Chapter XXX: Appendix (2)

Lenin’s strong convictions, combined with his extreme narrowness of mind, make him a terrible antagonist. His convictions are so strong that all reasoning is lost on him, and he has none of that foresight which leads to doubt. He has more than once shown that he is ready to sacrifice himself for his ideas, and that the very instinct of self-preservation is obliterated in him. This intensity of faith gives great power of suggestion to his words, and leads to his imposing himself in an astonishing manner on the Communist party. He has succeeded in arousing in their souls that formidable force known as Faith, the most tremendous of all forces at the disposal of humanity. Like all crowds, the Communist party bows to strength of will, energy, and conviction. In comparison with Lenin, Lloyd George is only a subtle rhetorician without moral earnestness or strong convictions.

Lenin is hypnotized by the philosophical ideas of Marx, and is employing his gigantic propaganda organization to spread them, exactly as Robespierre was hypnotized by the philosophical ideas of Rousseau, and employed the propaganda organization of the French Republic to make them known. He believes that he has the secret of earthly happiness, and people who believe very strongly that they are in possession of the secret of earthly or eternal happiness inevitably display intolerance and fanaticism, accompanied by a blind submission to a political or religious formula, an inability to discuss that formula, a tendency to regard as enemies all those who refuse to accept it, and an intense itch for propaganda.

Despite his warlike panoply and his constant desire to overawe, the ex-Kaiser represented a lesser danger to the world than does Lenin with his unassuming manner, his unfashionable exterior, and the real modesty with which he regards himself as merely the foam on top of a great seismic wave, with whose formation he had nothing to do. As a matter of fact, he is perhaps the most startling figure which has appeared in the world during this century, and there is more of peril to civilization in his hard laugh than there was in all the theatrical mouthings of the Kaiser, or in all the barbaric militarism of Peter and Catherine. Even now the cloaked and belted figure of Wilhelm is gradually becoming transformed before our eyes into that of a respectable country gentleman, whose end will probably be peaceful and even edifying. But the awful fascination exercised over men’s minds by the Red Tsar, by this terrible _homme qui rit_ of these apocalyptic times, increases daily, as he comes more and more within the dark shadow of the unknown, unavoidable cataclysm in which he will finally go down, dragging perhaps our civilization with him. Meanwhile, however, the world, having spent all its strength in overthrowing Prussianism, finds itself naked and unarmed in front of a far greater menace.

The following is a specimen of Lenin’s hard style of eloquence:

“I read in the English newspapers that all the victories of the Bolsheviks are due to their propaganda. This is very flattering, but, as a matter of fact, the people of Siberia and of South Russia have had a lengthy experience of both Red and White Propaganda, and they have apparently made up their minds that the Red Propaganda is true and the White Propaganda untrue. The Red Propaganda was not more skilful than the White Propaganda, backed up as the latter was by the unlimited paper and the inexhaustible technical resources of England, France, and America. The only advantage it had was that it was true. In the judgment of the people the actions of Kolchak and Denikin spoke louder than their propaganda, and gave that propaganda the lie. As Denikin advanced, the great landowners by whom he was surrounded took possession of their estates again, and chased away the peasants, despite all Denikin’s proclamations to the effect that he would let the peasants keep the land which they had taken.”

Another specimen:

“Formerly it was said, ‘Each for himself and God for us all,’ and how much suffering did not the application of this principle cause in the world! Our motto is: ‘Each for all, and without God we will nevertheless go forward.’ ... We used to send 700 million poods of bread out of this country every year, and this export trade enriched a small group of Russian and foreign millionaires, but left the Russian workmen and peasants starving. That system is bad on the face of it, and it will now be changed. In future the Russian workmen and peasants will first be fed, and if there is anything left over it will be exported abroad.”

As a final example of Lenin’s style I shall quote from the _Social-Democrat_ of November 11, 1914, his statement of the position he took up during the Great War:

“The duty of the Socialist during the armed Imperialistic conflict of the _bourgeoisie_ of all nations is to preach the Class War, and to do all that in him lies to convert this struggle of the nations into universal Civil Strife. Down with the sentimental, foolish, and stupid cry of ‘Peace at any price!’ Let us raise aloft the banners of civil war!”

It almost seems at times as if, in Lenin, Antichrist had at last appeared on earth. Christ’s greatest commandment was love; Lenin’s is hate. He teaches workmen to hate their employers, peasants to hate their landlords, Jews to hate Christians, soldiers and sailors to hate officers, laymen to hate priests, citizens to hate their magistrates, apprentices to hate their masters, shoppers to hate shopkeepers, the poor to hate those who are less poor, the ignorant to hate those who are less ignorant. And there is no denying the fact that, in the present period of universal bitterness and universal disillusion, of intense hatred among subject peoples for their masters, among beaten nations for their conquerors, and, even among conquerors for each other, he has hit upon a principle of action which may lead to the undermining and collapse of our whole civilization. The distrust and suspicion with which he is inoculating Europe, at a time when Christian charity and mutual confidence are absolutely necessary, may very well be the end of Europe; and, unfortunately, he is assisted very much by the fact that it is easier to make men hate than love, criticize than approve, distrust than confide; by the discovery of obvious defects in our economic system, and, worst of all, by a continual succession of mistakes and miscalculations on the part of the statesmen who are opposed to him.

THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT

Russia is ruled by a Committee rather than by a party, and a Committee has always been the most impersonal, and, in consequence, the most oppressive form of tyranny, owing to the fact that the leaders who direct it are freed from all responsibility, and are in a position to do just as they please, because they are supposed to speak and act in the name of a collectivity. The Committees of the French Revolution carried out proscriptions such as the most savage tyrant never ventured upon, and, owing to the ignorance of the lower classes in Russia and the apathy of the upper classes, the Bolshevik Committee has been able to perpetrate atrocities such as even Robespierre would have boggled at. The Bolshevik Government is irresponsible, impersonal, and perpetual; and no more oppressive despotism could be imagined.

