Chapter VIII: Part 8
But to go on, Nov. 12, about noon, a pilot came off to us, and we immediately weighed, and entered the river of Canton, where, finding the Bonita and Hastings, two English country-ships, I anchored, and sent off an officer, to desire them to instruct us how to behave ourselves in this port, and to acquaint me with the customs of it. To this they answered, that, since the Cadogan and Frances, two European English ships were lying at Wampo, they would advise me to send up to their factories at Canton, to acquaint them of our arrival, and with the reasons which obliged me to come into that river, which I accordingly did the next day. I now thought I was going to rest a little from my labours; but, to my misfortune, I suffered as much here, all circumstances considered, as I had in any former part of my voyage; for the evening we anchored at Wampo, where the English ships commonly lie, there happened an accident which gave occasion to much trouble. One of my men, being in a hurry to remove his effects on board the Bonita, in order to go in her to Fort St. George, the Bonita’s boat was, in her way to their ship, pursued by a Hoppo, or custom-house boat, who wanted to search her. The fellow, being in liquor, and fearing they would take away the silver he had with him, fired a musquet at the pursuers, and killed the officer. Early the next morning, the corpse was laid at the door of one of the English houses or factories, where Chinese officers, appointed for that purpose, waited for the first considerable Englishman that should come out, without any regard to whom this act of violence and murder was to be imputed. It happened that the Supercargo belonging to the Bonita, was the first that came out; on him they seized, put him in chains, and led him, by way of example, about the suburbs of Canton. All that could be said or done by the most considerable of the Chinese merchants who were in commerce with the English, availed nothing; till my man, who committed the fact, was delivered to them, and then the Bonita’s Supercargo was soon after released.
It is the custom in China, at least at Canton, to exact a certain sum of money from all ships that come there, according to their measurement, which is divided into rates or portions of first, second, and third. I therefore every day expected the Hoppo to come to measure my ship, but was given to understand, that I must go up to Canton before that could be done, though even at the hazard of my life. I accordingly went, and staid two days at the Cadogan’s factory, during which time I was hourly alarmed by such stories as made me fear that I should, indisposed as I was, be dragged away from my bed, and put in irons: but at the end of two days, I was obliged to go down again to the ship, to be present at the measurement; and a day afterwards the Hoppo came with a numerous retinue, and seemed to do his business very quietly, but would not let me know what was the sum he intended to exact. This gave me much trouble, for I began to think the Chinese, through a false report of our great riches, had an intention to gratify their love of money by a heavy imposition; and in this I was not mistaken.
I had not been here many days before I was deserted by all my officers and ship’s company, who were continually employed in removing their effects from on board my ship to some of the Europeans, without my knowledge, as I was all the time confined to my bed. My officers were engaging the Indian gentlemen in their interest, and had left me and my son, with a few negroes, to look after the ship. In short, my ship’s company had so many ways of disposing of their effects, that it was impossible to oblige them to do what I should have thought justice to the gentlemen in England and to myself. In a word, they were all soon recovered of their illness by the assistance they met with here, and were become their own masters. The gentlemen who presided over the trade, so little considered our case, that they had half a mind to refuse me a passage in one of their ships; and, in effect, I was treated by them almost as one enemy might treat another in a neutral port.
The Captains Hill and Newsham, when they first came to see me, were astonished at the ruinous appearance of my ship; and when I had given then a short history of my voyage, and desired they would receive me with my effects, they answered, that, since they plainly saw my ship was in no condition to stir any farther, upon paying our passage, they would entertain us as soon as we pleased. This I depended upon, and expected to have no farther trouble than to remove ourselves at any time; but, on the contrary, I found that I had ignorantly applied to the wrong persons, and that my address should have been to the Supercargoes, by which means I was left neglected, while the English Captains were ordered to fall down with their ships five or six miles below us. Thus was I left destitute in the company of five foreign ships, who, perceiving my own countrymen to be so careless of me, were so kind as to offer me their service, and assisted me with what they could; and, had it not been for them, I don’t know what I might have suffered; for I was under perpetual alarms that the Chinese had a design to chop my ship, that is, to seize her.
Having found out my error in applying to the Captains, and not to the Supercargoes, I sent up a letter to them, not to desire, but to demand a passage for me, my officers, and ship’s company, which I was sensible they could not refuse, and indeed they did not; but their condescension was accompanied with a charge to the English Captains, not to receive any thing belonging to us, except it was consigned to the India Company in England. This was an article which my people utterly rejected, vowing they would as soon throw what they had into the sea, as comply with such a demand; for my part, it gave me no concern, being conscious to myself that I had infringed none of their privileges. At the same time that I was acquainted with this intention of receiving us as passengers, I was also informed of the Hoppo’s demand for anchorage in the river, which was no less than 6000 tahel; and, to quicken me in the payment of this exorbitant sum, there was a penalty annexed to this extortion of 500 additional tahel for every day we failed in the payment of it. In short, there was no means by which I could evade this unconscionable imposition; and as it was a day before I could possibly send the 6000 tahel up to Canton, they required 500 tahel more for neglect of payment; so that they received from me, upon this extraordinary occasion, the full sum of 6500 tahel, equal to 2166l. 13s. 4d. English money. This was, as is apprehended, about six times as much as the Cadogan paid, which was the largest English ship there, and measured a third more than mine. It was now high time to get out of my ship; but before I quitted her, I sold her for 2000 tahel, which money, and the rest of my effects, were consigned to the India Company.
