years.]

[Footnote 42: Mindeleff mentions two other sites of Old Walpi--a mound near _Wala_, and one in the plain between Mishoñinovi and Walpi; but neither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of the early clans which later built the town on the terrace of East Mesa below Walpi. I have regarded Küchaptüvela as the ancient Walpi, but have no doubt that the Hopi emigrants had several temporary dwellings before they settled there.]

[Footnote 43: Sometimes called Nüsaki, a corruption of "Missa ki," Mass House, Mission. One of the beams of the old mission at Nüsaki or Kisakobi is in the roof of Pauwatiwa's house in the highest range of rooms of Walpi. This beam is nicely squared, and bears marks indicative of carving. There are also large planks in one of the kivas which were also probably from the church building, although no one has stated that they are. Pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend has been handed down in his family that the above-mentioned rafter came from the mission.]

[Footnote 44: Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, January 2, 1895, p. 441.]

[Footnote 45: Thus in Castañeda's account we are told: "Farther off [near Cia?] was another large village where we found in the courtyards a great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containing one arroba. They seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, and to have been employed in the destruction of the village." It is needless for me to say that I find no knowledge of such a machine in Tusayan!]

[Footnote 46: The ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whose plumes are used in secret rites, have never been described, and nothing is known of the rites about the Eagle shrine at Tukinobi.]

[Footnote 47: Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona, _American Anthropologist_, Washington, July, 1893.]

[Footnote 48: For a previous description see the Preliminary Account, Smithsonian Report for 1895; also "Awatobi: An Archeological Verification of a Tusayan Legend," _American Anthropologist_, Washington, October, 1893.]

[Footnote 49: This important ceremony celebrates the departure from the pueblos of ancestral gods called _katcinas_, and is one of the most popular in the ritual.]

[Footnote 50: Pacheco-Cardenas, Colleccion de Documentos Inéditos, XV, 122, 182.]

[Footnote 51: Voyages, III, pp. 463, 470, 1600; reprint 1810.]

[Footnote 52: Pacheco-Cardenas, Documentos Inéditos, op. cit., XVI, 139.]

[Footnote 53: Menologio Franciscano, 275; Teatro Mexicano, III, 321.]

[Footnote 54: San Bernardino de Ahuatobi (Vetancurt, 1680); San Bernardo de Aguatuvi (Vargas, 1692). I find that the mission at Walpi was also mentioned by Vargas as dedicated to San Bernardino. The church at Oraibi was San Francisco de Oraybe and San Miguel. The mission at Shuñopovi was called San Bartolomé, San Bernardo, and San Bernabe.]

[Footnote 55: This article was in type too early for a review of Dellenbaugh's identification of Cibola with a more southeasterly locality. His arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by no means decisive.]

[Footnote 56: An exact translation by Winship of the copy of Castañeda in the Lenox Library was published in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau.]

[Footnote 57: "At evening the chiefs asked that notices be written for them warning all white people to keep away from the mesa tomorrow, and these were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all the principal trails. At daybreak on the following morning the principal trails leading from the four cardinal points were 'closed' by sprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk horn. Anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless person had the temerity to venture within this proscribed limit the Kwakwantû inevitably put him to death by decapitation and dismemberment." ("Naacnaiya," _Journal of American Folk-lore_, vol. v, p. 201.) This appears to be the same way in which the Awatobians "closed" the trail to Tobar.]

[Footnote 58: When the Flute people approach Walpi, as is biennially dramatized at the present time, "an assemblage of people there (at the entrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of meal drawn across the trail stood Winuta and Hoñyi," also two girls and a boy. After these Flute people are challenged and sing their songs the trail is opened, viz: "Alosaka drew the end of his _moñkohu_ along the line of meal, and Winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail with his foot." "Walpi Flute Observance," _Journal of American Folk-lore_, vol. VII, p. 19.]

[Footnote 59: This custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal is one of the most common in the Tusayan ritual. The gods approach and leave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the Awatobians regarded the horses of Espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal on the trail before them with the same thought in mind that they now sprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials in which personators of the gods approach the villages.]

[Footnote 60: According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810 it appears as "Ahuato." I would suggest that possibly the error in giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the copyist or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi to understand each other. If you ask a Hopi Indian his name, nine times out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of natives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his comrades came.]

[Footnote 61: This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio (Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; however that may be, there is good evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized several chiefs in 1629.]

[Footnote 62: _Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha avido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre Estev[=a] de Perea_, etc., 1633.]

[Footnote 63: An earlier rumor was that the horses were anthropophagous.]

[Footnote 64: As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at this time he may have found it too hostile. Whether Frasquillo had yet arrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The story of the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, the assassin of Fray Simón de Jesus, and the establishment there of a "kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most interesting episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived in several bands among the Hopi about 1700, but which of them were led by Frasquillo is not known to me.]

[Footnote 65: "El templo acabo en llamas." At this time Awatobi was said to have 800 inhabitants.]

[Footnote 66: At the present time one of the most bitter complaints which the Hopi have against the Spaniards is that they forcibly baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by the conquerors.]

[Footnote 67: _Naacnaiya_ and _Wüwütcimti_ are the elaborate and abbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warrior societies, known as the _Tataukyamû_, _Wüwütcimtû_, _Aaltû_ and _Kwakwantû_. Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, have elsewhere been described.]

[Footnote 68: Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and "Governor" of Walpi.]

[Footnote 69: Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, the Snake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of the Mamzráuti ceremony.]

[Footnote 70: Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had 800 inhabitants and was converted by Padre Francisco de Porras. In 1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. It would appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was not one of the largest villages of Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes 1,200 to Walpi and 14,000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population of Awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos, and I greatly doubt if Oraibi ever had 14,000 people. Probably 1,400 would be more nearly correct.]

[Footnote 71: Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225.]

[Footnote 72: There are two fragments, one of which is large enough to show the size of the bell, which was made either in Mexico or in Spain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder by a Walpi Indian priest.]

[Footnote 73: See his Final Report, p. 372.]

[Footnote 74: The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo, which is not borne by any Hopi of my acquaintance (see page 603).]

[Footnote 75: This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as a rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of the ruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in Tonto Basin, and other more southerly regions.]

[Footnote 76: See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II.]

[Footnote 77: "Las casas son de tres altos"--_Segunda Relacion_, p. 580.]

[Footnote 78: So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of Tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as far removed from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. The settlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made in very early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a period when the people were limited to one family--the Snake. The fragments of pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation are as fine and as characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki or Awatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrays long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.]

[Footnote 79: Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, No. xviii, 1892.]

[Footnote 80: There is a rude sketch of these two idols of _Alosaka_ in the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. They represent figurines about 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the Tewan clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamû. As so little is known of the Mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are at present inexplicable.]

[Footnote 81: See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in plate CVIII, of the Fifteenth Annual Report.]

[Footnote 82: Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, and a like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir.]