To look at it from a somewhat different angle, its principal weakness is that it contains too many orators and writers, and too few technical and administrative experts, and that it has to deal with a disorganization worse even than the disorganization of Europe after the fall of the Roman Empire. The majority of the technical experts are not in sympathy with Bolshevism. Many of them are strongly opposed to it. Some are dull, old, routine, red-tape bureaucrats handed down from Tsarist days, and constituting a drag rather than an assistance, but it is impossible for the Reds to dispense with them at the present moment owing to their special knowledge and their extensive experience. Even if specialists arise from the midst of the Proletariat, as Lenin says they will, they also will be anti-Bolshevik. It is impossible for them to be otherwise. Lenin’s power really rests on the great mass of skilled and unskilled labour. The shock-battalions which overcame Denikin, Yudenich, and Kolchak were composed almost entirely of skilled workmen, but they are rapidly ceasing to be workmen and are becoming professional soldiers or office-holders.

It is surprising how many of the Russian revolutionaries employed by the Soviet are not Bolsheviks: in fact, it is difficult to find a thorough Bolshevik among them. They defend themselves, however, by saying that they had to support Lenin because he was the only man capable of overthrowing Kerensky, who was such a weak doctrinaire that, if he had not been upset by a Revolution from the Left, he would certainly have been unseated by a Counter-Revolution from the Right. They also maintain that the Russian Revolution could not possibly have been a direct movement from an abnormal state of things, such as existed under the Tsardom, to a normal condition with liberty for all. The previous abnormality rendered unavoidable the creation of a temporary abnormality in the opposite direction. The popular ignorance was so great, and the disorganization of life so profound, that people would simply not have worked at all had a dictatorship of the Proletariat not been established. The Social-Revolutionaries with their pathetic belief in the peasant as opposed to the workman, their weak philanthropy, and their endless talking and theorizing, joined to a total incapacity for action and a fixed delusion in favour of giving complete liberty to everybody, would have lost for Russia the fruits of the first Revolution. The Social-Revolutionaries were dreamers, who thought they could build an enduring structure on the ancient Socialism of the Russian peasant, on that Socialism which was shown in the _mir_. But the _mir_ no longer exists, nor the Socialism of the peasant either. They would have built on sand. Only the Bolsheviks, that is, the workmen themselves, could ever have made a tired, hungry, and disorganized Proletariat toil for ten hours a day.

My own strongest objection to Bolshevism is that its existence in Russia strengthens reaction in every other country, and continues the abnormal situation brought about in the domestic politics of those countries by the war.

MY BOLSHEVIK TRAVELLING COMPANIONS

On the occasion of my journey to Ekaterinburg with Soviet engineers, I found that, after the train started, my companions solemnly formed themselves into what they called a Soviet, but which I would call an ordinary mess, and formally invited me to join, which, of course, I did. Communistic ideas run in this way through all the life of the good Bolshevik, but the result is rather amusing than otherwise. I have often heard a Red say, out of habit, to a comrade, “This is mine”; and the reply, given in the voice of a fanatic stating a religious dogma, was always the same: “It is not yours. It is ours. There is no longer private property.” As a matter of fact, there _was_ private property; each Bolshevik had at least his own clothes, while many of them had much more property which was absolutely his own.

I found some of my companions on this journey wearing honest Bradford cloth, and eating with trusty Sheffield steel which, being smiths themselves and having had lamentable experience of Japanese knives, they thoroughly appreciated. Among the Russian workmen the manufactured products of Great Britain have done more, in my opinion, to sustain a belief in England’s greatness than all the victories of Nelson and all the glory of our Old Nobility. The Bolsheviks say that the workmen who make such excellent wares will one day rule England and be their brothers.

As I have just alluded to dress, I might here remark that, if Bolshevism continues much longer, there is a serious likelihood of the Russians reverting to the ancient Scythian costume of skins. I have seen very many peasants wearing trousers made out of ordinary sacking with the name of some guano firm on the seat.

We had, by the way, as a servant in our train a most respectable-looking individual with mutton-chop whiskers, whom at first, despite my constant practice to think evil of nobody, I was inclined to put down as having been an habitual lawyer. On being jokingly addressed once as “old _bourgeois_,” this respectable-looking personage fairly exploded with wrath. “Even in jest,” he spluttered, “you should not apply that term to any human being.”

But, on the other hand, as I afterwards discovered in Moscow, the term “Tavarisch” (Comrade) has become a term of contempt among the technical and political experts employed by the Reds. To them it means an unkempt, unshaven person enveloped in a dirty sheepskin coat and without the slightest knowledge or experience to fit him for the post into which he has been pitchforked.

THE RED LABOUR ARMY

All the news in the _Tocsin_, the organ of the Red Labour Army, was set out just as war news used to be set out in the English newspapers during the Great War. Under the general heading of “News from the Front,” there was a collection of dispatches from the different Labour “Fronts,” and one of the early issues of the _Tocsin_ bore, as a “screaming” headline, the words, “Our First Victory.” Beneath it was a triumphant account of the repair by the Red Labour Army of a bridge over the Kama at Perm, which the retreating Whites had blown up. The Red journalists go on the principle that “peace hath her victories, no less renowned than war,” and accordingly celebrate the battles of peace with headlines as large as those which announced in English newspapers the Battle of the Marne.

I might here add that in those newspapers they have even got a “Roll of Honour,” containing the names of workmen who died in mines, factories, and hospitals. For example, an account of a Red soldier who died while carrying out anti-typhus measures was headed: “The First Victim in the Great War. Soldier Dies while Fighting the Worst Enemy of the Republic.”

The Bolsheviks are trying to arouse as much enthusiasm among boys over industrial triumphs as the militarists used to arouse among boys over military triumphs. Pictures of charging cavalry are replaced in boys’ magazines by pictures of miners saving entombed comrades. Instead of soldiers charging trenches, happy workmen charge into their own factories, eager to resume work. Blazing camp-fires on the battlefield are replaced by the red glow of colossal blast-furnaces. A youth hammering at an agricultural instrument on an anvil replaces the youth in military dress who hammers in an opponent’s head with the butt-end of his rifle. There is a glorification in boys’ papers, not of piracy, but of farming; not of mechanism for destroying life, but of mechanism for preserving it and adding to its comfort.