Towards the latter end of December, 1722, I sailed in the Cadogan, commanded by Captain John Hill, in company with the Frances, Captain Newsham, who, sailing better than we, left us as soon as we were out at sea. Captain Hill, finding his ship very tender, put into Batavia, where we continued about 10 days, and were informed there were several pirates in those seas; we, therefore, when we departed from Batavia, joined the Dutch homeward-bound fleet in Bantam-bay. The Dutch Commodore promised to assist us in wooding and watering at Mew-island, the water at Batavia being very bad; but on our joining Capt. Newsham in the straits of Sunda, the Dutch made that a pretence to leave us before we got the length of Mew-island; and Capt. Newsham also deserted us the same evening, so that we were left to ourselves.
We continued at Mew-island six or seven days, during which time several boats came to us from Princes-island, and brought us turtle, cocoa-nuts, pine-apples, and other fruits.
Some of the people having seen wild cattle grazing near the strand, went on shore with design to kill them; but before they had advanced near enough, they discovered a small tyger, and saw the track of an old one, upon which they retired to the boat. At this place some of the gentlemen belonging to this ship, in their outward-bound passage, saw a rhinoceros.
From Mew-island we had a very pleasant passage to and about the Cape of Good Hope, which, in my opinion, was greatly owing to Captain Hill’s good conduct, in coming in with the land betimes, I mean upon the easternmost part of the bank, and keeping a moderate distance from the land. I cannot be positive, but I think we never exceeded a degree in distance from it, generally less, and some times even made the land itself.
In this course, I do not remember that we took in our top-sails above twice; once for a squall, which was over in an hour’s time: and, another time, being threatened by the appearance of bad weather, Capt. Hill made all the requisite preparations to receive it, which done, he stood in for the land; and, in a few hours, we had fair weather, a favourable gale, and all our small sails set, at the same time that there remained great appearance of foul weather to the southward of us, which continued for several days afterwards.
I have observed before, that the Frances and the Dutch ships had seven days the advantage of us, by leaving us in the straits of Sunda, notwithstanding which, we gained the Cape about as many days before the Frances, although she sailed so much better than we: and, as to the Dutch ships, there was no appearance at all of their arrival when we left the Cape.
The officers of our ship, by comparing their accounts with those of some of the gentlemen belonging to the Frances, found that she had suffered a great deal of bad weather; whilst we, who were 10 leagues, or thereabout, to the northward of them, or nearer the shore, enjoyed fine pleasant weather and fair wind continually, till we arrived in the Table-bay, which we did the latter end of March. This I should think of sufficient weight for any other to pursue the same track. Here we found Governor Boon, in the London East Indiaman, and others, bound for England.
Whilst we lay at the Cape of Good Hope, nothing remarkable occurred, and it has been so often described, that I can say nothing of it that has not been said by most who have been there before.
From the Cape of Good Hope we had an agreeable passage to the island of St. Helena, and from thence to England.
We made the Land’s-end in the latter end of July; and, being come into the British Channel, met with brisk gales from the western quarter, with thick foggy weather.
On July the 30th, in the evening, we anchored under Dungeness, and the same night some of the Supercargoes and passengers, and amongst the rest myself, hired a small vessel to carry us to Dover, where we arrived early the next morning, and the same day proceeded towards London, where we arrived on the first of August.
Thus ended a long and unfortunate voyage of three years, seven months, and some days; after having sailed very considerably more than round the circumference of the earth, and having gone through a great variety of dangers and distresses, both on sea and shore.
COMMODORE ANSON’S
VOYAGE
ROUND THE WORLD.
When, in the year 1739, the Spanish depredations had roused the national resentment, and the pacific ministry who then were entrusted with the administration of affairs, found it impossible any longer to prevent a war with Spain, several projects were proposed, and several plans formed, for distressing the enemy in the most effectual manner, by cutting off the resources by which alone they were encouraged to continue their insults, and by which alone they could be enabled to support a war.
Among the rest, two expeditions were planned by Sir Charles Wager, then at the head of the admiralty, and two gentlemen named by him for carrying them into execution; which were no sooner laid before the privy council to be examined than they were unanimously approved.
Captain Anson, who was nominated to command the one, being out upon a cruise, a vessel was dispatched to order him to return with his ship, the Centurion, to Portsmouth; and Mr. Cornwall, who was appointed to command the other, was acquainted with the honour conferred upon him, and directed to prepare accordingly.
There are not to be found in the annals of Britain two expeditions, remote in the destination, yet having a connection one with the other, that promised equal advantages with these to the nation, equal honour to the promoters, or equal wealth and glory to the commanders: but by what fatality these expeditions were changed, or by what state-craft one came to be laid aside, and the other delayed,--who were the traitors that betrayed the secret of their destination, or who the demon of seduction was that perverted the grand design to the pitiful purpose of one single pilfering project,--remains at present among those secrets, which, perhaps, a second Dalrymple, in some remote period of time, may discover; when it will probably appear how much the influence of Chilian gold had operated in defeating the most formidable project for the humiliation of Spain that ever was devised; and how easy it is for a prime minister of England, in the plenitude of power, to defeat the best-concerted measures, backed and supported by the King in his council, when either pride, envy, avarice, or emulation, may prompt him to opposition.
The project, as first intended, was to consist of two strong squadrons; one under Captain Anson was to take on board three independent companies of 100 men each, and Bland’s regiment of foot (who was himself to command the land-forces), and was to sail with all possible expedition by the Cape of Good Hope to the city of Manilla, in the island of Luconia, of which city and island frequent mention has already been made in the course of this work; while that commanded by Captain Cornwall, of equal force, was to proceed round Cape Horn into the South Seas, there to range the coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico; and when the Commander in Chief had made himself master of the royal treasures in that quarter, he was then to direct his course to the Philippines, and join the squadron of Captain Anson. This done, they were to act in conjunction, as circumstances should arise, or to wait for fresh orders from Government to proceed on fresh enterprizes. The reader will perceive, at first view, the vast importance of this noble undertaking, calculated at once to enrich the nation, and to determine the war without the effusion of much blood; for the places intended to be attacked were at that time incapable of resistance; and as they were in possession of the royal treasures, any failure in the return of which must of necessity oblige Spain to sue for peace, that haughty nation must thus have been subdued without a battle. But posterity will stand amazed when they are told the issue of this project, on which Sir Charles Wager was so intent, that, tho’ it was the 10th of September before Captain Anson arrived in town, yet by the 18th he had received orders to take under his command the Argyle, Severn, Pearl, Wager, and Trial sloop, and to proceed to victual the same with the utmost expedition. Before the end of December such dispatch had been made by that vigilant officer, that the ships were in readiness to take the troops on board; but in January, when Captain Anson attended the Board to receive further orders, he was told by Sir Charles, that the Manilla expedition was laid aside, for what reasons he knew not, but that the expedition to the South Seas was still intended; and that he and his squadron, as their first destination was now countermanded, should be employed in that service.
Accordingly on the 10th of January, 1740, he received his commission as Commodore; yet it was not till the 10th of June that he obtained from the Duke of Newcastle his Majesty’s instructions; and even then so many obstacles were thrown in the way, so many difficulties started, and so many delays contrived, that, before he was permitted to sail, which was not till the latter end of September, the Spaniards were so well informed of his designs, that a person who had been employed in the South-Sea Company’s service, arrived from Panama, and was able to relate to the Commodore most of the particulars of his strength and destination, from what he had learnt among the merchants before he left the South-Seas: but a still more extraordinary proof of their early and perfect intelligence was discovered afterwards, in the course of the voyage, when the Pearl, being separated from the rest of the squadron, in a storm, on the coast of Brasil, fell in with the Spanish fleet, that, during the unprecedented delay, had been purposely fitted out to ruin the expedition, and found Admiral Pisarro so well instructed in the form and make of Com. Anson’s broad pendant, and those he employed had imitated it so exactly, that Capt. Mitchell, who commanded the Pearl, was decoyed by it within gun-shot, before he was able to discover his mistake.
All delays being at length overcome, the squadron, consisting of five men of war, a sloop of war, and two victualling ships, namely, the Centurion, of 60 guns, 400 men, commanded by Captain Anson, as Commodore; the Gloucester, of 50 guns, 300 men, of which Richard Norris, Esq; was Commander; the Severn, of 50 guns, 300 men, the Hon. Edward Legg, Esq; Commander; the Pearl, of 40 guns, 250 men, Matthew Mitchell, Esq; Commander; the Wager, of 28 guns, 160 men, the Hon. John Murray, Commander; two victuallers, the Industry and Ann pinks, the largest of about 400, and the other about 200 tons burthen; were ordered to take the troops on board at St. Helen’s. But how much the numbers, strength, and probability of success, of this squadron, were diminished by the various incidents that took place in near a twelvemonth’s procrastination, may fully be conceived by what has already been said. Had the honourable Board from whence the first idea of the expedition originated been permitted to direct, all the old and ordinary seamen on board the ships would have been exchanged for such as were young and able; the full complement of each ship would have been made up; and the salt provisions which had been so long on board in the Channel would have been remanded on shore, and fresh provisions replaced in their room: but, instead of these necessary precautions, the Captains were glad to retain their old crews; the deficiency in the numbers of which, amounting to more than 300 men, was no otherwise made up than by sending on board about 100 cripples from the hospitals, and a party of raw marines who had never been at sea before: nor were they more fortunate in the change that was made in the land-forces; for, instead of three independent companies, of 100 men each, and Bland’s regiment of foot, as first promised, they had only 400 invalids from Chelsea allotted them, one part of whom was incapable of action by their age and infirmities, and the other part useless by their ignorance of their duty. But this diminution of strength was not the greatest misfortune that attended these measures; the importance of the time which was wilfully wasted was in its consequences the source of all those calamities to which the enterprize was afterwards exposed, by obliging the Commodore to make his passage round the Cape in the most tempestuous season, when, as it was foreseen, almost all the invalids, to a man, perished long before they arrived at the place of action, expiring in a most lamentable condition when they came to be attacked with the scurvy, with their wounds bleeding afresh, which had been healed some of them 20, some 30, and some 40 years before.