WORKMEN IN FACTORIES

Trotsky has admitted that 30 per cent. of the skilled workmen in industrial areas have fled to the villages, where most of them opened little one-man repairing shops. Mr. Keeley, an American engineer, who was allowed to make very careful investigations, discovered the exact percentage to be 60. In one Moscow factory which he visited, Mr. Keeley found the names of 1,600 workmen inscribed in the books, but over 400 of these were permanently engaged on “political work” and never turned up at the factory, though they were paid by it. The work of the remainder was 60 per cent. below the pre-war work of the same number of men, but I am told that the same decrease of output is noticeable in Western factories.

THE MILITARY POSITION IN SIBERIA

The only foreign mercenaries I saw in the Red Army were (1) an International Battalion in process of formation at Ekaterinburg. It was composed of ex-prisoners of war—Magyars, Letts, and Germans—and the British soldiers were invited to join it, but did not do so; (2) a battalion of Chinese soldiers quartered in an extemporized barrack near the Municipal Theatre in Ekaterinburg. They were all coolies who had been brought into Russia by the Imperial Government to constitute a Labour Battalion during the Great War, and who, after the war, were prevented by the Allies from returning to China. They are armed, equipped, and drilled in the Russian fashion, and have fought on various fronts, but when I saw them they were not doing military work, being only employed in shovelling snow from the railway track. It would be unjust to say that they are especially ferocious, or that they are the mainstay of the Soviet Government.

At Novo-Nikolaevsk, on my return journey with the Reds, I found the German ex-Rittmeister, von Blücher, acting as commander of the 30th Division, which was stationed at Novo-Nikolaevsk, and as military commandant of the town. It was lucky for us that he was not in command of the force which captured us, for he is anti-English, and, being a Prussian, holds strict views about the treatment of war prisoners. He is a capable officer, however, and his relegation to the rear is probably due to Communist distrust of military talent even among themselves.

The 3rd Army is at Ekaterinburg, and is now the 1st Labour Army. All the houses on Lenin Street, the principal street, from the Café “Orange” to the house opposite the town theatre, are occupied by the barracks and offices of a semi-military, semi-police force, which is now to be met with in all the large towns of Russia, and which is known as “the Force for the Internal Defence of the Republic.” The soldiers of this battalion fall in every morning, punctually at 9 a.m., in the street outside their quarters. They are inspected, and, after inspection, they divide into half a dozen different groups, and march off in good order to different parts of the town. They are well armed with Russian rifles, have plenty of ammunition, and are well dressed. This battalion remains under arms, and is not to be incorporated in the Labour Army. All the other troops in town are comfortably housed in barracks, well fed, well equipped, and well armed. The same remark applies to the troops in Omsk and Novo-Nikolaevsk. There were no troops in Taiga when I went through, all of them having moved east. The G.H.Q. 5th Army was at Tomsk, but preparations were being made for its reception in Krasnoyarsk on January 28, the day I left that town. Those entrusted with making these preparations said that the whole 5th Army was coming to Krasnoyarsk, and that they would remain four days there and then move east. An artillery brigade, several squadrons of cavalry, and a detachment of military engineers were also expected in Krasnoyarsk. At Omsk and Novo-Nikolaevsk I saw four or five military trains conveying Red troops eastwards. The Reds are certainly sending large forces into Eastern Siberia, and they are just as certainly sending on in advance Commissars provided with false passports, who say that they will easily undermine and overthrow the S.R. republics in Eastern Siberia. I met one of those envoys at the house of a Bolshevik functionary in Krasnoyarsk. He was leaving for Vladivostock the same day.

Besides the “Force for the Internal Defence of the Republic,” each town has a large police force, but it is called a “National Militia.” These forces, taken together, should be strong enough to maintain internal order.

The map, which was shown me to illustrate Trotsky’s grandiose scheme for converting an army of soldiers into an army of labourers, gave the location of all the Red troops in the Urals. They stretch, roughly speaking, from Ekaterinburg to Chelyabinsk, and include a detachment of about 5,000 Red cavalry whose horses were being used, on February 1, to carry wood to the railway line and to cart away snow. The horsemen themselves were employed in similar work. Several military engineering units were stationed at Zlatoust and another industrial town in the Urals, and were helping to repair the railway and the factories, but Trotsky refused to let them be broken up, though only in that way could their technical experience be fully utilized. A Bolshevik official pointed out to me some soldiers belonging to a unit which had come from Orenburg, and drew my attention to the fact that they were being kept together so as to be prepared in case of any aggression from the direction of India or Persia.

In the Krasnoyarsk, Minusinsk, Irkutsk, and Trans-Baikal regions, the Reds are encouraging the formation of partisan bands, strictly subordinate to them. S. Mamantov, the leader of the Minusinsk partisans, says that he is at the head of 10,000 men, armed entirely with rifles taken from trains which he held up. Those rifles were, he thinks, being sent by the English, French, and Japanese, to Kolchak at Omsk. There is now a plentiful supply of arms and ammunition in Siberia, not only for the regular Red Army, but also for all the partisan bands which the Soviet Government may raise. On the other hand, these arms may be ultimately turned against the Reds, for Bolshevism has swallowed in Siberia more White troops than it can ever digest, and in some towns I could hardly tell whether I was amongst Bolshevik or anti-Bolshevik soldiers. Besides, the Red Army organization leaks very much. All the way from Omsk to Ekaterinburg Red stragglers tried to board trains, and were repulsed from them with far more brusqueness than was ever shown to the White stragglers boarding Kolchak’s trains. Their condition in the bitterly cold weather was pitiable. They had no food, were not allowed to sleep in the stations or in the towns, and proposed to travel on foot to destinations as distant as the Volga and beyond. On expressing my surprise once to a Commissar at the roughness with which he treated soldiers and workmen, I was told that only the representative of a Workers’ Government could act in that manner towards lazy members of the Proletariat. “In England,” quoth this Commissar, “your capitalist Government is afraid of the workmen, and consequently it is always flattering them, throwing them sops, and making them promises which it can never fulfil. By this means it is trying to postpone the evil day when the workers will seize everything, but here the workers _have_ seized everything, and we, as their representatives, have a perfect right to speak in a tone of authority to railwaymen, factory-hands, and soldiers, who are not doing their duty to the State.”