But to proceed: Of this voyage there are two very authentic and well-written accounts; one by Pasco Thomas, the mathematical master on board the Centurion, who sailed in her out of the British Channel, and returned with her in safety when she arrived at Portsmouth, and was an eye-witness and careful observer of all that passed: the other by the Rev. Mr. Richard Walters, Chaplain to the above ship, who received his materials, and every other assistance necessary to authenticate his narration, from the Commander in Chief.
We have chosen to follow the former in the narrative of facts, as most exact and least liable to imposition; but, in the explanatory part, we shall copy the latter; because, though Mr. Thomas suffered nothing material that passed to escape his notice, there were many things transacted, the motives for which he could only guess at; but these motives Mr. Walters has, by means of the Commodore’s assistance, been able to explain.
“Being quite ready about the beginning of September, 1740, we put to sea three different times, but were as often put back to the road of St. Helen’s, by contrary winds and stormy weather. At last, on Thursday, Sept. 18, we sailed in company with the Lark and St. Alban’s, two of his Majesty’s ships, and several merchant-ships, besides our own squadron; and Saturday evening saw some men-of-war, and a large fleet of merchantmen, waiting for us at Torbay. At one in the afternoon we joined them; and the Commodore hoisted his broad pendant, which was saluted by all his Majesty’s ships in the fleet with 13 guns each. The King’s ships which joined us here were, the Dragon, Chatham, Winchester, and South-Sea-Castle, and near 200 sail of merchantmen under convoy, some of whom were bound to the Mediterranean, and others to several parts of North America. We had at present the command of the whole fleet; and this same afternoon, seeing a ship to the south-west, we made the Dragon a signal for chasing her; but she proved one of our own ships, too far a-head of her station. At four this afternoon, the Start Point bore from us E. by N. at the distance of eight leagues.
Monday the 22d, we saw two sail to the westward, and sent the Trial sloop to speak with them. They were Dutch ships bound to Curasoe, with soldiers for their garrisons there.
Thursday the 25th, the Winchester and South-Sea-Castle, with the merchant-ships under their convoy for Virginia, and other parts of North-America, parted from us, and proceeded on their respective voyages. And Monday the 29th, the Dragon, Chatham, St. Alban’s, and Lark, with the merchant-ships in their charge for the Mediterranean, did the like; and we had now no ships left in company but our own proper squadron.
Tuesday the 30th, we spoke with a Dutch man-of-war, who came from Malta, bound for Amsterdam.
Friday, October the 3d, we spoke with two English merchant-ships from Lisbon for New-York, and the 8th we spoke with a French sloop from Rochelle. The 13th, one Philip Merrit, a common sailor, died, which I mention because he was the first man we lost on the voyage. The next day, by an order from the Commodore, we went to short allowance; that is, one third of the allowance granted by government is kept back, in order to make our provisions hold out the longer. The 23d, we spoke with a ship from Liverpool, and the next day with another from Glasgow, for the Cape de Verde islands; as also with a small brigantine from Falmouth for Madeira, who kept us company thither. The next day we spoke with a Dutch ship from Surinam for Holland. The 26th, at six o’clock in the morning, we saw the land bearing W. N. W. distance six leagues, and at four in the evening anchored in Fonchale road, in forty fathom water, a-breast the town of Fonchale, and about a mile and a half from it. During this whole passage, we had almost continually contrary winds, and boisterous uncertain weather; by which means, a passage which is very commonly made in 10 or 12 days, took us up 38.
Our business in this place was only to water, and take in wine, and some private stocks: but, soon after our arrival, we were informed, that they had seen from the island, to the westward, about 16 or 18 sail of ships for several days together, which were supposed to be a junction of French and Spanish ships of war; and as we had reason to imagine that our expedition had long been known, there was little room to doubt, but that those ships were designed to intercept and destroy us before we could attempt any thing to the prejudice of Spain. On this news the Commodore sent out an English privateer which lay in the road, with one of his own officers, to see if they could discover them at sea, and what they were; but she returned the next day, having made no discovery.
Nov. 2, Captain Norris, at his own request, being in an ill state of health, with the consent of the Commodore quitted the command of the Gloucester, in order to return to England. The Gloucester was hereupon given to Captain Mitchell, the Pearl to Captain Kidd, the Wager to the Hon. Captain Murray, and the Trial sloop to David Cheap, our First Lieutenant; and as one of the Lieutenants of the Gloucester had quitted with Captain Norris, our two mates, who had long depended on the Commodore, were preferred to be Lieutenants on this occasion.