THE EDUCATION OF THE PROLETARIAT

In the chapter entitled “Trotsky in Ekaterinburg,” I speak of “butchers’ boys who had qualified for professorships.”

A typical paragraph of this kind, which was headed “A Peasant’s Son,” tells how Ivan Polukarov, the son of a Siberian peasant, entered the Red Academy of the General Staff two years ago when he was twenty-three, and became, at the end of that time, an able Staff officer. The papers are full of news about the opening of new schools for workmen by the Soviet Government and the Professional Unions. There are long descriptions of a school for artists opened recently at Nizhni-Novgorod—free courses in studio work, drawing, painting, and sculpture; school for agricultural experts opened at Tambov—220 students; handicraft schools in Spassky (Ryzansky Government) for bookbinders, coopers, and basket-makers. It is announced that all the Russian factories are working overtime, and that the workmen are giving the money thus earned to the Red Army, which also receives from the Government the articles thus manufactured. I know, however, that the number of Russian factories which are doing any work at all is very negligible. There is certainly a great intellectual ferment, but not much solid work is done owing, as the Reds themselves confessed to me, to the following reasons: (1) There are too many Government departments, and they only get in one another’s way; (2) the departmental machinery is excessively complicated; (3) the departmental chiefs waste their time in letting crowds of people see them, and have consequently no time to do any real work; (4) heads of departments draw up ambitious programmes which are “scrapped” on account of those heads being very frequently changed; (5) a great waste of energy in all directions and a great overlapping of work. Almost everything of technical or scientific value which the Bolsheviks have done is based on plans, specifications, and preparatory work which were carried out under the Old Régime. All the technical reports which I saw the Bolshevik chiefs working on had been compiled in the time of the Tsar.

My eye was once caught by the following headline in a Bolshevik newspaper: “Illiteracy Must No Longer Exist.” The article of which it was the caption told of how the Soviet of Krasnokokshaisky Uyezd, Kazunsky Government, had decided “to abolish illiteracy in the case of all persons of both sexes between the ages of seventeen and fifty.” As there were not enough teachers to carry out this laudable decree, literate peasants were made to teach the illiterates. This “revolt against illiteracy,” as the Bolsheviks call it, is common all over Russia, and it is considered such a disgrace for a soldier in the Red Army to be unable to read and write that comrades able to do so teach him.

A Commissar once described to me the career of Budyonin, the Red cavalry leader who was once an officer’s batman and is now one of the Soviet’s most successful Generals. “There is always,” he added, “at least as much talent in the masses as in an equal number of the classes; and, owing to their great numerical superiority, the whole bulk of the masses have far more talent latent in them than all the _bourgeoisie_ and aristocracy put together. We are basing our whole system of government on that principle, and the facts of life are on our side. Take England. A son of the governing classes there gets an expensive education at Oxford, and may, when he leaves Oxford, enter public life and rise easily, if he has even moderate talent, to the top of the tree. A poor man, though he may have far greater talent, has nothing like the same chance. Ill-educated and handicapped, he struggles till he is forty at making himself financially independent; and at forty his spirit is broken and he cannot do much. There are exceptions, of course, but only a fool will say that in England the son of a poor man has, as a rule, an equal chance with a scion of your ‘great governing families.’ Every revolution proves that what you call ‘the lower classes’ is an inexhaustible reservoir of talent, and that the oligarchs are generally dull, pompous, and selfish old men whose master passion in life is to keep the monopoly of power as much as possible in their own families. The present decay of governmental authority in capitalist countries is partly due to the fact that, under the extreme stress of the war, the various imperialistic Governments were compelled to let outsiders have access to their political and military secrets, and to see the various Grand Lamas hidden away in the recesses of their Courts, Cabinets, and War Offices, with the result that a large number of honest men are disgusted by the fools they met with in high places and by the idiocy of the policies which those fools pursued. The High Priests of the Temple of Capitalism are now trying to replace the veil that hid the faces of those oracles from the profane gaze of the vulgar, but it is too late. The spell is broken; the sordid secrets are revealed; and the end of it all will most certainly be—Bolshevism.

“Compare the disgusting flabbiness of the Romanovs and of the ‘gentry,’ officer, and _bourgeois_ classes in this country with the alertness and resolution of the Russian workmen.

“You English think that a cavalry leader like Haig can only arise in an aristocratic family. The Russian Imperialists thought so too, and therefore they selected Mamontov to lead Denikin’s cavalry. We opposed to him Budyonin, an officer’s batman, who soon swept Mamontov off the face of the earth. You say that Budyonin is no longer one of the people, that he must necessarily develop like Murat, Hector MacDonald, Sir William Robertson, and other talented plebeians, and join a higher class. But he will do nothing of the kind, for he is a strong Bolshevik, and will always be one of the Proletariat. This is the difference between our revolution and all the revolutions that have gone before. Our statesmen and soldiers will always remain with the people, not only because of their own strong Communist principles, but also because, once they ceased to belong to the people, they would be destroyed either by the people or by the old gang, which having, like all _emigrés_, learnt nothing and forgotten nothing, would come back wanting their old places.”

The utterer of the above tirade was M. Dovgolevsky, a Socialist who has passed most of his life in Western Europe, and who is now trying to reorganize the Russian railways. The weak point in his argument is this: The ruling class in the West may be as weak and foolish as he makes them out to be, but the same number of workmen would prove to be infinitely more corrupt. They have already proved so in Russia. A ruling class must be raised above temptation of corruption by some kind of pride—pride of caste, pride of birth, or pride of intellect; but rule by a Proletariat or by those “Money-bags of Mammon,” whom Carlyle so roundly denounced, and to which, unfortunately, we are all tending, is bound to be a corrupt and despicable kind of rule. Both the English and the German bureaucrat were comparatively honest, because they had one or other of the above kinds of pride, though in many cases they were worse off financially than if they had been in business. For the same reason the British officer at the head of a patrol generally showed more self-sacrifice than a non-commissioned officer would have done. Our British Army probably contains some of the stupidest officers and the smartest N.C.O.’s in the world, yet if the former were all displaced suddenly by the latter, as in Russia, who that knows the army can doubt that the private would suffer by the change?

INDEX

Achinsk, 4

Advertising, science of, 97

Afghanistan, Amir of, envoys from Lenin, 223

Agafonov, Gregory, 137

Alapaievsk, 83

Alexandra, Tsarina of Russia:
murdered, 132-138, 172;
cremated, 154-166;
mode of concealing her jewels, 158, 167;
life at Tobolsk, 183;
attends Mass, 184;
birth of a son, 328;
appearance, 329;
passion for jewelry, 329

Alexis, Tsarevich of Russia:
at Ekaterinburg, 127;
murdered, 132-138, 172;
cremated, 154-166;
lameness, 173;
education, 178, 180

Alexis, Tsarevich of Russia, prophecy of, 136

Alferov, Michael, 155

Anarchists, doctrine, 202

Anastasia, Grand Duchess:
murdered, 132-138, 172;
cremated, 154-166

Anthony, Bishop, 264

Balabanova, 205

Barrakatula, Professor, at Moscow, 222

_Bednota_, the, 293

Birkmanns, John, 203, 205

Bleezdale, Mr., 275

Blücher, General von, in command at Novo-Nikolaevsk, 84, 335

Bogdanov, 326

Bogotol, 21

Boivoud, Victor, 140

Bokhara, revolution, 223

Bolotnaya, 12

Bolsheviks, the, policy, xi, 42-46, 77, 106, 113, 292;
atrocities, 37;
characteristics, 47, 49, 54, 62, 244;
use of the colour red, 64;
elections, 119;
wish to evangelize English workmen, 203;
International propaganda, 204, 206;
revolutionary views, 210-219, 286;
literature, 212-215;
theatres, 217;
“atmosphere,” 232;
news agency, 252-261;
creed, 289;
seductive appeal of their theory, 294;
emblems, 294;
position, 298;
number, 306;
journalism, 313;
list of instructions, 316;
modernism, 318-320;
system of education, 319

Bolshevism, vii, ix, 24, 339;
system of government, 53, 332;
Socialist journalists, 90;
resemblance to Puritanism, 108;
the Red Star of, 112;
war-cry, 114;
result of, 320, 333

“Boris Gudenov,” 194

Botkin, Dr., 127, 132, 181;
murdered, 136;
cremated, 154-166

British, the, characteristic of frankness, 280

British Army, 324, 340

British Military Mission:
at Omsk, 1;
flight from, 1-22;
captured at Krasnoyarsk, 22

British Railway Mission at Omsk, 1

British Red Cross supplies, 68

Buchan, John, 199

Budyonin, career, 338, 339

Bugatch, 21

Burke, Edmund, on the French Terrorists, 248, 326

“Butter General,” 6

Butter, price of, 123

“Byloe,” 30

Carlyle, Thomas, 286, 340

Carroll, Lewis, “Jabberwock,” 104

Cheliabinsk, 201, 336

Chesterton, G. K., 90, 91, 199

Chicherin, 63;
assistants, 199;
inspects telegrams by radio, 247;
mode of living, 247;
characteristics, 248;
office, 249;
nationality, 268

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston, 98

Clarke, Colonel, 95

Clynes, J. R., 151

Communism:
principles, 24, 53, 88, 274;
patriarchal, 62;
result of the system, 120-123, 317;
modernism, 318-320

Communist Youth, League of, 117, 152

Communists, craving for propaganda, 204;
number, 299

Constantinople, 222

Corpses, treatment of, 15, 33, 35

Cromwell, Oliver, 108

Czechs, the:
conquest of Siberia, xi;
advance on Ekaterinburg, 168;
messenger service, 201

_Daily Herald_, the, 78, 91, 296

D——, Mr. Justice, 44

Demedova, 127, 132;
murdered, 137;
cremated, 154-166

Denikin, General, defeat, x, 88

Derevenko:
murdered, 158, 177;
charges against, 181

Derzhinsky, M., head of the extraordinary commission, 48, 268

Dickinson, Mr., 90

Dolgoruki, Prince, 183;
murdered, 171

_Dongola_, the, 310

Dostoievsky, extract from, 290

Dovgolevsky:
electrical engineer, 76;
study of social questions, 77;
on the Russian workmen, 339

Doyle, Sir Arthur Conan, 199

Dryagina, Vassa, 168

Dutov, General, 326

Ekaterinburg, 74, 88, 92, 108;
measures against typhus, 95-97;
Propaganda Hall, 109-113, 312;
names of streets, 115;
number of Government offices, 115;
of professional unions, 116;
museum, 118;
meeting of the Provincial Soviet, 119;
libraries, 120;
eating-houses, 120;
working of the Communist theory, 120-123;
Government Provisioning Department, 122;
Ippatievsky Dom, 124-129;
number of newspapers, 257;
conditions in, 323

Eliot, Sir Charles, 85

Engineers, insufficient pay and position, 81

_En Route_, the, 93, 100

Ermakov, Peter, 165

Esthonia, peace with, 292

Extraordinary Commission, institution, 300

Falk, electrical engineer, 269

Feinberg, Commissar, 296

Feinberger, Press censor, 242, 246

Finland, 298;
International propaganda, 293

Florinsky, Mr., 216

Francis, Mr., American Ambassador, 241

Freemasonry, in Russia, 268

French Canadians, 302

French Press:
corruption, 259;
Revolution, result of the, 295

Gendrikova, Countess, murdered, 171

George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd, 102;
saying of, 300;
policy in Ireland, 302