The 4th, at four in the afternoon, we weighed and put to sea, with all the squadron under our command. An English sloop, which lay in the road, saluted us at our departure with nine guns, to which we returned five.
The 6th, at four o’clock in the evening, we saw the island of Palma, one of the Canary islands, in the latitude of 29 degrees north, and longitude from the meridian of London 19 degrees 44 minutes west. The same day we spoke with a French ship from Marseilles bound to Martinico, and the next morning with a Dutch ship from Amsterdam bound to Batavia, the metropolis of the Dutch settlements in the East-Indies.
The 11th, about four in the morning, we crossed the Northern Tropic for the first time in this voyage, in long. 24 deg. 24 min. west from London.
The 16th, being in the latitude of about 12 deg. 20 min. and the contract with our victuallers expiring in that latitude, the Anne pink fired a gun, and hoisted a red flag at her fore-top-mast head, to give us notice of it.
On the next day all the Lieutenants of the squadron were by a signal ordered on board the Centurion, and orders were given to unlade the Industry pink, and each ship to take on board from her their respective quotas of provisions; in pursuance of which we immediately began to unlade her, lying by in the day, and making an easy sail in the night.
The 19th, having unloaded and discharged the Industry, at eight in the evening she parted from us, in order to proceed to Barbadoes, whither she was bound; but the Commodore having entered into a new contract with the master of the Anne pink, she was detained with us for his Majesty’s service, our ships being too much encumbered to admit of taking on board any more provisions at this time.
The 28th, about five in the morning, we crossed the Equinoctial, in the longitude of 28 deg. 15 min. W. from London, the variation of the compass at that place being 35 min. E.
December the 2d, at eight in the morning, we saw a sail to the north-west, to which we gave chace. At night we lost sight of her; but next morning we saw her and gave chace again, but in the afternoon quitted her. We imagined this sail to be a tender on the Spanish fleet, sent purposely to get intelligence of us: but on our arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, in our return home, we learned that she was the East-India Company’s packet bound for the island of St. Helena.
The 10th, expecting to be near the coast of Brazil, we sounded, and found 67 fathom water, on which we fired a gun for a signal, and altered our course more to the southward. This day died Thomas Waller, our surgeon, who was succeeded by Henry Ettrick, surgeon of the Wager; the surgeon of the Trial succeeded him, and Joseph Allen, our surgeon’s first mate, was made surgeon of the Trial.
The 11th, we spoke with a Portuguese brigantine from Rio Janeiro, bound to Santos, one of the principal Portuguese settlements in the Brazils. The 13th, we crossed the South Tropic for the first time, in long. 38 deg. 36 min. W. from London.
The 14th, died Robert Welden, our purser, who was succeeded by John Rule, purser of the Wager, and Commodore’s Secretary; Thomas Harvey, one of our midshipmen, was made purser of the Wager, in the room of Mr. Rule.
The 17th, we saw the land of the Brazils, from W. to W. S. W. very mountainous, and full of woods. I have, for several days last past, found, by my observations, a strong current on this coast, setting to the southward near three quarters of a mile an hour, which, perhaps, may be occasioned by the neighbourhood of the vast river of Rio de la Plata; another observation, which I shall have occasion to make after our leaving the coast of Brazil, will very much corroborate this conjecture.
The same day, at four in the evening, we had 40 fathom of water, muddy ground; the island of Alvoredo, a small island at the north-east end of the large island of St. Katharine’s, then bearing N. W. by N. about eight leagues distant; and the next day at seven in the evening we came to an anchor in twelve fathom water, the north-east end of St. Katharine’s bearing S. S. W. about three miles distant, and the island of Alvoredo, N. N. E. about six miles distant. Here we found the tide to set S. S. E. and N. N. W. We sent ashore a Lieutenant to the fort, to compliment the Governor, and to desire a pilot to carry us into the road. The Governor returned a very civil answer, and granted our request. The next morning we weighed and ran up the harbour, and about noon anchored in five fathom and a half water, in a place they there call Buon Porto; but being still too far from the watering-place, we on the 20th, about eleven in the morning, weighed and ran farther up between St. Katharine’s and the main land of Brazil, and in the afternoon anchored and moored in five fathom water, about two miles from the watering-place; and the same evening our third Lieutenant went ashore with materials for building a tent, to shelter the people who were to be employed in watering. We likewise saluted the Portuguese fort with eleven guns, who returned us the like number.
Our ships beginning to be very sickly, tents were erected on shore, one for every ship, and the sick were sent ashore to them, with surgeons and proper attendance.
The agents for victualling, of which we had two with us, were ordered to procure what fresh provisions we could expend during our stay here, which they accordingly did; but though their meat, which is altogether beef, was both cheap and plenty, it was for the greatest part miserably bad, and scarce fit to be eaten.
The men throughout the whole squadron began now to drop off apace with fevers and fluxes, occasioned chiefly, I believe, by the violent heat of the climate, and the bad air; the country being so very woody that the air must thereby be stagnated, and rendered unhealthful.