German envoys, in Russia, 226, 231;
prisoners of war, in Moscow, 230

Gialliard, Peter, 157, 180

Gibbs, Mr., tutor to the Tsarevich, 176

Goldmann, Emma, 203, 205

Goldstein, Colonel, 285

Gold train, 6, 311

Goloshokin:
Commissar at Ekaterinburg, 129, 131, 144;
announces the murder of the Tsar, 130;
at the burial of the Imperial Family, 140, 154, 159-166;
death, 148

Gorbunov, 139, 164

Graves, General, 85

Great Britain, result of a Soviet Government, 197

Gulyaev, the Commissar, 169

Hahn, Lieutenant, 326

Hand-shaking, fine on, 62, 92

Horrocks, Captain, 46, 49, 57, 69

Horses:
number of ownerless, 65-67;
death, 66

Husie, Mr., 221

India, British rule in, 222

Internationalism or anti-nationalism, 288, 291, 292

Ippatiev, Mr., 124

Ippatievsky Dom, 124-129, 161;
plan of, 129

Ireland, condition of, 112

Irkutsk, 71

Irtysh River, 1

Isetsky factory, 159;
plan of, 161;
mine, 154, 155, 160

Ivan, the train conductor, 24

Ivanov, Feodor, 169

Ivanov:
at Ekaterinburg, 117;
revolutionary views, 118;
presides at a meeting of the Provincial Soviet, 119

Ivantsev, Colonel, 19

Izhevsky Division, number of deaths from typhus, 32, 321

_Izvestia_, the, 328

_Izvoshchik_, or driver, 14, 48, 195

James I., King, 302

James, Private, 13

Janin, General, 85

Japan, 298

Jews, number of, in the Soviet Government, 267

Johnston, Colonel, 84

Journalists, foreign, in Russia, 233-240, 243

Kalmykov, 36

Kapp, abortive revolution in Berlin, 251

Karlin, Dr., 205

Keeley, Mr., 228, 335

Kendrikova, 180

Kensit, John, 112

_Kent_, the, 310

Kerzhentsev, Comrade:
“The Irish Revolution,” 111;
director of the _Rosta_, 256, 258

Kew Gardens, carnivorous plant, 320

Klementovich, Colonel, 76

Knox, General Sir Alfred, 85;
leaves Omsk, 1;
military attaché at Tannenberg, 8

Kobylinsky, Colonel, 181

Kochenovo, Red Cross train, burnt, 311

Kolchak, Admiral:
defeat of his army, viii, 8, 88, 124;
gold reserve train, 6, 311;
retreat, 15, 17, 67;
War Office at Omsk, 85;
cartoon, 110

Kopchiki Forest, 153, 160;
village, 161

Korea, independence of, 220

Korff, 22

Kostusov, Alexander:
at the cremation of the Imperial Family, 140, 154, 159-166;
discovery of relics, 163

Krasnoyarsk, 8, 22, 41;
system of registration, 52, 56, 60;
Concentration Camp, 58;
cases of typhus, 58, 320;
Red fête, 64;
number of ownerless horses, 65-67;
of English uniforms, 67

Krassin Mission, 80

Kremlin, 252

Krivtsov, Alexander, 165

Kropotkin, Prince, ix

Kukhtenkov, Prokofy, 164, 165

Labashev, Leonidas, 138, 164

Labour Army:
scheme, 74, 83, 88, 92, 105, 334, 336;
failure, 106

Landau-Aldanov, “Lenin und der Bolshewismus,” 290

Lenin, M., 48, 90, 108;
pictures of, 113, 114;
interview with Yurovsky, 143;
appearance, 143, 224;
Bolshevik envoys, 222;
speech at the Ninth Communist Convention, 224;
day’s work, 225;
character of his censorship, 245;
belief in his dogma of internationalism, 288, 291;
characteristics, 289, 290, 329, 330;
failure of his policy, 303;
fanaticism, 330;
style of eloquence, 330;
gospel of hate, 331

Lenov, Peter Alexeivich, 139, 164

Lermontov: “Borodino,” 303;
“Demon,” 178

Leroy-Beaulieu, P., on the Jewish mind, 102

Letemin, Kouzma Ivanovich, 167, 171

Letemin, Michael Ivanovich, 167

Litvinov, interest in foreign journalists, 240

Litvinov-O’Grady, agreement, 307

Lockhart, Mr., Consul-General in Moscow, 103

London, increase of the postal rate, 198

Lovatnykh, Basil, 165;
at the cremation of the Imperial Family, 140, 154, 159-166;
discovery of relics, 163

Lukhanov, 138, 164

Lunacharsky, Commissar of Fine Arts, 90, 218, 293

Lvov, Mr., 200

Lvov, Prince, 200

Macdonald, Ramsay, 151

Macready, General Sir Nevill, 71

Makarov:
effect of Bolshevik oratory, 25;
at Krasnoyarsk, 325

Mamantov, S., 337, 339

Mamontov-Sibiriak, 115

Mamyshkin, Sergius Pavlov, 165

_Manchester Guardian_, the, 91

Mansur, Dr., agent of the Soviet, 222

Maria, Grand Duchess:
murdered, 132-138, 172;
cremated, 154-166

Martel, Captain, 52, 54, 64

Marx, Karl:
warning, 91;
appeal to workers, 109;
busts of, 112, 115

McCullagh, Captain Francis:
member of the British Military Mission, at Omsk, 1;
flight from, 2-22, 325;
travelling in a sleigh, 12-15, 18-20;
at Taiga, 20;
captured at Krasnoyarsk, 22, 41, 287, 325;
leaves the train, 47;
quarters at Krasnoyarsk, 50;
impecuniosity, 51, 56;
ordered to register, 52;
on the danger of Bolshevism, 53;
registered, 58, 60;
negotiations with a Commissar, 59;
gives lessons, 61;
poses as a civilian, 69;
access to Commissar circles, 70-74;
war correspondent, 71;
telegrams to Moscow, 73;
journey to Ekaterinburg, 74-88, 108, 324, 333;
destruction of identity clues, 82, 270;
at Novo-Nikolaevsk, 84;
Omsk, 84-87;
at a meeting of the Provincial Soviet, 119;
interview with Yurovsky, 146-152;
journey to Moscow, 186-191, 317;
life in Moscow, 206;
attack of “trench foot,” 206;
guest of the Soviet Government, 220;
enters the Kremlin, 252;
interview with Tikhon the Patriarch, 262;
arrested by the Vecheka, 269-272;
searched, 270, 275;
cell, 276;
life in prison, 276-285;
food, 282;
examined, 283;
released, 285;
leaves Russia, 307;
on board the _Dongola_, 310