We continued here wooding, watering, and overhauling our rigging, till Sunday, Jan. 18, 1741, during which time we had variable uncertain weather, sometimes sea and land breezes, at other times strong gales of wind, with heavy rain, thunder and lightning, but always excessive heat.
While we lay here, we gave our ship a thorough cleansing, smoaked her between decks, in order to destroy the vermin, and washed every part with vinegar, which I mention because it is absolutely necessary in large ships, the stench of so many sick persons being noisome in hot climates.
Dec. 21, I observed an eclipse of the moon, and by comparing the time of the end of it, with a calculation I purposely made of it in the meridian of London, from Sir Isaac Newton’s New Theory of the Moon, I found the place where the ship then lay to be 49 deg. 53 min. to the westward of the meridian of London. The calculation itself, and the time it ended at St. Katharine’s, I have unfortunately lost; but as the longitude is thereby settled, they are of no farther use, and not worth retrieving at the trouble of a new calculation.
Before we arrived at this island, we had received from the descriptions of M. Frezier, a French author, and some other persons who had been on the spot, such accounts as, together with the climate in which it is situated, gave us very great ideas of its fruitfulness, and hopes of a plentiful supply of every thing we wanted for a long run; but we found ourselves miserably mistaken in almost every article we expected.
As here are several fine sandy bays, we had very good fishing with a seine, for mullets, old wives, sting-rays, maids, turbots, and other flat fish, silver fish, bass, a very boney long fish like a bass, but which our seamen call a ten-pounder, and some other sorts. We likewise had fresh beef for present expending plenty enough, but scarce better than the carrion that we gave to our dogs. As for lemons, limes, plantains, bananaes, potatoes, and other roots, fruits, and greens, with which those climates generally abound, which the authors above mentioned aver to be extremely plentiful here, and which we principally depended on for sea-stores, there were so few at the time of our being here, that I believe we could have consumed all that came to our knowledge of those things in one day. The officers, however, no doubt found plenty; as Mr. Walters agrees in his report with Frezier, that there was no want of pine-apples, peaches, grapes, lemons, citrons, melons, apricots, and adds, there were besides potatoes and onions for sea-stores. Sassafrass is here in great plenty, and we cut much of it among other wood for fuel. Guaiacum they report to be very plenty here likewise, but I saw none of it, nor heard of any person who did during our stay. Rum and sugar they have in small quantities, but very indifferent and dear. The inhabitants are a mixture of Portuguese and Indians incorporated together, and appear to be very poor, idle, lazy, ignorant and rude. I believe the original of the Portuguese here was chiefly from felons, who fled hither from other parts of the Brazils to shelter themselves from justice; they never till lately having any government among them, except a Chief chosen from among themselves, who was more like a Captain of thieves and robbers, than the Commander of a colony. At present there are some European Soldiers, and a Governor from Rio Janeiro, whose name was Don Joffe Sylva de Paz, an expert engineer, who, as Mr. Walters observes, understood one branch of his business very well, which is the advantages which new works bring to those who are entrusted with the care of erecting them; for, besides a battery on a neck of land that narrows the channel to a little more than a quarter of a mile, there were three other forts carrying on for the defence of the harbour, none of which were then compleated.
The country, both the main and the island, is mountainous, and all over-grown with thick woods, and those so entangled with the undergrowth of thorny briars, brambles, and the like, that in most places they are scarce penetrable. These woods are reported to be full of very fierce tygers, which makes any excursions into the country dangerous, unless you go well armed, and even then much caution is necessary.
They have here some hogs and fowls, but I believe not very plenty; and in the woods are monkeys, apes, armadilloes, and other wild creatures unknown to me; as also parrots, parroquets, and many other sorts of birds proper to the climate. Alligators are said to be plenty near the shores and in the lakes, but we saw none of them.
The country appears to me to be a good soil, and very capable of improvement, were the inhabitants more civilized and industrious.
This island lies in latitude 27 deg. 30 min. S. longitude, as before determined, 49 deg. 53 min. W. from London; and the variation of the compass 11 deg. 20 min. easterly.
Dec. 27, we discovered a sail in the offing, and the eighteen-oar’d barge was manned, and armed, and sent, under the command of the second Lieutenant of the Centurion, to examine her before she arrived within the protection of the fort. She proved to be a Portuguese brigantine from Rio Grande; but, though the officer behaved to the master with the utmost civility, yet the Governor took offence at our sending our boat, complained of the violation of the peace, and made that a pretence for sending Don Pisarro the most circumstantial intelligence of our force and condition, as we afterwards found by letters intercepted in the South Seas.
January 18, 1741, we left this island, having had a melancholy proof how much the healthiness of this place had been over-rated by former writers; for we found, that, though the Centurion alone had buried no less than 28 men since our arrival, the number of the sick in the same interval had increased to 96; and this very day we had three men die.
Before our departure the Commodore took every precaution to prevent a separation; but considering that, in such boisterous seas as we were about to encounter, he himself might be disabled, he called the officers together, and in a full council so ordered it, that, if but one ship escaped, the expedition should not be abandoned. Proper places of rendezvous were appointed; the time was settled for staying at these places; and, if the Commodore did not arrive in that time, the Captains were ordered to put themselves under the command of the senior, and to proceed without farther delay.
The 22d in the morning, we had very stormy weather, with some thunder, lightning, and rain; and the Trial carried away the head of her main-mast. A thick fog succeeding, we lay to, and soon after lost sight of the Pearl, the Trial, and the Anne pink. In the afternoon we got sight of and joined company with the Trial and the Anne, but the Pearl was still missing.
From hence to February the 13th, very variable weather, mostly foggy from latitude 35, or thereabouts, to latitude 39; the rest a mixture not much unlike our weather in England in the month of October, except that we had pretty often thunder and lightning, which are not so frequent with us in that month. Being past the latitude of 36 degrees to the southward, I observed the current, which had hitherto constantly set southerly, now on the contrary, set to the northward; and the great river of Rio de la Plata being situated in between 35 and 36 degrees south, strengthens my conjecture that those currents are occasioned by the flux and reflux of that mighty river.
February 13, we saw the land from S. by W. to S. half E. appearing plain, with very few risings, and of a very moderate height, our soundings at that time from 46 to 56 fathom, the first mud, the latter stony ground. This day, at four in the evening, we were within about four miles of Cape Blanco on the coast of Patagonia, and in 12 fathom water; on which we hauled off, and ran along the coast, the soundings from 20 to 60 fathom water. At five the next morning we saw the land from W. by N. to S. W. half W. with an opening near the middle; which I believe to be the harbour of Port Desire, so called by Sir John Narborough. The northernmost land in sight is Cape Blanco, and the southermost Penguin Island, so called from the great numbers of penguins about it, of which birds Sir John’s ship’s company killed and salted large quantities for provisions, and which he reports to be very good and wholesome food. Cape Blanco is in the latitude of 47 deg. 10 min. S. longitude from St. Katharine’s 17 deg. 38 min. W. which makes it from London 67 deg. 20 min. W. taking the N. E. point of St. Katharine’s in 49 deg. 42 min. W. to be about 11 minutes to the eastward of the place where the ship lay when I fixed it by observation.
The 17th, in the evening, we anchored about 17 or 18 leagues short of the harbour of Port St. Julian, so called by Sir Francis Drake, who touched there in his voyage round the globe, and where he condemned and executed Mr. Doughty, the next person in command to himself, on pretence of a conspiracy to murder him and ruin the expedition; whence a small island within the harbour is to this day called the Island of True Justice. The next morning we saw a sail at S. by E. which we believing to be the Pearl, made the signal for the return of all cruizers; but she not minding it, as I suppose not seeing it, we ordered the Gloucester to chase, and at two in the afternoon the Gloucester and her chace, which to our great satisfaction proved to be the Pearl, joined us. They informed us, that, on January the 31st, their Commander, Captain Dandy Kidd, died; and that on the 7th instant they were chased by five large ships, which they believed to be Spanish men-of-war, and were some time within gun-shot of them, though they never fired a gun, having endeavoured to decoy the Pearl by hoisting a broad red pendant, like that of the English Commodore, at the Admiral’s main-top-mast head, and hoping by that means to be taken for our Commodore, and so to inveigle and make sure of their prey; Capt. Mitchell, thus decoyed, narrowly escaped them, by running through a space of water, where the tides or currents making a great ripling, the Spaniards, who thought it was rocky and broken ground, were afraid to follow her. These ships we supposed to be the Spanish squadron, commanded by Admiral Pisarro, the same who got so great a name among them for his conduct in bringing home their flota safe into Port Andero the last year, eluding the vigilance of our squadrons who waited for them off Cadiz, and was therefore looked on as the properest person to be sent to intercept us. We should not have been displeased, however, to have met them with our whole force, and did not much doubt to have either destroyed or disabled them. But the time of their destruction was not yet come; their miserable fate shall be related in its proper place.
We were now, being the 18th, sailing along shore for the harbour of St. Julian. I found the tide to set here north and south, about a mile an hour. The time of flowing here on the full and change days is N. E. by E. and S. W. by W. nearest. We sent one of our boats with an officer in-shore, to sound and endeavour to discover the mouth of the harbour. At six in the evening we came to an anchor in 12 fathom water. At eight the Lieutenant returned, having found the harbour. We sent ashore our boats to make farther discoveries, and to endeavour some to get fresh water, and others to procure salt, (of which Sir J. Narborough observed, when he was here, that in February there was enough of it to load 1000 ships) for the use of the squadron in the South Seas. We continued here till the 27th, during which time we stove most of our empty casks, in order to clear our ships as much as possible, and got up and mounted such of our guns as we had before struck down into the hold in order to ease the ships; for now, not knowing how soon we might meet with the Spanish squadron, it was necessary to have them all in readiness. We could find no fresh water here, and but a very small quantity of salt, and no other refreshments whatever; all the country, as far as we could discover, being quite barren and desolate. We got some provisions out of the Anne victualler on board each of the other ships, repaired the Trial’s mast, and assisted her and the victualler to overhaul and new-fix most of their rigging. Having lost the hopes of a supply of water here, we were put to the allowance of one quart a man for one day, and three pints for another, alternately; but, considering our passage had hitherto proved extremely stormy and cold, and a dead time of the year coming on very fast, it was thought proper, in order to keep the people in as good heart as possible, to give them whole allowance of all other provisions, which was ordered accordingly.