Mercier, Cardinal, 262

Merezhkovsky, saying of, 36

Metvietev, Paul, 125, 131;
murders the Tsar, 134;
flight, 166;
destroys traces of the crime at Ippatievsky House, 167;
journey to Moscow, 186, 191

Michael, Grand Duke, murdered, 171

Mikhailov, war correspondent of the _Pravda_, 15, 203

_Miropomazanie_, the, 184

Mogilevsky, 268, 283

_Morning Post_, the, 78

Moscow, 187, 191;
condition, 192-196, 198, 317;
food, 193, 207;
result of Soviet Government, 196, 207;
iron tyranny, 198;
anarchists, 202;
the Polish churches, 208;
disappearance of newspapers, 215;
destruction of official documents, 216;
plays, 217;
Third International, 220, 297;
capitalists, 226-229;
diplomatists, 229;
German prisoners, 230;
the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, 241, 249, 296;
the Kremlin, 252;
Food Control at, 304

Moscow-Kursk railway strike, 288

Mrachkovsky, Commissar, present at the murder of the Tsar, 131

Mulkner or Kamerinsk, 230

Murray, Sergeant, 19

_Muzhik_, the, 122, 195, 303, 314

_Nation_, the, 90

Nekrasov, the democratic poet, 176;
“Moroz Krasny Nos,” 178;
“Russian Women,” 178

_New Statesman_, the, 90

_New York World_, the, 72

Newspapers, disappearance of, 215

Nicholas II., Tsar of Russia:
account of his murder, 124-138, 172;
fondness for children, 127;
appearance, 132, 173;
removal of his body, 138-140;
cremated, 154-166;
rumours of his being sent to Perm, 169;
treatment by the Reds, 173;
attends Mass, 174;
courtly manners, 175;
life at Tobolsk, 183;
publication of his public speeches, 217

Nikolsk, seized by the Japanese, 251

Ninth Communist Convention, 224, 253

Nizhniudinsk, 311

North, Rev. Frank, xii, 206

North, Mrs., attacked by the Russian Press, 314

Northcliffe, Lord, 90, 91, 256

Novo-Nikolaevsk, 4, 84, 335;
captured by the Reds, 12;
number of deaths from typhus, 31, 32

Okhotsk, Sea of, 179

Olga, Grand Duchess:
murdered, 132-138, 172;
cremated, 154-166

Omsk, British Military Mission at, 1;
captured by the Reds, 2;
money, worthless, 11, 48, 51;
bridge blown up, 83;
cases of typhus, 84, 320;
retreat from, 325

Orenburg, 336

_Osaka Asahi_, the, 220

_Osaka Mainichi_, the, 221

Oyash, 12

Pak-oi, head of the Korean Committee at Moscow, 220

Pankratov, V. S.:
jailer of the Tsar, 175;
characteristics, 176;
statement on the Imperial Family, 176-184

Pan-Mohammedan Congress, 222, 297

Parasites, the, 286, 297

Partin, Nicholas:
at the burial of the Imperial Family, 140, 154, 159-166;
discovery of relics, 163

Pascal, Captain, 290

Peasants, the, 314-316

People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, 241, 249, 296

Pepelaiev, General, 12

Perm, 67;
bridge replaced, 83, 90;
number of newspapers, 257

Petrograd, “The Union of Five Oppressed,” 202

Petrov, 180

Plekhanov, Mr., arrested, 198

Pobydonostsev, Procurator of the Most Holy Synod, 289

Polar Sea, 5, 29, 179

Poles, the, 7, 21

Polish churches:
in Moscow, 208;
clergy, 266

Polukarov, John, 337

Pometkovsky, Captain, 154;
discovery of the murder of the Tsar, 155-157

_Pravda_, the, 15, 145, 203, 314

Press, development of the, 91;
censorship, 242

Preston, Mr., 129

Proletariat, the, 49, 50, 286, 297, 337

Propaganda Hall, 109-113;
charts and cartoons, 110

Propaganda, system of, vii, 97

Puritanism, 24;
resemblance to Bolshevism, 108

Radek, 90;
“The Bolshevik Party,” 291;
on the effect of foreign trade on Bolshevism, 328

Railways, destruction, 83, 188, 327

Rasputin, pictures of, 134

Razin, Stenka, 115

Red Army, 288, 335;
cartoons on, 111;
supply of arms, 337

_Red Flag, The_, 64

Red Labour Army, 334;
_see_ Labour

_Red Road, The_, 64

“Red Star of Bolshevism,” 303

_Red Tocsin, The_, 64, 89, 334

_Red Workman, The_, 64

Reds, the, ix;
at Irtysh River, 1;
capture Omsk, 2;
Novo-Nikolaevsk, 12;
revolutionary enthusiasm, 23;
atrocities, 27;
English uniforms, 67;
massacre of White officers, 70;
treatment of the Imperial Family, 173;
propaganda, 210-219;
on the freedom of Russia, 308;
joined by the Whites, 325

Reformation, result of the, 295

Revel, 233

_Review of Reviews_, the, 92

Rodzianko, Count, 177

Roman Catholic Church, in Russia, 265-267

Rooney, Sergeant, 61

Ropp, Bishop, imprisoned, 265

Rosenberg, Press censor, 242, 246

_Rosta_, the, 252-257, 260

Russia:
history, 29-31;
debauchery, 36;
peasant refugees, 37;
dislocation of families, 38, 200;
notices on station walls, 38, 312;
fate of girls, 39;
change in customs, 61;
patriarchal Communism, 62;
prejudice against manual labour, 63, 94;
_subbotnik_ movement, 151;
result of the Soviet Government, 190, 196, 207;
German envoys, 226, 231;
capitalists, 229, 304;
foreign journalists, 233-240, 243;
Foreign Office, 235, 237;
system of Press censorship, 242-245;
use of wireless, 258, 260;
separation of Church and State, 263;
position of the clergy, 264;
Roman Catholic Church, 265-267;
system of education, 267, 338;
characteristics of the people, 287, 303, 313;
number of Communists, 299;
Extraordinary Commission, 300;
corruption, 304;
population, 306;
military reaction, 307;
peasants, 314-316;
epidemic of typhus, 320-323;
trade with capitalist countries, 327

Russia, Grand Duchesses of:
imprisoned in Ippatievsky Dom, 127;
murdered, 131-138, 172;
cremated, 154-166

“Russian Friends of American Freedom” Association, 203, 223

“Russian Socialist Telegraph Agency,” or the _Rosta_, 252-257, 260

Sadul, Captain, 103, 222

Sakharov, General, 4, 23, 326

Samoilov, Alexander, 170

Schmidt, Herr, 228

Schneider, Countess, 180

Semashko, Dr., Commissar of Public Health, 31

Semenov, concubine, 36

Serbia, raid on German trenches, viii

Serezhnikov, Mr., 230

Sergiev, war correspondent of the _Pravda_, 145, 203

Shaw, George Bernard, 90, 91

Sheremetievsky, Andrew, 154, 155

Shitinkin, 21

Siberia, 29;
conquered by the Czechs, xi;
treatment of the peasants, 17;
refugees, 28;
epidemic of typhus, 31, 320-323;
military revival meetings, 257;
military position in, 335

Sirovi, General, 85

Sleighs, travelling by, 12-15, 18-20

Smith, Private, 325

_Social-Democrat_, extract from, 331

Soviet Government, ix, 299, 332;
system of advertisement, 97;
result in Russia, 190, 196, 207;
number of Jews, 267;
marriage-law, 309

_Sovietsky Sibir_, the, 85

Spain, 296

Spassky, 338

Staroduma, 168

Stead, W. T., 90

Streokin, on the murder of the Tsar, 134, 172

Struve, Professor, 319

_Subbotnik_ movement, 151

Supranovitch, 76

Sverdlov, Commissar, Vice-Minister of Ways and Communications, 72,
76, 327;
death, 107

Taiga, 20, 84;
number of cases of typhus, 34, 320

Tambov, 338

Tashkent, 223

Tatarskaya, 311

Tatiana, Grand Duchess:
murdered, 132-138, 172;
cremated, 154-166;
compositions, 180

Tatishchev, Count, 183;
murdered, 171

Tattelberg, Madame, 182

Third International Organization, 297

Thomas, Mr., at British Consulate in Ekaterinburg, 128, 319

Tikhon, the Patriarch:
interview with Captain F. McCullagh, 262;
characteristics, 262;
encyclical, 263;
position, 264

Timereva, Madame, 36

Tomsk, 23;
Red G.H.Q. in, 85

“Train-jumping,” 9

Trans-Baïkalia, 221

Trotsky:
fine on hand-shaking, 62, 92;
at Ekaterinburg, 63, 92;
scheme of a Labour Army, 74, 83, 88, 92, 105, 336;
style of journalism, 90;
appearance, 92;
capacity for work, 93;
transport reorganization, 93;
exercise, 94;
measures against typhus, 95-97;
speech on “The Fight Against Economic Ruin,” 98;
treatment of the working classes, 99;
train, 99;
police protection, 100, 194;
adaptability, 101;
characteristics, 102, 106;
style of oratory, 103-105;
position, 107;
pictures of, 113, 115, 117;
in the Kremlin, 252;
nervous strain, 300;
autocracy, 320

Trotsky, Mrs., 94

Turks, fanaticism, 55

Tsarskoe Selo, 134

Typhus:
epidemic of, 6, 16, 320-323;
train burnt, 6, 311;
number of deaths from, 31-35, 84;
treatment of patients, 33;
measures against, 95-97

“Typhus General,” 6

Ufa, 32

Ulster, 302

Uniat Church, 266, 267

Ural factories, 98

Varakovshev, Alexander, 170

Vecheka, the, 272;
police officials, 274;
Governor, 275, 282

Voitsekhovsky, General, 31

Vologda, Province, 264

Vyrobova, Madame, 165 _note_

Walters, Sergeant-Major, 18, 26

Webb, Sydney, 90

Wells, H. G., 90, 91

Whites, the, 323-327;
advance on Krasnoyarsk, 26;
atrocities, 71;
massacre of, 149;
join the Reds, 325

William II., ex-Kaiser, 330

Wireless service in Russia, 258, 260

Witte, Count, 306

Workmen in Factories, 335

Xenofontov, 283, 284

Yakimov, Anatoly, 134, 137;
on the murder of the Tsar, 172

Yaroslav, 187

Yates, Mr., 48

Yenisei, the, 59

Yudenich, advance on Petrograd, 104

Yurovskaya, Miss, 99, 152

Yurovsky:
murders the Tsar, 108, 125, 130-138, 329;
wounded, 137, 139, 151;
at the burial of the Imperial Family, 140, 154, 159-166;
fear of vengeance, 141;
appointed Inspector of Life Insurance, 142, 150;
interview with Lenin, 143;
flight to Petrograd, 143;
return to Ekaterinburg, 144;
house, 145;
interview with Captain F. McCullagh, 146-152;
appearance, 147;
death of his mother, 148;
President of the Extraordinary Commission, 149;
Bolshevik theories, 151;
son and daughter, 152;
picks up relics, 162

Zinoviev, 90, 327

Zlatoust, 336

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