Here we farther secured our lower-deck guns, by nailing quoins under the trucks, in case the tackles, breechings, or iron-work, might give way, or fail in the stormy weather which we had much reason to expect.
Here likewise the Commodore removed the Honourable Captain Murray into the Pearl, in the room of Captain Kidd; and Captain Cheap into the Wager in the room of Captain Murray. He advanced Mr. Charles Saunders, his First Lieutenant, to be Commander of the Trial sloop, in the room of Captain Cheap; and made Mr. Piercy Brett, First Lieutenant of the Gloucester, Second Lieutenant of his own ship. The Trial being repaired, and the Pearl, who had thrown about 14 ton of water overboard when chased by the Spaniards, being supplied from the other ships, we made ready to prosecute our voyage.
This harbour of Port St. Julian is a barred harbour, only fit to receive small ships and vessels. We lay off in the road about two miles from the mouth of it. It is not to be seen open from where we lay, one point shutting in another; and before any small ship or vessel pretends to venture into the harbour, they ought to send in their boats at low water, and fix poles or buoys on the ends of the shoals, which, in a manner, block up the passage. The country about it is pretty much on the level, except a few copling hillocks to the northward, and a pretty high one in the bay, which bears W. S. W. from the place where we lay at anchor. The latitude of Port St. Julian is 49 deg. 10 min. S. its longitude from London 69 deg. 48 min. W. and the variation of the compass 17 deg. 20 min. E. We had here uncertain boisterous weather, with much rain, some snow, and generally thick fog, with so much wind and sea as made us ride hard, and hastened our departure from this uneasy situation.
Sir John Narborough and some others write, that they have often seen and conversed with the inhabitants in this and other parts of Patagonia, and have given wonderful descriptions of them; but as we saw none of them, I have nothing to say of that sort, nor indeed do I think there is any thing in this wild part of the world worthy of the least notice.
The 27th, at six in the morning, we made the signal, weighed, and put to sea; but the Gloucester being long in weighing her anchor, and the weather proving thick and hazy, we soon lost sight of her, and at one in the afternoon, tacked, and lay by for her coming up; at seven we fired a gun, a signal for her, and soon after she joined us, having broke her main-yard in the slings.
Previous to our leaving this port, a council was held on board the Centurion, at which all the officers by sea and land attended, when it was proposed by the Commodore, that their first attempt, after their arrival in the South Seas, should be the attack of the town of Baldivia, the principal frontier of the district of Chili. To this proposition the council unanimously agreed; in consequence of which, new instructions were given to the Captains of the squadron, by which they were directed, in case of separation, to rendezvous at the island of Neustra Senoro del Secoro, and there cruise for 10 days; after which, they were ordered to repair to the height of Baldivia, and there between 40 deg. and 40 deg. 30 min. to continue to cruise 14 days longer; and, if in that time they were not joined by the rest of the squadron, they were then to quit that station, and direct their course to the island of Juan Fernandez.
March the 4th, in the morning, we passed by the Streights of Magellan, so near that we saw them very plain; the northernmost point of which, known by the name of Cape Virgin Mary, I found to be in the latitude of 52 deg. 28 min. S. longitude from London 70 deg. 55 min. W. variation of the compass 18 deg. 40 min. E. the soundings, when it bears about S. W. by W. at the distance of eight leagues, from 32 to 50 fathom, the bottom black-grey sand and mud. The afternoon of this day being very bright and clear, with small breezes, inclinable to calm, most of the Captains took the opportunity of this favourable weather to pay a visit to the Commodore; but, while they were in company together, they were all greatly alarmed by a sudden flame which burst out on board the Centurion, and which was succeeded by a cloud of smoak. However, they were soon relieved from their apprehensions, by receiving information, that the blast was occasioned by a spark of fire from the forge lighting on some gunpowder, and other combustibles, which the officers on board were preparing for use, in case we should fall in with the Spanish fleet; and that it had been extinguished without any danger to the ship.
The 6th, in the morning, we saw the land of Terra del Fuego, consisting of high craggy hills, towering above each other, mostly covered with snow, with deep horrid vallies, some few scattered trees, no plains, nor one chearful green through all the dismal prospect; so that the whole may not improperly be termed the Land of Desolation; and I much question whether a more dreary aspect is to be seen in any other part of the habitable earth; for voyagers say this is inhabited, but surely its inhabitants must be the most miserable of human beings. This evening we lay by, that we might not overshoot the Streights of Le Maire in the night; though I believe, had we kept on, and passed round Staten Land, a small island or two, which lie to the eastward of those Streights, and together with Terra del Fuego frame them, it would have been more to our advantage than by passing through them.
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An historical account of all the voyages round the world, performed by English navigators, vol. 2 of 4Chapter VIII: Part 8
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